


■^ 



c^.^ 



^^ 



'<f^ ^ 



■^ 



M 



S' ^, 



'->, 






"^^ 






" * -^ 



% fcs £>' -a. 






'-^ 



.^^^ 



L^' 



V 



Po. 



Cl. 



'^^.^o:%^- 






t.-. v^ 



i^^ 



■•> S ° ^ N 



S' ^, 



'•>- 



\Hb&' 






.^^ 






•>'^.^\ 



. #/■ 



•"^.nX 






> 



v<p„ 



^^ •% 






•>^, 



'«*"-%, 



x^N^ c ^^ ^ '- « '^b. 



.•0' 




.;% 



^ '-•■-- XV w^ 






.■.■^^ 



^ ^ ->. A 






L> 






..N 




tu 


g' 


^ 


a 






Ui 


iS 


,"r: 


^ 






u 


o 


■7-, 


►-3 


< 





',^ 



LIFE 



OF 



JONATHAN TRUMBULL, SEN., 

GOVERNOR OF CONNECTICUT. 



BY 

I. W. STUART. 



"A LONG AND WELL-SPENT LIFE IN THE SERVICE OF HIS COUNTRY PLACES GOV- 
ERNOR Trumbull amono the first of patriots." — Washington. 



BOSTON: 
CROCKER AND BREWSTER. 

1859. 






Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1849, 

BY CROCKER AND BREWSTER, 
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Massachusetts. 



R. H. H0BB3, aTEREOTYPER, HARTFORD, CONN. 



TO 



HONORABLE JOSEPH TRUMBULL, 



A GRANDSON 



SUBJECT OF THIS MEMOIR, 



€^t Wnk, 



WITH SENTIMENTS OF HIGH ESTEEM, 



BY THE AUTHOR 



CORDIALLY DEDICATED. 



PREFACE. 



The Life of Governor Trumbull, Senior — a man pro- 
foundly and most honorably interwoven with the American 
Revolution, and, as pronounced by Washington himself, 
among "iAe first of patriots ^^ — has never, until now, been at- 
tempted. To relieve the silence of biography respecting him, 
and present his name and fame to the Public, in their true 
light, is the object of the writer of this Work. 

Of the manner in which the task has been accomplished, 
the Reader, of course, will judge. Suffice it to say here, that 
for its due execution the writer has explored every pertinent 
and authentic record within his reach, and believes himself 
to have had access to all the most important. Among these — 
besides numerous works of General History, biographies of 
noted personages, and old newspapers, magazines, and pam- 
phlets — which it is not necessary here to specify — he has con- 
sulted carefully a large and instructive mass of documents, 
from the Trumbull family, in the Connecticut Historical So- 
ciety — another voluminous collection, from the same source, 
in the Massachusetts Historical Society — the Johnson, Deane, 
Wolcott, and Wadsworth Manuscripts in the archives of the 
former Institution — many Letters in the possession of Hon. 
Joseph Trumbull, of Hartford, Connecticut — ^Letters also in 
the State Paper Office at Washington — and much other 
Trumbull correspondence which has been derived from vari- 
ous private hands. In addition to this, he has scrutinized the 
Journals of the Continental Congress, and numerous records 



iv PREFACE. 

in the State Capital at Hartford — especially those of the 
General Assembly of Connecticut, and of its Council of 
Safety, during the War of the Eevolution. Memorials also 
from Governor Trumbull's native town of Lebanon, and 
reliable memories from his kindred, and from others well 
acquainted with his character and conduct, have been gath- 
ered for the purposes of this Work. Authentication of state- 
ments, when deemed necessary, will be found, generally, cur- 
rent with the text. Keaders are assured, that the author has 
labored sincerely, in all that he has written, to be accurate, 
impartial, and just. ■ 

To Honorable Joseph Trumbull, of Hartford, he feels 
especially indebted for the unfailing encouragement which 
this gentleman has bestowed upon a task, which has proved, 
at times, complicated and difficult. Those only who under- 
take a similar labor, can fully appreciate the embarrassments 
which it ofteVi occasion^ to a writer's pen — ^but the highly 
respected friend to whom I allude, has ever thrown over it 
the sunshine of his sympathy and hope. 

That the work now given to the Public may prove accept- 
able to him, to the citizens of Connecticut, and to my fellow- 
countrymen at large — and may justly develop for a nation's 
veneration one of the most distinguished of its patriotic 

sons — is the fervent wish of 

I. W. Stuart. 

Hartford, April ISth, 1859. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

1710-1740. 
Tbumbull's birth and ancestry. Of his fether. Of his talents and early edu- 
cation. He prepares for College, and enters Harvard University. His course 
in College. Of his classmates — particularly Church and Hutchinson. He 
graduates, and prepares for the ministry. This purpose is changed by the 
death of a brother, and he embarks in mercantile pursuits. He still contin- 
ues his studies — what these were, and their efifect upon his mind. He is soon, 
and repeatedly, elected a Representative in the General Assembly from his 
native town. He is made Speaker. He is elected to the post of Assistant. 
His marriage, and his first child Page 25 

CHAPTER II. 
1740-1750. 
Teumbtjll's public offices and services. War between Spain, France, and Eng- 
land. Connecticut takes an active part in it. Trumbull is deeply interested. 
As a military officer, he is busy in furnishing troops and supplies. He is 
charged by Connecticut with highly important and honorable trusts in con- 
nection with the war. Is a principal counsellor upon military enterprises, 
and upon ways and means. He renders valuable service, and is in liigh 
repute, but does not himself take the field. Three children are added to his 
family Page 35 

CHAPTER III. 
1750-1763. 
Trumbull's public offices and services. Case of the Spanish Snow St. Joseph and 
St. Helena, and his particular connection with it. He beneficially settles the 
controversy it involved. The second French and English "War. The contri- 
butions of Connecticut towards it. Trumbull's agency in its prosecution. He 
again raises men and supplies, and with Commissioners from other Colonies, 
and British commanders-in-chie^ decides upon its enterprises. Instances of 
consultation for this purpose. He is twice appointed Colonial Agent for Con- 
necticut to the Court of Great Britain, but declines. His letters of declination. 
Comment. The war closes. Trumbull's gratification. The fraits of the war. 

General joy Page 43 

1* 



VI CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER IV. 
1750-1763. 
Trumbull in the sphere of his own home and town. Two sons, David and 
John, are added to his family. His care for the education of his children. 
He is active in founding an Academy in Lebanon. His own views of instruc- 
tion, studies, and scholarship. He receives honorary degrees from Yale 
College, and from the University of Edinborough, in Scotland Page 58 

CHAPTER V. 
1731-1764. 
Trumbull as merchant. His partnership connections. His dealings both at 
home and abroad — with New York, Boston, Nantucket, Halifax, the "West 
Indies, and England. The articles in which he traded. Interesting anecdote 
in this connection of himself^ his son John, and Zachary, a Mohegan Indian 
whom he employed as a hunter. He imports largely, in vessels owned either 
in part or whole by himself. His trade enhanced by contracts for the supply 
of troops during the French wars. His experience in these contracts. He 
establishes semi-annual fairs and markets in Lebanon. His success in these. 
His business habits — integrity, energy, and punctuality. The property he 
acquired Page 65 

CHAPTER VI. 

1764-1770. 
General view of the condition of the American Colonies at this period. In- 
vestigation into the nature of their connection with the Parent State particu- 
larly roused. Trumbull's public offices and duties. He is appointed Deputy 
Governor and Chief Justice of Connecticut. He watches closely the meas- 
ures of England. Examines especially the famous Writs of Assistance, and 
writes to England about them. The conclusions of his mind upon these Writs 
are strongly in favor of liberty. The noted trial upon their validity in Boston 
awakens his patriotic zeal. Two application^ for their issue are made in Con- 
necticut to the Court over which he himself presides. His action and senti- 
ments upon these appUcations. A striking letter on the subject from his 
pen Page 74 

CHAPTER VII. 
1765. 
Trumbull and the Stamp Act. Resistance of Connecticut to the Act, and 
Trumbull's participation in it. A thrilling scene illustrating his opposition. 
Governor Fitch calls his Council together in order to take an oath to carry 
the measure into effect, as required by King and Parliament. He announces 
his readiness to be sworn. Trumbull, and other Councillors, remonstrate, 
and refuse to perform the ceremony. The Governor argues the case witli 
them, and insists upon taking the Oath. Four of the Councillors, enough for 
the purpose, unwillingly yield. The remaining seven, Trumbull at their 
head, still resist. Their motives, arguments, and some of their language upon 
the occasion. The Governor rises to receive the Oath. At this moment, Trum- 
bull, refusing to witness a ceremony which he thinks will degrade the Colony, 



CONTENTS. VU 

and is an outrage upon liberty, seizes his hat, and indignantly withdraws 
from the Council Chamber, followed immediately by six of his associates. 
Judgment of the Colony upon the event Page 83 

CHAPTER VIII 
1764-1770. 
State of the quarrel with Great Britain just after the Stamp Act. Tnimbull 
expresses his views concerning it in a letter to Dr. Johnson. His moderation 
and foresight. His character by Bancroft. Great Britain engaged in forging 
new fetters for America. Trumbull's opinion of these given in another letter 
to Dr. Johnson — and in one also to Richard Jackson, a Member of the British 
Parliament. Thus far a prudent remonstrant, but firm in his spirit of resist- 
ance to the obnoxious measures of the day. This spirit begins to vent itself 
with increased energy, when the tyranny deepens — as shown from his letters to 
Dr. Johnson and Gen. Lyman in London particularly, and from his corres- 
pondence elsewhere. He sends abroad State documents of great importance 
as regards the contest. He is thoroughly informed of everything passing in 
England. Is familiar with the politics and condition of Europe generally — but 
especially with those of France, the proceedings of whose Prime Minister, the 
Duke de Choiseul, he watches with deep interest. He is made Governor of 
Connecticut at the close of 1769. His appointment a fortunate one for the 
Colony. Dr. Johnson's letter upon the occasion Page 93 

CHAPTER IX. 
Trumbull's judicial career — down to 1770 — as Justice of the Peace, Judge of 
the County and Probate Courts, and Chief Justice of the Colony. Testimony 
of Wm. Samuel Johnson, and of the public, on this point Page 109 

CHAPTER X. 

1764-1770. 
Trumbull as merchant. He enters into a new partnership. The times are out 
of joint, and clouds darken over his business life. The general course of trade 
and commerce at this time, and his own in particular. He sends his son 
Joseph to England. The son's occupation there, and correspondence with his 
father. Trumbull becomes a whaling merchant. His vessels. He meets 
with severe reverses — what they were, and how occasioned. His manly 
conduct in his troubles. It wins the respect of all his creditors. He makes 
to them a full statement of his pecuniary affairs. This statement. He 
takes pains, through his correspondence in England, to develop the resources 
of his native land. The iron ore of "Western Connecticut in this connection. 
He commends particularly the Society in England for promoting Arts and 
Commerce, and circulates their pamphlets. His creditors forbear to press 
him. Adversity serves but to stiffen his energies Page 114 

CHAPTER XI. 
1770-1775. 

'General view of the period embraced in this chapter. At the outset of 
Trumbull's adminstration there is a more cheering state of things — particularly 
for Connecticut. One important interruption, however, which was carefully 
composed by the Grovemor. How it was done. The repose continues. This 



VIU CONTENTS. 

interval seized to look at Trambull in the sphere of his public duties, aside 
from the American struggle. And here his Election Speech in 1771 — and the 
Susquehannah Controversy. The management of this famous controversy 
devolves almost entirely on himself. He states the Case. Abstract of this 
Statement. The Case remains unsettled when the Revolution commences, but 
is afterwards determined. The result. Trumbull waived its further agitation 
at the outbreak of the Revolution, in order to promote union and harmony 
among the Colonies Page 125 

CHAPTER Xri. 

Trumbull and the Mohegan Controversy. The origin of this controversy. 
Claim of Connecticut. Claim of and for the Mohegans. Attempted settlements 
of the case. Its management, just before and after he became Governor, de- 
volved chieflj' on Trumbull. His fitness for the task from long experience in 
Indian affairs, and with those of the Mohegans particularly. In 1769 one of 
a Committee appointed by the General Assembly to visit these Indians, and 
examine and report upon their condition. The manner in which he performed 
his task described by himself in a letter to Wm. Samuel Johnson. His exertions 
roused attention to the appeal of 1766 on the Mohegan Case, and caused it, 
in January 1770, to receive a fresh hearing before the Lords in Council. A 
motion to dismiss it made and refused — and another hearing ordered. A 
dark hour for Connecticut on the case. Trumbull, however, makes prepara- 
tion for it, and presses the General Assembly to fresh effort. He accumu- 
lates all the resources of defence, and sends them over to England. The 
chances of the trial are still against Connecticut — ^but it terminates favorably 
to the Colony. The elder Winthrop's Journal in this connection. Trumbull 
copies it, and causes it, for the first time, to be printed. And here his care 
generally of valuable papers and public documents. The Trumbull Papers in 
the Historical Society at Boston. His interest in statistical inquiries. He 
replies to the Queries of the British Board of Trade Page 137 

CHAPTER XIII. 

1770-1775. 

A CRISIS in the is.sues between Great Britain and the Colonies. Trumbull, in 
consequence, proclaims a day of Pasting and Prayer, and doubles the military 
stores of the Colony. Correspondence between Gen. Gage and Trumbull in 
reference to one Thomas Green, a Boston tory, who had been severely hand- 
led in Connecticut. Cases of other disaffected persons. Abijah Willard, Dr. 
Beebe, and two Ridgfield tories, in connection with Trumbull. Trumbull 
and the first Continental Congress. His zeal in fostering it. His opinion of 
its measures. He diligently prepares his own people for the emergency of 

I war. He issues a Proclamation against riotous demonstrations. The famous 
Peters riot, as officially described by the Governor. Such disturbances not 
as yet common in Connecticut. EpiscopaUans not under the ban of public 
opinion, as sometimes charged. Trumbull a tolerationist. His Christian 
character described. The non-importation scheme, and his activity in pro- 
moting it. His son John in revolutionary and educational connection with 
the parent. The father's taste and views with regard to the art of paint- 
ing. Both sire and son are ready for the Revolutionary Future.. . .Page 150 



CONTENTS. IX 

CHAPTER XIV. 
1775. 
State of public affairs in the winter and spring of 17'75. The Earl of Dart- 
mouth's Circular to the Colonies, forbidding a second American Congress. 
Trumbull long on terms of friendly and useful correspondence with the Earl. 
He strongly advocates the forbidden Congress. A letter from his pen to the 
Earl of Dartmouth, on the grievances of Connecticut, Massachusetts, and of 
the Colonies in general. He repeats the sentiments of this letter in anotlier 
to Thomas Life, Agent for Connecticut in England. At Norwich he first hears 
of the Battle of Lexington. His conduct in consequence. Upon receiving a 
circumstantial account, he transmits the same to Congress, and communicates it 
to the General Assembly of Connecticut. The duty, in consequence, devolved 
on him. By order of the Assembly, he addresses Gen. Gage. His letter. 
Gage's reply. The Massachusetts Provincial Congress is alarmed at this cor- 
respondence, and remonstrates. No ground for this alarm. It is soon, through 
Trumbull and others, dissipated Page 168 

CHAPTER XV. 
1775. 
Trumbull's activity, at Lebanon, in furnishing troops and supplies for the army 
at Boston, immediately after the Battle of Lexington. His "War Office, and 
Dwelling- House, and their associations. On request from the New York 
Revolutionary Committee, he strives to intercept despatches from England 
for Gen. Gage. He receives from Massachusetts an urgent demand for more 
troops — with which he complies. His connections with the expedition to 
Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and with military affairs generally at the North, 
at this period Page 179 

CHAPTER XVI. 
1775. 
Trumbull supplies the Camp at Boston with fresh troops and stores. Some of the 
powder he sent told at Bunker Hill. His daughter Faith an eye-witness of 
this battle. Its fatal effect upon her. Trumbull's conduct upon her death. 
He sends forces, under General Wooster, and supplies, to New York. His 
difficulty at this time in procuring supplies. He proclaims an embargo. He 
recommends Congress to appoint a National Fast — which is done. He ob- 
jects to their renewed Petition to the King, but on other points harmonizes with 
their action. Congress highly commends his course. He congratulates Wash- 
ington upon his appointment as Commander-in-chief. "Washington's reply. A 
difficulty among Connecticut officers on Putnam's promotion to the post of 
Brigadier General. Spencer resigns. Trumbull's prudent management of 
the case. His letter to Congress on the subject. His letter to Spencer. Its 
soothing effect. Spencer returns again to the Army Page 194 

CHAPTER XVII. 

1775. 
A Council of Safety organized to aid Governor Trumbull. The sessions of this 
Council, and TrumbuU's efficiency as its Head. He continues active in 
furnishing troops and supplies. He is appointed by Congress to confer with 



X CONTEN'TS. 

Dr. Franklin, Mr. Harrison, and Mr. Lynch, about the army. A difference 
between himself and Gen. "Washington in regard to certain new levies. 
Correspondence concerning it. It is happily reconciled Page 203 

CHAPTER XVIII. 
1775. 
Trumbull in connection with the sea-coast defence of Connecticut. The dan- 
gers upon the coast, from the enemy, both to property and person — what they 
were. Attempted seizure of Gov. Griswold, and of other leading whigs — as 
Gen. Washington — Gen. Schuyler — Gen. Silliman — Gov. Clinton — and Gov. 
Livingston. Trumbull a special object of the enemy's vengeance. A Tory 
threat against him. A price was set on his head. A special guard, therefore, 
appointed to protect him at Lebanon. A suspicious stranger at liis dwell- 
ing. Spirited conduct of his housekeeper, Mrs. Hyde, upon the occasion 
He receives alarming intelligence of an intended attack, by a large British 
fleet, upon the shipping, and seaport towns of Connecticut. He is busy for 
their protection. He detains the Nancy — a suspected ship — and distributes 
lier avails to the public use. He is applied to by Congress to furnish a large 
armed ship to intercept two store-brigs from England. He grants permits for 
exportation — commissions privateers — and sends out spy-vessels. Hia over- 
sight of prisoners of war. Many such sent to Connecticut. Trumbull and 
the prisoners from Ticonderoga and Skenesborough. His management, partic- 
ularly, of the cases of the elder Skene and Lundy. His management also 
of the cases of Capt. De La Place — Major French — and especially of Dr. 
Benjamin Church, his old classmate in College. His watchfulness against 
tories, suspicious wanderers, and inimical persons generally. The Detective 
System of Connecticut at this time Page 211 

CHAPTER XIX. 

1775. 
A NEW anxiety for Trumbull. Soldiers left the Camp around Boston, and 
among them some of the troops from Connecticut. Washington writes Trum- 
bull respecting these, animadverting, in severe terras, on their conduct. An 
admirable reply from Trumbull. Another letter of censure, to Trumbull — from 
the New York Congress — in regard to Capt. Sears and the Rivington Press 
Trumbull's reply. He blames New Tork for granting permits to carry 
provisions to the Island of Nantucket, then deemed somewhat disaffected to 
the American cause. Satisfied now that Great Britain will not yield, he con- 
tinues diligent for the public good. For the sake of general harmony, he again 
urges Congress to aid in quieting, for the present, the Susquehannah Con- 
troversy. Dr. Franklin's Plan of Union sent to Trumbull. His views concern- 
ing it. HeproclaimsaFast, at the close of 1775. The Proclamation . Page 223 

CHAPTER XX. 
Trumbull known and denounced abroad as " the Rebel Governor of Connecti- 
cut." Extract from aLondon Magazine, of 1781, showing the manner in which 
he was vilified in England. Was in fact the only " Rebel Governor in America," 
at the outbreak of the Revolution. His course, ilnder this aspect, examined and 
vindicated by contrast with the course of every other Governor in the United 



CONTENTS. xi 

Colonies — viz: Thomas Hutchinson of Massachusetts — John "Wentworth 
of New Hampshire — Joseph Wanton of Rhode Island — William Tryon of 
New York — William Franklin of New Jersey — John Penn of Pennsylvania 
and Delaware — Robert Eden of Maryland — Lord Dunmore of Virginia — 
Joseph Martin of North Carolina — Lord Wilham Campbell of South Carolina — 
and James Wright of Georgia Page 231 

CHAPTER XXI. 
1776. 
Trumbull in his connections with the war, at the North — around New 
York — and at the East. He issues two Proclamations for raising a Northern 
Regiment. He makes other preparations for the Northern Department, and 
hears favorable news from this quarter. He warmly aids the defence of New 
York by Gen. Lee. An instance, here, of his promptness and decision. He 
guards against tories. Congress and Lord Sterling press him to continue his 
aid to New York. He strengthens and supplies the army around Boston. 
He encourages the procurement and manufacture of the munitions of war. 
The works at SaUsbury in this connection. Death of his friend and pastor, 
Rev. Solomon Williams. Trumbull in his relations to this worthy man — 
to his Church — and to his death-bed. Pago 243 

CHAPTER XXII. 
1776. 
Trumbull aids the American Army on its way from Boston to New York. He 
meets Washington at Norwich. His sentiments on the evacuation of Boston. 
He is informed that a large body of foreign troops is on its passage to America — 
and that a British fleet of one hundred and thirty sail had left Halifax, Ijound 
for New York. His preparations thereupon both for the Continental Army, and 
for the defence of Connecticut. He is officially apprized of the Declaration of 
Independence. His views of this Instrument. He lays it before his Council, 
and it is referred, for official promulgation and record, to the next General As- 
sembly. Depressed state of American affairs. Trumbull receives the Peace 
Propositions of Lord Howe and his brother as King's Commissioners. His 
opinion and action thereupon. They serve but to render his preparations for 
the defence of New York and Long Island more vigorous. His Exhorta- 
tion to the people in this connection. Their quick response. Soldiers rush to 
New York Page 260 

CHAPTER XXIII. 
1776. 
Disastrous Battle of Long Island. Trumbull not disheartened— but sends 
reenforcements, and animates Massachusetts and Rhode Island to do the 
same. He appoints a Day of Fasting and Prayer. His Proclamation for this 
purpose. Forces from Connecticut pour into the Continental Army. Wash- 
ington expresses his thanks to Trumbull. Trumbull's reply. American 
affau-s still in a calamitous state. Trumbull, undismayed, continues his ex- 
ertions for the common cause. Some of his labors Page 271 



Xll CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

1776. 
Trumbull in the department of Home Defence. The hostile vessels and fleets 
iu the Sound. He is made Chief Naval Officer of the State. He builds three 
row-galleys, and a ship-of-war. He confers with ingenious men about marine 
devices. Buslmell and his Torpedo in tliis connection. Trumbull commends 
him to Wasliington. He regulates provision vessels, and guards against 
predatory descents, and illicit trade. He concerts expeditions, in aid of 
Washington, to drive the enemy from Long Island and the Sound. These 
expeditions described. He urges Congress to adopt New London as an 
asylum for tlie Continental fleet. The Marine of Connecticut this year. Its 
success. The Defiance captures a valuable British ship and brig, after a 
sharp engagement. Admiral Hopkins reaches New London, from the West 
Indies, with valuable prizes, and important prisoners. Satisfaction of Trum- 
buU Paje 278 

CHAPTER XXV. 

1776. 
Trumbull and the Northern Army. His letter to Washington upon the failure 
of the Expedition into Canada. He urges renewed exertions for the defence 
of the Northern Frontier. Tliey are to be made. His own preparations 
therefor. Distressed condition of the Northern Army at this time. Trumbull's 
eftbrts for its relief. The enemy about to descend, in great force, from Cana- 
da, and occupy the whole country south. Trumbull, therefore, aids to form a 
lake squadron ample for defence. His efforts, in other respects, to reestab- 
lish the Northern Army. The testimony here of General Gates to his 
conduct. Arnold's defeat. Trumbull communicates the news to the States 
adjacent to Connecticut. He continues to refurnish the army. Gen. Schuy- 
ler warmly acknowledges his services. His son Col. John Trumbull receives 
the American prisoners taken at the defeat of Arnold. A curious conference, 
involving the Governor, between Sir Guy Carleton and Gen. Waterbury. 
Gen. Gates renews his thanks to Trumbull. Many officers of the Northern 
Army are recommended by Trumbull to rewards. He sympathizes with 
their grievances, and gives them counsel. Case of Gen. Schuyler in this 
connection. Soothing letters to him from Trumbull P^ ^e 296 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

1776. 
An alarm from Rhode Island. The enemy seize Newport. The Connecticut 
measures for defence, and the Governor's cares and duties. The prisoners of 
this year. The Mayor of AHaany, the Mayor of New York, Governor Brown of 
New Providence, and Governor Franklin of New Jc ey, conspicuous among 
them. Trumbull charged specially with their cub .ody. Case of Franklin 
particularly described. Other prisoners — where from — where confined. 
Connecticut is ovorburthened with tliem. Trumbull writes the New York 
Congress on the subject. His letter. The care taken of them in Connecticut. 
Trumbull's treatment of them illustrated. He was eminently humane. 
His duties and conduct in promoting their exchange Page 309 



CONTENTS. xm 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

1777. 
Trumbull opens the y«ar with a Proclamation for a Fast. He devotes him- 
self to recruiting the Continental Army. The system of additional bounty 
in this connection, and a letter from him on the subject. Pressing requisi- 
tions from Washington for more troops. Trumbull responds — and how. 
Menaced devastation from the enemy. Trumbull prepares. Danbury laid 
in ashes. Measures taken by him in consequence. His Proclamation against 
home depredators. He guards against similar attacks, and for the present 
successfully. Gallant expedition of Col. Meigs to Sag Harbor, and report 
of the same to the Governor. He perseveres in his plans for home defence. 
Sends a Company of Rangers to the seashore. His labors in the department 
of supplies. Connecticut the Provision State Page 318 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

1777. 
Trumbull hears that the British fleet has sailed southwards, but may speedily 
return. His preparations in consequence. Himself and Rhode Island military 
affairs. Military affairs at the North. TrumbuU continues to strengthen the 
army there. An interview between him and a deputation of Oneida war- 
riors — whom he conciliates with a " talk " and with presents. Burgoyne's un- 
checked progress southwards. Defeat of General St. Clair. The shock to 
the American people in consequence. Trumbull expresses his own bitter dis- 
appointment in letters to his son-in-law "Williams. These letters. Notwith- 
standing defeat, he is still active to reenforce the army. The tide turns. 
Battle of Saratoga, and triumph of the American arms. Joy of TrumbulL 
He participates in a solemn Thanksgiving in the Church at Hartford . Page 332 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

1777. 

Trumbull in the naval sphere. The Sound, as usual, infested with hostile ships. 
His powers, duties, and labors as Chief Naval Officer of the State. Prizes 
this year — their number and value. Tnunbull in this connection. Mari- 
time losses this year small — maritime gains large. Prisoners this year — nu- 
merous as usual — some specified. Trumbull in this connection agaua. Their 
exchange exacts much labor. Sad state of many Americans whom he re- 
leased. His remonstrances in behalf of such. Tories and malignauts in 
Connecticut. Their detection and treatment by Trumbull. His care for sick 
soldiers. His care for the farming interests of the soldier. He rotates agricul- 
tural with military labor Page 345 

CHAPTER XXX. 

1777. 
Trumbull and finance. Large sums of money pass through his hands. The de- 
preciation of the Continental currency. His course on this subject. His views 
remarkably sound. " Pay as we go," his financial aphorism. His opinion of a 
foreign loan to sink the bills in circulation. The correspondence and friend- 
ship between himself and John Derk, Baron Yan der Capellan, of Holland. 
Sketch of this patriotic nobleman. Trumbull addresses him a long and able let- 



XIV CONTENTS. 

ter. He closes the year by proclaiming a Day of Public Thanksgiving. Other 
Proclamations in this connection. The title of " His Excellency " for the 
first time conferred this year upon the Governor Page 355 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

1778. 
Starving condition of the American Army at Valley Forge. Washington 
appeals to Trumbull for aid. It is rendered. Many droves of cattle sent 
on. Gen. Champion particularly active in the matter. The vital relief they 
afforded. The poHcy of Connecticut m regard to the supply of beef for the 
army. Some of its legislation on this subject. Its policy and laws in regard 
to the supply of clothing. The pains taken by Truipbull to procure mate- 
rials for this purpose, and the patriotic industry of Connecticut women in 
fabricating them into garments Page 364 

CHAPTER XXXII. 
1778- 
The Campaign of 1178 — its plans and achievements. Trumbull as connected 
with tliem. The troops to be raised. Difficulties in the way of enlistment. 
He sends two thousand troops to Peekskill. Upon a call from Congress, he 
aids in perfecting the defences of the North River. Upon the arrival of the 
French fleet under D'Estaign, bringing aid to America, he prepares diligently 
for cooperation. He issues stirring Proclamations for raising troops to sup- 
port Gen. Sullivan in Rhode Island. The soldiers and supplies he sent. Fail- 
ure of the attempt to expel the British from Newport. His son, Col. John 
TrambuU, in the battles there. He sends his father an account of them, and a 
map of the battle grounds. A graphic description by the son of his own 
experience at the time. The movements of the enemy become mysterious. 
American movements in consequence, and the participation Trumbull had in 
them. Gen. Gates, with a large force, encamps at Hartford. A public dmner 
is given him by the Governor and General Assembly. The Governor present. 
Description of the entertainment. The problem of the British plan solved, 
and the American troops go into winter quarters , Page 371 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

1778. 
TRUireuLL and the Home Defence of Connecticut. The British naval armament 
upon the American station this year. Trumbull's protection of the coast. Hia 
attention to the Marine. A privateer named after him. The whaleboat sys- 
tem gives him much anxiety. It degenerates. He watches it closely, and 
is sparing of commissions. The benefits resulting to Connecticut this year 
fi-om his measures for home defence. Maritime losses few. They are more 
then counterbalanced by maritime gains. The memorable capture of the 
Admiral Keppel and the Cyrus by the Oliver Cromwell — a Connecticut ship- 
of war. Its commander's letter to Trumbull announcing the victory. Prison- 
ers — a large number this year. March of the captives at the Battle of Sara- 
toga through Connecticut, on their way to Virginia. Trumbull's arrangements 
for it. Case of Henry Shirley, a distinguished prisoner in Trumbull's hands. 
The handsome treatment he received from the Governor Page 392 



CONTENTS. XV 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 

1778. 
Trumbull and the Conciliatory Plan of Lord North. The bills embracing it are 
sent to him by Gov. Tryon of New York. His spirited reply. He communicates 
them to Massachusetts and to Congress. The plan wholly fails. Trumbull 
and the Confederation. Its articles are sent to him, and he lays them before 
the General Assembly of Connecticut. His views respecting them. He 
urges their adoption. Has long advocated some Plan of Union, and been 
impatient at its delay. With Washington he censures Congress for its dilatori- 
ness, factiousness, and neglect of wholesome measures. Trumbull and the 
currency again. Its continued depreciation. His remedy. Connecticut, upon 
his Message, provides for six hundred thousand dollars. He writes the Con- 
necticut Delegates in Congress on the public debt. With Erkelaus, a patriotic 
foreigner, he advises Congress, upon certain conditions, to negotiate a foreign 
loan. His views upon the scheme of regulating prices by law Page 404 

CHAPTER XXXV. 

1778. 
A DOMESTIC affliction. Death of his son Joseph, and his feelings in consequence. 
Sketch of the son. The father memorializes Congress in behalf of his 
son's accounts as Commissary General of the United States. Resolution of 
Congress respecting the same. The Wyoming Massacre. Trumbull's special 
interest in the event. He prays both Washington and Congress for an 
armed force to avenge it. His letters on the subject. Through his in- 
fluence, particularly, a force is finally raised, under Gen. Sullivan — the savages 
are chastised — and protection is given to frontier inhabitants. He proclaims a 
public Thanksgiving Page 420 

CHAPTER XXXVI. 

1779. 
State of the Revolutionary Struggle. The main theatre of war now at the South. 
The aimpaign of this year marked by comparative debility. Enlistments diffi- 
cult. Trumbull completes the quota of Connecticut in the Continental Army by 
adding eight hundred men — some of whom participate in the attack on Stony 
Point. He also furnishes troops lor Rhode Island, and supplies the famishing 
there with food. His Brief for the purpose. The enemy, much to his joy, 
abandon Newport. He calls for four thousand troops to cooperate with 
D'Estaign, upon the expected return of the French fleet to the North. 
His Proclamation for the purpose. D'Estaign, however, sails for the West 
Indies. Trumbull hears from various quarters — and particularly from Ar- 
thur Lee in Paris — that a fierce renewal of the devastating policy of the 
British King and Ministry, is designed. His precautions in consequence. The 
enemy land and pillage New Haven. Trumbull hears of it by express — or- 
ders out fresh troops — and sends to Washington for help Page 431 

CHAPTER XXXVII. 
1779. 
The attack on Fairfield, and report of a projected attack on Hartford. Trum- 
bull's measures in consequence. The attack on Norwalk, and his measures. 



XVI CONTENTS. 

The alarms upon other parts of the Connecticut coast, and his successful watch- 
fulness against future hostile descents. Maritime losses and gains this year. 
Loss of the Oliver Cromwell and of the privateer Governor Trumbull. The 
whaleboat system again, and Trumbull Page 441 

CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

1779. 
Great want of money. Depreciation of national Bills of credit deepened. 
Eight millions four hundred thousand dollars apportioned on Connecticut by 
Congress. The impossibility of raising this sum. Trumbull's anxiety on the 
subject — and his confidence in the future ability of the nation. His views on 
the finances of the country shown in a letter to Henry Laurens. He hears 
from Baron Capellan, asking for an American Agent to reside secretly among 
the Dutch — and soliciting also from him a circumstantial account of American 
transactions, resources, and prospects. Trumbull gives the account in a letter 
of great length and ability. The letter. It was shown to the President and 
members of Congress before it was sent, and it was highly approved. Capel- 
lan delighted with it as a most energetic defence of the American cause — and 
makes advantageous use of it to counteract English views and opinions regard- 
ing America. He so writes Trumbull — and in his letter speaks feelingly of him- 
Belf and his own life. Tribute to the patriot Page 451 

CHAPTER XXXIX. 

1780. 
The Campaign of 1780. Another Valley Forge scene. The Continental Army 
starving again in its winter quarters. The portion of it upon the North River 
relieved by Trumbull. Testimony of George Washington Parke Custis on this 
point. The army distressed for support during most of the year. Trumbull, 
therefore, called upon for extraordinary exertion. A change made by Congress 
in the Department of Supplies. Trumbull under the new organization. He 
furnishes provisions, tents, camp equipage, and gabions and fascines, to Wash- 
ington. He supplies Ethan Allen with powder. His task rendered doubly dif- 
ficult on account of the wretched state of the national currency. Yet he 
achieves it. The whole subject of finance in Connecticut is committed to his 
special care. Favorable results. A new Congressional plan, started this year, 
for improving the currency, is sustained in Connecticut Page 466 

CHAPTER XL. 

1780. 
Trumbull and military affairs at the North. Devastations by the enemy in the 
Jerseys, and elsewhere. The forces raised by Trumbull for Continental serv- 
ice, and for Home Defence. Enlistments difficult. An alarm upon the Hudson 
River. Washington applies to Trumbull for aid. Arrival of a French land 
and naval force at Newport. High expectations of the country in conse- 
quence. Preparations for cooperation. Trumbull, through La Fayette, congrat- 
ulates Count Rochambeau and Admiral Ternay, upon their arrival. Arbuth- 
not, however, blockades the French fleet. Trumbull orders on troops to that 
quarter. Another alarm. Clinton, with a formidable armament, is reported 
to be iu Long Island Sound. The Governor's measures in consequence. 



CONTENTS. Xvii 

A meeting between the American and French Commanders-in-chief, at Hart- 
ford, to arrange a combined plan of operations. Their expenses in Connecti- 
cut are paid from the State Treasury. Their imposing reception at Hartford, 
the Governor being present. Their first interview in the street near the State 
House. Their subsequent interview and consultation at the house of 
Col. Jeremiah "Wadsworth. Trumbull shares in all their deliberations. The 
result. Escorted by the Governor's Guards, and amid the roar of artillery, the 
Commanders-in-cliief depart for their respective Head Quarters. Washington 
on his way hears of Arnold's treason Page 476 

CHAPTER XLI. 
1780. 
Trumbull aids to rebuild Fairfield and Norwalk. British marauding expedi- 
tions upon the western frontier of Connecticut. Similar expeditions from Long 
Island — particularly from a band of " Associated Loyalists" at Lloyd's Neck. 
Trumbull's precautions. Illicit trade, and forays upon Long Island. Trum- 
bull in this connection. Capture of Gen. Silliman, and counter-capture of 
Judge Jones. Trumbull restores Silliman to liberty. The Governor and 
naval defence. Maritime prizes this year comparatively rare — losses incon- 
siderable. Gallant capture of the "Watt by the frigate Trumbull. The army 
goes into winter quarters. Trumbull and Col. Sheldon's regiment of Horse. 
The Duke de Lauzun, and his famous corps of Hussars, take up their quarters 
at Lebanon. Their appearance and mode of life at this time. A dinner given 
by the Duke to the Marquis de Chastellux and Baron Montesquieu. Trum- 
bull present. Sketch by Chastellux of his appearance, and of his "saying 
grace " at the repast. Another sketch of him by the same hand, and also 
of Col. Jeremiah Wadsworth Page 489 

CHAPTER XL II. 
1780. 
The arrest and imprisonment in London of the Governor's son — Col. John Trum- 
bull — against all reason and justice — upon a charge of treason committed in 
America. The son's description of the event. Benjamin West interposes in 
his behalf with the King. Burke, Fox, and other distinguished men lend him 
their aid. He is finally liberated — goes to Holland, in accordance with par- 
ticular instractions from his father, to labor for a loan of money — and then re- 
turns to America. The father's anxiety and feelings on the subject. The cruel 
treatment never forgotten. Death of the Governor's wife. Trumbull's grief 
Her character. Extract from a sermon preached at her funeral. A cotempora- 
neous Obituary Notice. Her patriotic sacrifices and conduct. A scene of con- 
tribution for Revolutionary soldiers in the Church at Lebanon, in which Mad- 
am Trumbull figures conspicuously Page 502 

CHAPTER XLIII. 
1781. 
General view of the Campaign of 1781. Theatre of war chiefly at the South. 
Again a starving army. Washington writes Trumbull of its distresses, and sends 
on Gen. Knox, and afterwards Gen. Heath, to explain them personally. A letter 
2* 



XVUl CONTENTS. 

from Knox to Washington, describing his interview with Trumbull. Trum- 
bull's measures for supply. A letter from Gen. Heath, describing his inter- 
view with the Governor. New supplies forwarded. Some officers in the 
Connecticut Line discontented because of not receiving their full pay. They 
complain to "Washington, who writes Trumbull on the subject. Trumbull re- 
sponds, explaining the circumstances, and vindicating his State. The officers 
continue their complaints. Another letter from Trumbull, rebuking the mal- 
contents, and again vindicating Connecticut. Great dearth of money. Trum- 
bull, in conformity with instructions from tiie General Assembly, strives, but 
in vain, to negotiate a loan in Holland. Great demand upon Connecticut for 
money. Notwithstanding its exceeding scarcity, Trumbull continues hope- 
ful — and at last procures funds enough to pay the officers and soldiers of the 
Connecticut Line Page 516 

CHAPTER XLIY. 

1781. 
Gen. Washington, on his way to Newport, to meet Count Rochambeau, stops 
at Hartford, and consults with Gov. Trumbull. In Hartford he orders a Court 
Martial for the trial of Alexander Mc Dowell, a deserter — who is hanged. A 
report that Washington, on his way to Newport, would be intercepted and 
seized by the enemy. Trumbull's precautions in consequence. Another meet- 
ing between Washington and Rochambeau, Trumbull, and others, in regard 
to a plan for combined military operations — held at the house of Joseph Webb, 
in Wethersfield. Extracts from Trumbull's Diary illustrative of the event. 
A dinner given the Generals at the public expense. The plan of that cam- 
paign which terminated in the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown, and the 
final triumph of the American arms, was concerted at this interview in Con- 
necticut. This plan. Washington, to execute it, calls for more troops. 
Trumbull responds to the call. He sends a pressing message on the subject 
to the General Assembly. Its favorable results. The French army marches 
through Connecticut to join Washington on the banks of the Hudson. The 
attention and entertainment it received on its way. Lauzun's Legion of Hus- 
sars leaves Lebanon, highly delighted with the hospitality they had received. 
Trumbull's humane feelings illustrated by the case of a deserter, who, at Leb- 
anon, was condemned to be shot. A French officer's reminiscence of Trum- 
bull Page 530 

CHAPTER XLV. 

1781. 
Trumbull spends several days with his Council at Danbury. Hints from his 
Diary of his journey and occupation there. At Hartford he hears of Arnold's 
memorable attack on New London. This attack. He sends for careful state- 
ments of all its material circumstances. His letter communicating the event 
to Gen. Washington. He at once restores the defences of New London — 
sends thither an additional force — writes for a part of the French fleet to be 
stationed there for the winter — and communicates with Gov. Greene of Rhode 
Island, and with Washington again, for the purpose of putting Connecticut, 
and the Northern States generally, in a reliable posture of defence. . Page 540 



CONTENTS. Xix 

CHAPTER XLVI. 

1781. 
Forays upon Connecticut. Hostile ships in the Sound. Trumbull's continued 
vigilance. An attack upon tories at Lloyd's Neck — and upon other points of 
Long Island. Loss of the frigate Trumbull — and of the Confederacy. An- 
other crisis of want among the troops on the North River — and relief afford- 
ed by Trumbull. He hears of the triumph at Yorktown. The joy it gives 
him. His letter to Washington on the victory. Extract from "Washington's 
reply. Trumbull, however, still continues his preparations for another cam- 
paign. He proclaims a Thanksgiving Page 549 

CHAPTER XL VII. 

1782. 
Military events of the year. England inclined to peace. The United States, 
however, continue their military preparations. Trumbull in this connection 
again — and in connection with war debts, confiscated estates, refugees, and 
deserters. He superintends a new census of the State — prepares the Susque- 
hannah Case for trial — and arranges a celebration in honor of the birth of a 
Dauphin of France. Prisoners, and his negotiations for their exchange. He 
remonstrates against the course taken by the enemy in this matter, and coun- 
sels retaliation. Naval matters and illicit trade. He is still active in Home 
Defence, although this year there are no material depredations. His measures 
for suppressing illicit trade bring upon him the slanderous charge, from a few 
worthless traders and tories, of being himself engaged in it. His Memorial to 
the General Assembly on the subject. He is thoroughly vindicated. Maritime 
prizes and losses this year. Not deluded by any prospects of peace, he main- 
tains the little navy of Connecticut with unabated interest Page 558 

CHAPTER XLVIII. 

1782. 
Negotiations for peace. Trumbull's views of their basis. These views shown 
particularly by a letter which he addressed to Silas Deane. Explanation of 
the circumstances under which this letter was written. Deane in Europe at 
the time — and has heard of nothing but disasters, severely fatal to the Amer- 
ican cause. He therefore sends over propositions for a reconciliation with 
Great Britain. His letter falls into the hands of foes to America, and is ma- 
terially altered from its original shape. The alterations. As changed, Trum- 
bull receives the communication, with a request that the plan it contained 
should be laid before the General Assembly of Connecticut. Trumbull replies 
as if to propositions from an alien enemy, in a firm, patriotic, and indignant 
strain. The sentiments he expresses are inwrought into all the negotiations 
for closing the war. The French Army marches from Virginia for Boston, to 
embark for the "West Indies. Trumbull provides again for their passage tlirough 
Connecticut. The American Army goes into winter quarters. Everything indi- 
cates a speedy end to the war. Trumbull proclaims a Thanksgiving . Page 571 

CHAPTER XLIX. 

1783. 

AERTsrAL of the Preliminary Articles of Peace, and Proclamation for a Cessation 



XX CONTENTS. 

of Hostilities. Trumbull receives the Proclamation from Congress. Accom- 
panying testimony of Eliphalet Dyer to his services. Testimony also to the 
same point of President Stiles of Yale College, in his Anniversary Discourse 
before the General Assembly of Connecticut. Trumbull directs the due pub- 
lishment of the Proclamation. The ceremonies at Hartford upon the occasion. 
Celebrations elsewhere in Connecticut. Trumbull relieved from further 
military preparations. He secures the arms and miUtary stores of the State, 
and protects the public property generally. He attends to the liquidation of 
war accounts. He receives intelligence of the Ratifications of a General 
Peace, and of the contemplated discharge, in November, of the Army of the 
United States. His letter to Henry Laurens on the event of peace. He 
writes letters congratulatory on the event to Edmund Burke, Dr. Price, 
David Hartley, Richard Jackson, Baron Capellan, and others. The tone of 
these communications. Extract from his letter to Dr. Price. Now that the war 
is over, he advocates solid harmony with Great Britain. A remarkable letter 
from his pen to tlie Eai'l of Dartmouth, in this connection — in which, particu- 
larly, he introduces and pleads the case of the Hon. John Temple. .Page 580 

CHAPTER L. 
1783. 
The new policy of Congress for funding the national debt, and restoring public 
credit. Commutation money for the officers of the army a part of it. Public 
opinion on this subject divided. Trumbull upon it brought into collision with 
a majority of liis constituents. The reasoning of the opponents of this policy — 
particularly against commutation. Their public action thereupon, and the 
public ferment. Reasoning of Gov. Trumbull and others in favor of this 
policy. He commends tlie whole national system to the General Assembly 
of Connecticut, and urges them, by taxation, to provide for the establishment 
of public credit, and do justice to creditors. The People jealous of a Federal 
Government with powers within itself competent for its own support. Trum- 
bull in favor of such a government. The National Arm, in his view, ought to 
be strengthened Page 594 

CHAPTER LI. 
1783. 
Governor Trumbull now an old man — has been in the public service over 
half a century — and determines to retire. He gives notice of his intention 
to the General Assembly, in October, in a Farewell Address which he entitles 
his " Last Advisory Legacy." The document. Comment. Report and Resolu- 
tions thereupon. Explanation of the jealousy in Connecticut of the powers 
and engagements of Congress. Extensive sympathy, both at home and 
abroad, in the sentiments of Trumbull's Farewell Address. Washington's 
opinion of it, and his friendship for Trumbull. They harmonized in their 
political creed Page 603 

CHAPTER III. 
1783. 
Trumbull receives a present, with an accompanying letter, from the Patriotic 
Society of Enkhuyzen, in Holland, as a testimonial of respect for hia distin- 



CONTENTS. aau 

guished services. The letter — additional ones from San Gabriel Teegelan, and 
Capellan — and Trumbull's reply. Hia son, Col. John Trumbull, now, upon the 
restoration of peace, consults with his father as to his future occupation for life. 
The interview between them on this matter as described by the son. The son 
goes abroad to perfect himself as a painter. The father's eflforts to promote 
his success. He writes Burke, Dr. Price, and others in his behalf. His affec- 
tion for him. His friendship and correspondence with Dr. Price. He receives 
from the latter his principal poUtical pamphlets, and takes pains to republish 
and circulate one important one among his countrymen. The Susquehannah 
Case engages his attention anew. It is adjudicated at Trenton — against Con- 
necticut. The disappointment to Trumbull. The Council of Safety ends its 
labors. American soldiers return to their homes. Washington resigns his 
commission. The last military scene of the Revolution is closed. Trumbull 
proclaims his last Thanksgiving Page 615 

CHAPTER LIII. 

1784-1785. 
Trumbull superintends the collection and liquidation of military accounts. Un- 
der instructions from the General Assembly, he urges Congress to add the ex- 
pense of defending the sea-coast and western frontier of Connecticut to the 
debt of the Continent. Reasons for this application. The question of grant- 
ing the Impost Power to Congress is warmly agitated in Connecticut. Com- 
mutation, taxation, and the Order of the Cincinnati become mingled up with 
it. Excitement intense, A Petition to Congress against Commutation, and 
the Impost Power, emanates from the Lower House of the General Assembly, 
and a Convention at Middletown addresses the people on what it styles the 
public grievances. The reasoning of the objectors. A factious uneasiness, 
consequently, among the people of the State. Trumbull's course at this crisis. 
Testimony of Chief Justice Marshall respecting it. He discloses his fears for 
the public order and safety in a letter to General Washington. The letter. 
Washington's reply. He labors assiduously to allay the political storm. His 
arguments on the side of law, order, good faith, and good government. By 
whom aided. Looked to as the only pilot, he is urged, notwithstanding his 
resignation, to continue in his post as Chief Magistrate of the State. He per- 
sists, however, in his purpose of retirement from public life, and Matthew 
Griswold is chosen in his place. The Address to Trumbull from Dr. Joseph 
Huntington's Election Sermon in May. The public policy for which Trum- 
bull has labored, achieves at last a signal triumph. The popular ferment sub- 
sides. Commutation comes to be thought a harmless measure of justice. 
Connecticut grants Congress the Impost Power. Trumbull's high satis- 
faction Page 629 

CHAPTER LIV, 

1784-1785. 
Trumbull, in a letter to Washington, expresses his own anticipations of hap- 
piness in retirement from public cares. Washington's reply. Upon his with- 
drawal from ofi&ce, the General Assembly appoint a Committee to devise some 
suitable testimonial of respect. They report an Address to his Excellency, 
and an escort upon his leaving Hartford for Lebanon. The Address. A re- 



XXU CONTENTS. 

ply. His departure — escorted by the Governor's Guards, a deputation from 
the Legislature, the High Sheriff of Hartford County, and numerous gentle- 
men of distinction. His life in retirement. His business as a merchant — 
particularly his English debts. He memorializes the Legislature upon the 
subject of remuneration for his past services, and presents some remarkable 
facts in his own history. His patriotic sacrifices appear in a striking light. 
Remuneration allowed Page 647 

CHAPTER LV. 
1785. 
Trumbull devotes himself to the duties of religion. BibUcal literature, divinity, 
and correspondence on theological subjects, employ a large share of his atten- 
tion. He composes sermons. Some of his correspondence with President 
Stiles. He is attacked with malignant fever. His sickness, and his death. 
His funeral, and extracts from a sermon preached on the occasion. His tomb, 
and its occupants. His epitaph Page 662 

CHAPTER LVI. 

1785. 
The general and profound grief upon the death of Governor TrumbuU. Obitu- 
ary and other notices of the event. One from the Hartford Courant. A let- 
ter of condolence addressed by "Washington to Jonathan Trumbull, Junior. 
Extract from an Election Sermon delivered a few months after his decease by 
Rev. Levi Hart, of Preston. Summary of his life and character. His patriot- 
ism. His industry and toil. His character as a son — as a husband — as a 
father — as a friend, companion, neighbor, and philanthropist — and as a Chris- 
tian, and a scholar. His prudence and wisdom. The American nation was 
baptized, in his name, "Brother Jonathan." The harmony of his moral, in- 
tellectual, and sensitive faculties. Conclusion Page 676 



PART I. 



LIFE OF TRUMBULL. 

CHAPTER I. 
1710—1740. 

Trumbull's 'birtli and ancestry. Of his fafher. Of his talents and early 
education. He prepares for College, and enters Harvard University. 
His course in College Of his classmates — particularly Church, and 
Hutchinson. He graduates, and prepares for the ministry. This 
purpose is changed by the death of a brother, and he embarks in 
mercantile pursuits. He still continues his studies — Tvhat these 
■were, and their effect upon his mind He is soon, and repeatedly, 
elected a Kepresentative in the General Assembly from his native 
town. He is made Speaker. He is elected to the post of Assistant. 
His marriage, and his first child. 

In the thriving agricultural town of Lebanon,* Connec- 
ticut — upon a broad and beautiful street which extends up- 
wards of a mile in length — in a house situated near the old 
Congregational Church — Jonathan Trumbull, the subject of 
this memoir, was born on the " 12th of October, 1710." 

He sprang from a family, which, it is now fully estab- 
lished, is a branch of the Turnbulls of Scotland, and owed 
its heraldic origin to the desperate gallantry of a young 
peasant, who when one of the kings of that country, being 
engaged in the chase, was attacked by a bull, and was in 
imminent danger — "threw himself before the king, and with 
equal strength, dexterity, and good fortune, seized the animal 
by the horn, turned him aside, and thus saved the royal life. 
The king, gratefal for the act, commanded the hitherto ob- 
scure youth to assume the name of TurnbuU, and gave him 
an estate near Peebles, and a coat of arms — three bulls' 

*So named by the Eev. James Fitch, from a swamp of eedars in the "Ono 
Mile Propriety." 



26 CHAP. I. — TRUMBULL. 1710—1132. 

heads, with the motto, Fortuna favet audacf^ — bearings which 
are still preserved in the American branch of the family. 




The first ancestor of Jonathan Trumbull in this country, 
John Trumble — for so the name was spelt until the year 
1766 — came from Cumberland County in England, and set- 
tled in Rowley, Essex County, Massachusetts — from whence 
one of his sons, also named John — ^a highly respectable man, 
who in 16-40 had been made a freeman, in 1686 a deacon in 
the church, and in 1689 a lieutenant in the militia — emi- 
grated to Suffield, Connecticut, somewhere near the close of 
the seventeenth century. This settler in Connecticut had four 
sons — John, Joseph, Ammi, and Benoni — the first of whom 
became afterwards a distinguished clergyman in Watertown, 
Connecticut, and was the father of John the poet and cele- 
brated author of M'c Fingal. The second — when twenty- 
one years of age — between 1704 and 1708 — moved to Leba- 
non in the same State, where he established himself as a 
merchant and a farmer. The third moved to East Windsor, 
where, probably, he tilled the soil. The fourth settled in 
Hebron, also as a merchant and a former, and was the father 
of the well-known historian Benjamin Trumbull. 

Joseph, of Lebanon, the parent of the subject of this me- 
moir, was " a respectable, strong-minded farmer," says his 
grandson John the painter. He was "a substantial man," 
affirm all the accounts we have respecting him.* It was a 
fine township, that in which he located himself — of a mod- 

*"He seems to have been identified with most of the enterprises of the day," 
Bays lion. L. Hebard of Lebanon — writing us respecting him, after a careful ex- 
amination of records. He was long captain of the Lebanon Train-Band. 



1710—1732. CHAP. I, — TRUMBULL. 27 

eratelj hilly surface, with a chocolate colored soil, generally 
a deep, unctuous mold, well adapted for grass and grains — 
and agriculture was almost universally the business of its 
inhabitants. It furnished quite a demand for merchandise, 
as did also the surrounding country, which was compara- 
tively well-populated — so that in his double capacity of 
trader and planter, Joseph Trumbull had a fair field for ex- 
ertion, and seems to have thriven well. His own advantages 
for instruction had been quite limited, but he had a high ap- 
preciation of knowledge, and determined — the more earnestly 
because of a sense of his own deficiency — to provide his off- 
spring with every opportunity for cultivating their minds 
which the times could afford — sparing for this purpose no 
care or expense within his means. "He made it his first 
object," testifies his grandson, to give to his children "that 
first blessing of social life" — education.* 

His son Jonathan, in the promise of his youth, answered 
all the fond desires of his father. He early developed fine 
talents, and a most amiable disposition. He was fond of 
books and study, and when placed, as was probably the case, 
with the clergyman of his parish — the Eev. Samuel Welles — 
to prepare for college, he made rapid and commendable prog- 
ress. How far, and with what zeal, he entered into the 
sports of boyhood, we are not informed. Certain it is, how- 
ever, that he was endowed by nature with a most vigor- 
ous constitution — that his habits were very active — and that 
he did nothing in the remotest degree tending to impair a 
body, or deteriorate a mind, formed for enduring industry 
and energy. 

In 1728, at the age of thirteen, he entered college — well 
fitted, though very young — an ingenuous, modest boy — from 
hLs tender years, and retired life hitherto, quite bashful, it is 
reported. He at once applied himself carefully to his college 
studies, and soon became distinguished as a scholar. To an 
accurate knowledge of the Greek and Latin tongues, he 
speedily added a knowledge of the Hebrew, in which he 

*He had eight children — four sons, and four daughters — viz.: Joseph, Jona- 
than, John, David, Mary, Abigail, one Hannah who died young, and a second 
Hannah. His wife was Hannah Higley of Simsbury Conn. 



28 CHAP. I.— TRUMBULL. ITIO— 1132. 

subsequently became so great a proficient that be was able to 
compile, cbiefly for bis own use, a grammar of the language, 
and to use its phrases, in after years, freely in bis correspond- 
ence with learned men. He became soon also skilful in 
mathematics, and familiar with all the studies of the day. 
By his college mates be was universally beloved. The great 
steadiness and sincerity of his conduct, particularly, attracted 
respect — qualities which his subsequent life, in all its long 
extent, exhibited with unvarying constancy. 

The natural turn of his disposition was decidedly serious — 
so much so that we find him, even while a Freshman in col- 
lege — at an age and under circumstances not particularly cal- 
culated to promote the growth of piety in the youthful 
mind — -joining a secret Eeligious Society in the Institution to 
which he belonged — which was organized for the special pro- 
motion of morality and devotion, and to encourage, among 
its members, love, charity, harmony, and all the virtues. 
The Articles or Canons of this Society, are fortunately pre- 
served.* Begulce vitce as they were, both to the youthful stu- 
dent, and throughout life to the man, as divine, merchant, 
civilian, magistrate, parent, neighbor, and friend — as in the 
same manner, in striking similarity, were to Washington 
those excellent though quaint "rules for behavior in compa- 
ny and conversation," which, evincing his "rigid propriety 
and self-control," he in boyhood compiled with his own 
handf — we here give them entire. They are dated "Cam- 
bridge January ye 10 — Anno Domini 1723," and are entitled 
"The articles which all that belong to the Private Meeting, 
Instituted at Harvard College, 1719, assent unto." 

" It being our indispensable Duty." they proceed, " as well as undeni- 
able Interest, to improve all Opportunities and Advantages that God is 
graciously favoring us with, to his Honour and Glory, and our eternal 
welfare, as also to .avoid all those Temptations and Allurements to evil, 
which we are in Danger to meet with, And to Edifie, encourage, and ex- 
cite one another in the ways of Holiness, and Religion : we do to that 
end assent to the following articles, viz : — 

* Upon a scrap, in his own handwriting, among the Papers of Trumbull in the 
Conn. Historical Society. 

+ They still exist in manuscript in the handwriting of Washington himself. 



1710—1732. CHAP. I. — TRUMBULL. 29 

1. " That we will meet together for the worship of God twice in a week, 
viz., on Saturday and Sabbath-Day Evenings. 

2. *' Being met together, we shall as God enables us, perform the sev- 
eral injunctions of our meeting, the first (as to his station in College) 
beginning, and so Proceeding to the last, except any one, for good rea- 
sons, shall Desire to be Excused. 

3. " That we will bear with one another's Infirmities, and that we will 
Divulge Nothing, of what nature soever, that is done at our meetings. 

4. " When we are absent from our meetings, we will endeavor to be- 
have ourselves so that none may have occasion to speak Evil of us. 

5. " That all manner of disagreeing Strifes or Quarrellings with one 
another shall be suppressed by us, and that we will live in Love, Peace, 
and Unity, one with another. 

6. " That if anj^ one sees or hears another speak anything unbecom- 
ing a Member of such a society, he shall reprove him as far as he shall 
think the Reproof worthy, but he shall do it with all Meekness, Love 
and Tenderness towards him." 

Articles tliese, wliich breathe the beautiful spirit of charity, 
and guide to innocence of life, to peacefulness, and to happi- 
ness. Trumbull seems to have observed them carefully 
throughout his college career, and to have reaped their legiti- 
mate fruits. With gratified hope as a scholar — with a flatter- 
ing academical honor — accomplished for usefulness in future 
life — he took his degree, and graduated in 1727 — in a class 
consisting of thirty-seven members — all of whom, save one — • 
Benjamin Kent, who died in 1788 — and perhaps one other — 
Belcher Noyes, who died in the same year with himself — it 
was the remarkable fortune of Trumbull to survive. 

Conspicuous among these his classmates were Benjamin 
Colman, Belcher Hancock, Benjamin Church, Thomas Hutch- 
inson, and eight others — of which eight all were, subsequent- 
ly, either professors of theology, or pastors of churches, of 
good repute, and two of them, together with Church, mem- 
bers with Trumbull, through college, of the secret Religious 
Society. 

Church and Hutchinson deserve to be particularly noted 
here — because, in after years, they were so singularly con- 
trasted in public life, with their former classmate and friend. 
Church, on the outbreak of the American Revolution — then 
distinguished as a highly skilful physician, and a member 

from "Watertown of the Massachusetts General Assembly — 

3* "^ 



30 CHAP. I. — TRUMBULL. 



1710—1732. 



was accused, and justly, of a traitorous correspondence witli 
the enemy, and was placed, by order of Congress, in strict 
custody, under the charge and keeping of Governor Trum- 
bull — of which fact we shall have occasion to speak more 
particularly hereafter. 

Thomas Hutchinson — in after j^ears the celebrated gov- 
ernor of Massachusetts, and able historian of that province — 
was as much noted for his tory principles and tory zeal, as 
Trumbull was for his convictions and conduct in the oppo- 
site direction. More than any other man of his day in 
America, he fanned the flame of discontent between the Colo- 
nies and the Mother-Country — espoused the views of the 
British Ministry — labored assiduously and ably, yet treach- 
erously to his native land, in their support — and was visited 
with the supreme indignation of his countrymen. 

Who would have thought that a common Alma-Mater 
should have nursed characters so utterly in contrast as 
Church and Hutchinson on the one hand, and Trumbull on 
the other — that the same lessons of liberty and patriotism, 
from the same glowing pages of Greek and Eoman history, 
could produce upon youthful minds — similarly fostered, 
under circumstances of birth, age, and country all alike — di- 
vergencies so world-wide apart — that the wounds of a bleed- 
ing fatherland, should have turned those sympathies which 
in college life ran calmly and sweetly in the same direction, 
in the one case into the gall of contempt, in the other into 
the anodjaie of pity — that all the impulses of the two former 
should have centered in tyranny, and those of the last, nobly 
and exclusively in freedom! 

Immediately after graduating, Trumbull returned to his 
home in Lebanon. His feelings on the subject of religion — 
as might naturally be expected from one who had carefully 
observed the articles of that private Society in college, to 
which we have referred — becoming every day more and more 
earnest, ripened at last into the saving faith and hope of the 
Christian believer. He then at once joined the Church at 
Lebanon in full communion, and, following the strong bent 
of his inclinations, commenced the study of theology with 
his revered pastor and intimate personal friend, the Eev. Solo- 



1732—1740, CHAP. I. — TRUMBULL. 31 

mon "Williams. After applying himself witli assiduity to all 
the preparatory studies, he was in due time licensed to 
preach — and very soon after commencing this duty, was 
received with such satisfaction in the church at Colchester, 
that a cordial invitation was extended him to settle over it. 

But Heaven had otherwise decreed. While deliberating 
on this call, a domestic affliction turned the current of his 
life into another channel. An elder brother, his brother Jo- 
seph, who had been engaged in business with his father, and 
who had sailed upon a commercial adventure abroad in one 
of the vessels belonging to the family, waS lost at sea. This 
sad calamity occurred in June 1732, upon a voyage to Lon- 
don. For a long time a forlorn hope was entertained that 
the vessel in question might have been captured by the Al- 
gerines ; but this hope proved fallacious. Joseph was never 
heard of more. 

The loss of this son, together with that of the ship and 
cargo, which wholly belonged to the family, was very dis- 
tressing to the aged father. He found himself, in conse- 
quence, unfitted to adjust his mercantile concerns without the 
assistance of his son Jonathan — who was the only member 
of the family qualified, in the then complicated state of an 
extensive business, to adjust them, and to administer upon 
the estate of his deceased brother. This son, therefore, he 
called to his aid. Jonathan at once undertook the duty, and 
devoting himself to it with industry, became at length so in- 
volved in commercial occupations, and so essential, through 
his services, to their success, that upon the urgent request of 
his father, he declined, though with reluctance, the call of the 
church at Colchester — abandoned his early and favorite pur- 
suit — and became a merchant. This new employment di- 
verted him, of course, from ecclesiastical into the study of 
business affairs, and threw him at once into active intercourse 
with men. It placed him in position to take part, if he chose, 
in all civil affiiirs, and to figure, if he so desired, in the sphere 
of politics, legislation, and public office — a sphere which he 
almost immediately, as we shall see, began to occupy, and 
which, in connection with mercantile business, he filled till 
nearly the close of a long and most honorable life. 



32 CHAP. I. — TRUMBULL. 1'732— 1T40. 

It is a remark of Trumbull's classmate Hutchinson, that 
" many of the first characters in Massachusetts were at first 
probationers for the ministry, and afterwards made a figure 
at the bar, or in the legislative or executive courts of the 
province." Stoughton, Eead, Gridley, and Judge Stephen 
Sewall, illustrate this remark in the Old Bay State. Gurdon 
Saltonstall, and Jonathan Trumbull, strikingly illustrate it 
in Connecticut, and the latter more remarkably, we think, 
than any who preceded him. Such persons, after their ordi- 
nation particularly, adds Hutchinson, "ought to have very 
special reasons for leaving their profession for a civil employ- 
ment." The reason in Trumbull's case has been already 
noted. It was a special and an imperative one. But inde- 
pendently of this — as we progress with his life, that will be 
found to have been a most wise dispensation of Providence, 
which even through a startling bereavement — through the 
sad accident of a brother's death, and the infirmities of a 
father almost broken with sorrow — took him from the com- 
paratively narrow sphere of pastoral life in a humble coun- 
try village, to move in the grander orbit of a whole State, 
and a whole Country, for their political salvation and deliv- 
erance. 

Though exceedingly occupied, immediately after his broth- 
er's death, with the cares of business, his mind, accustomed 
to thoughtfulness, and trained to investigation, sought and 
found new resources in tlie pursuits of literature, and in the 
study, particularly, of history and civil jurisprudence. Of 
law, in all its bearings upon the relations of business, he 
soon made himself master. With the history especially of 
his OMm country, and of the Motherland, and with that of 
communities and nations generally as it develops the causes 
of their rise, decline, and fall, and instructed him in the va- 
rious policies and principles of government, he made himself 
familiar. Civil jurisprudence, in fact, became with him now 
a most favorite study, and to quite an extent supplanted his 
old taste for divinity, though he never, throughout his life, 
neglected this last important science. 

So well informed did he soon become upon public affairs 
generally, and such was the confidence reposed in his fidelity 



1732—1740. CHAP. I. — TRUMBULL. 83 

and discretion, that in 1733, at the early age of twenty -three, 
he was elected by his fellow-citizens of Lebanon to represent 
their interests in the General Assembly of the Colony. He 
was again elected to the same office in 1736 — again in 
1737 — again in 1738 — again in 1739, during which year he 
was also chosen to the honorable post of Speaker of the 
House — and again in 1740, during the May Session of which 
year he found himself chosen, by the whole body of Free- 
men, to the post of an Assistant, and Member of the Coun- 
cil of his native Colony. Positions these of honor and 
trust — in quick succession, and while he was but a youth — 
which show, on the part of Trumbull, a rapid growth in the 
public esteem. How he conducted himself in them — with 
what vigor or wisdom — we have no records to show — but 
certain it is that to have attained the Speakership, in the 
highest deliberative body of Connecticut, when he was but 
twenty-nine years old, and the post of Assistant in a body, 
which, both in theory and in practice — such was the taste 
and demand of the age — was to be composed of "grave and 
reverend seignors" — was a flattering distinction, and indi- 
cated ability and good conduct of no ordinary character. 

During this whole period of eight years, and on after- 
wards, down to the outbreak of the American Eevolution, 
Trumbull pursued, with industry, his vocation as a merchant. 
Of his management and experience in this department we 
shall have occasion hereafter to speak particularly, after we 
have brought his public life down to the time of the Peace 
of Paris in 1763. Suffice it to say here, that his energy in 
mercantile affairs was great, his judgment sound, and his 
success, for some thirty-two years, certain and abundant. 

In 1735, Love "showed his plumage" to the eyes of the 
young merchant. December ninth of this year — at the age 
of twenty-five — he married Faith Eobinson, the daughter of 
the wise and venerable Rev. John Robinson, of Duxbury, 
Massachusetts, and the great grand-daughter of that famous 
John Robinson who stood at the head of the first Pilgrim 
emigration to the New World. She was then a blooming 
girl of seventeen — of fine intelligence and manners — of 
benevolent heart — of discreet and virtuous conduct — and 



84 CHAP. I. — TRUMBULL. 1732—1740. 

promised richly to become what she afterwards was, "an 
amiable and exemplary pattern," for nearly forty-five years 
that she lived with her husband, "of conjugal, maternal, and 
every social affection." 

The first fruit of this marriage was a son, born March 
eleventh, 1737, who was baptized Joseph — and who was 
destined, after a partnership for many years with his father 
in business, to run a short but brilliant career in the service 
of his country — to figure as the first Commissary-General of 
the United States in our struggle for Independence — to be 
elected by the national American Congress one of the mem- 
bers of its Board of War — and finally, after being worn out 
in health solely by his arduous labors for his native land, to 
die in the midst of the Revolutionary contest, at a compara- 
tively early age, a martyr to the glorious cause of American 
Liberty. 



CHAPTER II. 
1740—1750. 

TRnMBtTLL's public oflSoes and services. War 'between Spain, France, and 
England. Connecticut takes an active part in it. Trum'bull is deeply 
interested. As a military officer, he is busy in furnishing troops and 
supplies. He is charged by Connecticut with highly important and 
honorable trusts in connection with the w^ar. Is a principal counsellor 
upon military enterprises, and upon ways and means. He renders val- 
uable service, and is in high repute, but does not himself take the 
field. Three children are added to his family. 

During the ten years wbicli elapsed from 1740 to 1750, 
Trumbull, by a vote of the People, held every year the post 
of Assistant. In 1745, he was appointed to be of the Quo- 
rum for the County of Windham for the year ensuing — in 
other words, an Assistant Judge of the County Court. In 
1746, in 1747, in 1748, and in 1749, he was appointed Judge 
of the County Court of Windham, and in the last men- 
tioned year Judge also of the Probate Court for the same 
district. 

Of the manner in which he discharged the various duties 
which thus, in a public capacity, fell to his lot, we are unable, 
from the want of memorials, to speak particularly. But it is 
clear that in their performance he was assiduous, and that 
from the General Assembly he received frequent marks of 
confidence. Upon himself — in addition to his general duties 
as legislator and Assistant — was repeatedly devolved the 
business of auditing, with the Treasurer, the public accounts — • 
of inquiring into the state of the public loans — of enforcing 
payments due to the Colony, especially those from debtors 
whose aifairs were in any degree complicated — of converting 
sterling bills of exchange into gold, and applying the pro- 
ceeds to special objects — of superintending, at times, the re- 
pair of public buildings — occasionally of managing Indian 
difficulties — and particularly, in 1747, of adjusting, with a 
Committee appointed for the purpose, the boundary line be- 
tween Connecticut and Massachusetts on the north — a deli- 



36 CHAP. II. — TRUMBULL. 1740— 1750. 

cate and most difficult task, in the controversy as it then ex- 
isted between the two Colonies. 

But a controversy far more exciting and important than 
this about boundary, roused Trumbull during the period at 
present under consideration. For now occurred that French 
and Spanish War, which — declared first between England 
and Spain in 1639, and between England and France in 
1744 — was continued down to the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle 
in 1748 — nearly ten years. Commencing in resistance to an 
outrageous claim, on the part of Spain, to exclusive control 
of the Southern American seas, and of all territory on the 
southern confines of the British Colonies in America — the 
French — upon like claims to territory in the west, east, and 
north of America, to the fisheries at the east, and to the whole 
sweep of the seas from Maine to the coast of Labrador — -joined 
in the contest. And from Porto Bello on the Bay of Pana- 
ma to the easternmost point of Newfoundland — from Onta- 
rio to the Bay of Chaleurs — from the Hudson and Kennebec 
rivers to the majestic St. Lawrence — all was stir upon the 
water — all, but specially at the east, was bustle, danger, and 
contest upon the land. 

There were expeditions against the Spanish West Indies — 
against the Floridas — against Louisburgh. There were 
French armadas — formidable to New as the Spanish armada 
was to Old England. There were alarming invasions by 
Spain of Georgia — but particularly, at the North and East, 
there were numerous land attacks by the French on English 
settlements, and molestation upon all the frontiers by the 
Indians of Cape Sable, St. Johns, Penobscot, Norridgwork, 
and Canada. In addition, there was the swarming of French 
privateers and men of war upon our coasts — plundering and 
capturing vessels to such an extent as not only at times to 
endanger our fisheries, but to close them absolutely against 
our sailors, and to render all maritime business whatever 
perilous without a convoy. 

It was indeed a stirring and an anxious time, this whole 
period of the war, to all of New England — to no part of it 
more, except a portion of the east bordering more nearly on 
the seat of contest, than to Connecticut — and among the citi- 



1740—1750. CHAP. II. — TRUMBULL. m 

zens of this Colony, save to its Governor and the general 
officers in immediate command of its forces in service, to no 
one hardly as much so as to Assistant Jonathan Trumbull, 

He had, in the first place, his own ships upon the ocean. 
As merchant, he sent them to the "West India isles, and past 
Newfoundland, sometimes with cargoes in part derived from 
the fisheries in that region, on to Liverpool, Bristol, London, 
and to other places in England. He had, therefore, a deep 
interest in the security of maritime commerce. But, more 
than all — he knew the dangers and embarrassments which his 
country had suffered, for many weary years, from French and 
Spanish claims to dominion in the New World — that the 
French, particularly, had been a lasting scourge to New 
England, and New York — wasting their frontiers — sweeping 
off great numbers of their inhabitants — slaughtering their 
troops, most of them the flower of New England hope — and 
checking, consequently, the progress of trade, husbandry, 
the useful arts generally, and of literature, morals, and relig- 
ion. He felt, therefore, the liveliest anxiety that their power 
to do future mischief should be, not only crushed, but extir- 
pated. Like his fathers before him, he even fasted and 
prayed for a result so propitious — so momentous in its bear- 
ings on the progress of American civilization, prosperity, and 
peace. 

Into all the war measures, consequently, taken by Connec- 
ticut, he entered with alacrity — not only so for the reasons 
already given, but also because of a military office which he 
then sustained — for at the outbreak of the war, in 1739, 
when the militia of the Colony were organized into thirteen 
regiments, Trumbull had been appointed Lieutenant-Colonel 
of the Twelfth. 

It became his duty, therefore, as forces were ordered from 
time to time by the General Assembly, to aid in raising the 
quotas required from his own regiment — sometimes to beat 
up for volunteers, and, as requested specially by the Colonial 
Authorities, to "urge upon the people motives for enlist- 
ment" — to furnish those who did enlist with supplies — to see 
to the distribution of their bounty and wages — sometimes to 

impress men, arms, accoutrements, and clothing — to appoint 
4 



88 CHAP. II. TRUMBULL. 1740— 1T50. 

places for tlie rendezvous of tlie soldiers, and see them ulti- 
mately marched, under proper officers, to their destinations 
for actual service. 

Not a year of the war passed in which Connecticut did 
not raise troops — eometimes more, sometimes less — ^but at all 
times, considering her resources and population, for herself a 
very large proportion — now, at the beginning of the contest, 
some for the West India expedition under Admiral Yernon 
and General Wentworth, victims alas, nearly all, of a terri- 
ble plague at Cuba — now more than a thousand for the enter- 
prise against Louisburgh — ^now one thousand for an invasion 
of Canada — and now many for frontier and sea-coast defence 
upon the D'Anville Alarm — at an expense during the con- 
test, all told, of about one hundred thousand pounds. 
Trumbull, therefore, it is obvious, in his own sphere as 
military officer, had no small share of duty to perform. 

But it was not with his own regiment alone, and within a 
limited military district, that his care was bestowed. He was 
frequently charged by the Colony with important general 
services in regard to the war, and sometimes with vital nego- 
tiations. He was called upon to supply arms and military 
stores for expeditions at large, and settle military accounts* — 
but more than all, and conspicuously — with Commissioners 
from other Colonies, and British commanders of highest 
rank — he was designated to act as a principal counsellor in 

* Thus upon one occasion, with Hezckiah Huntington, he was appointed to 
provide, "in the best and most seasonable manner," firelocks, cutlasses, car- 
touch-boxcs, and belts, for an expedition against Ticonderoga and Crown Point. 
Again, after an attack in this direction, he was to procure the arms belonging to a 
portion of the troops, and keep the same "clean and in good order," and receive 
and keep also their ammunition, and review and report upon the accounts of their 
officers. Thus again he was appointed to examine into the receipts given for 
premiums to troops employed at Cape Breton, and correct mistakes, and account 
with the Treasurer of the Colony. Thus again, with William Pitkin and George 
Wyllys, he was instructed to take into consideration the letters of Agent Palmer, 
particularly those relating to the muster-rolls of the forces employed at Cape 
Breton, and to secure the best proof of the services of these forces, and complete 
the Colony accounts in that quarter up to the time when the garrisoning of Louis- 
burgh was taken into the hands of his majesty, and the troops from Connecticut 
returned. Thus, yet again — with such men as Ebenezer Silliman, William Pit- 
kin, and Gurdon Saltonstall — he was employed to report to the Colony full 
statements of clothing, arms, accoutrements, bounties, and of all other expenses 
incurred in expeditions to the North. 



1740—1750. CHAP. II. — TRUMBULL. $9 

the cliief enterprises of the war — to decide when and how 
they should be undertaken, and with what outlay and dispo- 
sition of men and means. 

Thus in 1745, he was appointed, with Elisha Williams, a 
Commissioner from Connecticut to repair to Boston — and 
there, with Governor Shirley, and such other gentlemen from 
Massachusetts and from neighboring Colonies, as should be 
chosen for the purpose, to treat about all matters relating to 
the contemplated expedition against Louisburgh — that cap- 
ital point, at once the Gibraltar and the Dunkirk of 
America — upon whose secure possession both France and 
England mainly depended for the preservation of their 
possessions in the New World, and for which they fought 
with the fierceness and tenacity of mastiffs. 

Again in 1746, he was designated, with the same colleague, 
a Commissioner in behalf of Connecticut, in regard to a pro- 
posed enterprise against Canada. With Governor Shirley, 
Admiral Warren and others, he was to consult about the 
needful preparations and comfortable subsistence of the 
forces to be raised in Connecticut — to see to their proper pro- 
tection by means of an armed convoy, if their services 
should be demanded — and generally, to decide upon the 
time, method, and resources of the expedition. Facts show 
that upon this occasion Trumbull was a principal adviser, 
and that his counsel was followed. The fleet from Eng- 
land — which was to rendezvous at Louisburgh, and thence, 
under Admiral Warren, proceed up the St. Lawrence to 
Quebec — was unaccountably delayed, until the season was 
too far advanced to risk it on the boisterous coasts of 
America. No troops from abroad, nor those yet to be mus- 
tered in the Colonies, could, in Trumbull's opinion, get to 
Quebec, until the winter, with its cold and almost inevitable 
waste of men and treasures, should have arrived. He so 
informed his associate Commissioners, and they had a second 
conference, and the expedition to Canada was postponed. 

It is manifest from these, and other similar facts, that dur- 
ing the period we contemplate, Trumbull was extensively 
trusted by his native Colony — in positions all of them of 
much responsibility, and many of them of distinguished 



40 CHAP. II.— TRUMBULL. 1740—1750. 

honor. He had risen rapidly in public favor, and did noth- 
ing to forfeit it. His punctuality, his attachment to all the 
solid interests of Connecticut, as well as to those of the 
country at large, but particularly his financial skill, sound 
judgment, and earnest love of truth, were in universal 
repute. 

That he did not — himself the Colonel of a Eegiment — 
take part in actual warfare — may appear, considering the in- 
terest he felt in the war, and his own fame, somewhat strange. 
Had he done so, his own, perhaps, might have been the 
fortune — like that of the brave David Wooster of Connec- 
cut — to have figured before the bastions of Louisburgh — and 
in honorable notice of his services, to have received at the 
hands of the British Government, a lieutenant's commission 
and half-pay during life. Or haply, his might have been the 
opportunity, at the head of some impetuous brigade of his 
own, to have gloriously effected the capture of Ticonderoga 
and Crown Point, and an entrance into the heart of Canada. 
Or in some other form he might have signalized his prowess 
and his skill in the clash of arms. Certain it is that his 
qualifications for becoming a military commander, as time 
proved, were high. He showed them abundantly in his after 
life. But other public duties — such as those already 
described — and the cares of private business — monopolized 
his attention, and prevented him from drawing, in person, 
"the offensive blade." Perhaps — as we have sometimes sus- 
pected — from the impulses of a mild and clement nature — 
he had some lurking indisposition to become "an iron 
man," 

" Turning the Word to Sword, and Life to Death." 

Whatever may have been the causes, however, that kept him 
back from the blood-stained field, "it was all," we doubt not, 
"for the best." A different sphere had been decreed for his 
own display — one in which, indeed, he was to move armies, 
but not himself appear at their head — and in which he was 
to acquire laurels quite as triumphant as any which have 
ever graced the brows of any military conqueror, and a fame 
certainly more justly immortal. 



1740—1750. CHAP. II.— TRUMBULL. 541 

During the interval which we have just now had under con- 
templation, three children were added to his family. The first 
of these was a son, who was born March twenty-sixth, 1740, 
and was baptized Jonathan^ after his father. Like his elder 
brother, he too was destined to a remarkable career — like 
him to enter with zeal into the cause of his country when 
the War for Independence began, but in different depart- 
ments of duty — soon to become in this war Paymaster- 
General for the Northern Department of the American 
Army — then Private Secretary to the Commander-in-chief 
of all the American Armies — next, surviving the war, to 
become a member of the first House of Representatives of 
the United States — then Speaker of this House — next a 
Senator of the United States — and last, succeeding his father, 
after a few years, as Governor of his native State, to expire, 
at a good old age, with the mantle of gubernatorial power 
still wrapped around him. 

The second of the children of Trumbull within the period 
on which we dwell, was a daughter, who was born January 
twenty-fifth, 1742-3, and was baptized Faith^ after her 
mother. She too, like her brothers already mentioned, had a 
Revolutionary destiny to fulfil — one of singular and startling 
import. She was to become the wife of Colonel Hunting- 
ton, afterwards a General in the army under Washington — 
was to follow her husband and a favorite brother to the 
" Camp around Roston," and reach there — not to see a for- 
midable army, as she expected, in quiet though watchful 
quarters — but just when the thunders of Bunker Hill broke 
over a scene of horrible carnage — which, alarming her "deep 
and affectionate" nature for the safety of those most dear to 
her, drove her into madness, and to a speedy death. 

Another daughter, third of the three children of whom we 
now speak, was born July sixteenth, 1745, and was baptized 
Mary — probably after a long list of Marys who, in her 
maternal line, had borne this name, from the wife of John 
Robinson of Leyden, down. Her career too was to be con- 
spicuously allied with "the times that tried men's souls." 
She was to become the wife of William Williams — a patriot 
who was a member of the Continental Congress — who signed 



42 CHAP. II. — TRUMBULL. 1740—1750. 

the Declaration of Independence — and wlio during tlie wliole 
period of the Eevolutionarj War — as the epitaph on his 
tomb justly affirms — was "a firm, steady, and ardent friend 
of his country, and in the darkest times risked his life and 
wealth for her defence." 

Striking destiny — that of all the children of Trumbull 
whose births we have thus far chronicled, and whose horo- 
scope we have briefly cast! "We shall have occasion, in a 
future chapter, to note, and cast the horoscope of more. 



C HAPT E R III. 
1750—1763. 

Trumbull's public offices and serviees. Case of the Spanish Snow St. Jo- 
seph and St Helena, and his particular connection with it. Ha ben- 
eficially settles the controversy it involved. The second French and 
English War. The contributions of Connecticut towards it. Trum- 
bull's agency in its prosecution. He again raises men and supplies, and 
with Commissioners from other Colonies, and British commanders-in- 
chief, decides upon its enterprises. Instances of consultation for this 
purpose. He is twice appointed Colonial Agent for Connecticut to the 
Court of Great Britain, but declines. His letters of declination. Com- 
ment. The war closes. Trumbull's gratification. The fruits of the 
war. General joy. 

We come now to the period in Trumbull's life from the 
middle of the eighteenth century, down to the Pacification 
of Paris. It is one over which light from memorials shines 
again but dimly — but where yet we shall find something to 
reward our attention — one during which ofiice still continued 
to heap its honors on the head of the Subject of our Memoir, 
and War to heap its public duties. Let us look at him then, 
as in our last chapter, under both these aspects. 

And first as regards civil and judicial functions. In 1750, 
he was again elected Assistant — again in 1751 — again in 
1755 — and again each year in succession, down to the close 
of the period upon which we are now engaged. In 1752, he 
was chosen member of the House of Representatives from 
Lebanon, and was made Speaker. In 1753, he was again 
elected to the House — and again in 1754, in which year he 
was for the third time honored with the post of Speaker. In 
1750, he was chosen Judge of the County Court, and Judge 
also of the Probate Court for the County and District of 
Windham. To these two offices he was also chosen for the 
three succeeding years, with the addition, in 1752, and in 
1753, of that of Justice of the Peace. 

In 1754, he was elected Assistant Judge of the Superior 
Court, which, at this time, consisted of one Chief Justice, 
and of four side Judges, and which had jurisdiction of aU 



44 CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 



1750—1763. 



high crimes and misdemeanors, and of all civil actions that 
came to it by appeal from Inferior Courts, This honor, how- 
ever, Trumbull declined — for reasons which do not appear, 
but which, in all probability, grew out of the multiplicity of 
his business in other directions. He declined also, the same 
year, the office of Judge of the County Court, but filled that 
of Judge of Probate. This last office, but not the former, he 
filled in 1755 — and so also in 1756. In 1757, he was again 
chosen to both offices, and continued to hold them by annual 
re-election, to the close of 1763. Besides his ordinary duties 
as legislator, and member of the Governor's Council, which 
he fulfilled, as heretofore, with regularity, he was often called 
upon, as in previous years, to deal with the finances of the 
Colony, with its Indian affairs, and at times with ecclesiasti- 
cal matters of public concern.* 

But the most interesting matter of all in the present period, 
in a public view — save the renewed war — with which Colo- 
nel Trumbull was connected, was that involved in the fa- 
mous case of the Snow St. Joseph and St. Helena — a Span- 
ish ship — from Havanna, bound to Cadiz — which, in 1753, 
coming into the port of New London in distress, ran upon a 
reef of rocks, and was so damaged that it became necessary 
to unload her cargo — an exceedingly costly and valuable 
one — and deposit it, for safe keeping, with the then Collector 
of the port, Joseph Hill. 

Upon attempting to reship her goods, the succeeding spring, 
her supercargo — Don Miguel by name — could find but a 
small portion of them — the residue being either withheld, 

* Thus in 1751, he was appointed to deal with the Pequot Indians, in relation 
to intnisions npon their lands, and upon their ease at this time he made an able 
reportr — and in 1760 with the Mohcgans, within whose lands he was directed to 
lay out highways. Thus he was appointed at one time to allay difficulties in the 
Church at Middletown, and fix the site of a Meeting House there — and at another 
time in Windsor, whither, with Hezekiah Huntington he repaired, and heard the 
parties at variance, and there also staked out the site for a new Meeting House. 
Besides all this, he occasionally had to look after Houses of Correction — to see to 
their construction, or their repair, and to appoint masters for the same, and su- 
perintend their discharge of duty. The public expenses of this period, because 
of the renewal of war, were extraordinary, and Trumbull's services, therefore, 
in auditing accounts, in adjusting them with subordinate collectors and com- 
missaries, and in paying over to the Colony its loans, and debts due, were 
more than ever called into requisition. 



1750—1763. CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 45 

lost, or embezzled. Whereupon lie memorialized the Gen- 
eral Assembly for aid and compensation, and the affair taking 
wind, soon created the greatest ferment in Connecticut. It 
looked injurious towards foreigners. It looked dishonorable 
for the Colony. It would involve the Colony, it was sup- 
posed, in a heavy debt to owners, by way of indemnification. 
It might lead, it was feared, to a serious rupture between 
Spain and the English Colonies in America. It gave rise, in 
its course, to the most unfriendly imputations upon some of 
the leading men in Connecticut — and soon, becoming min- 
gled up with the politics of the day, had even the effect — on 
account of attributed tardiness, indifference, and even collu- 
sion in his management of the case — of displacing Governor 
Eoger Wolcott from the Chair of State, and putting Thomas 
Fitch in his stead. 

Upon this affair — for its thorough investigation, and 
peaceable settlement — Colonel Trumbull, with Eoger Wol- 
cott, Junior, for an associate, became engaged by special order 
of the General Assembly — and documents, particularly the 
Wolcott Papers, show that nearly all the labor connected 
with it devolved on himself — and was discharged with fidel- 
ity, and to universal satisfaction. 

He repaired many times to New London about the mat- 
ter — consulted with the King's Attorney there respecting 
it — examined the parties concerned, and numerous wit- 
nesses from various quarters — liquidated accounts against 
the Snow — made special search for all that part of her cargo 
which was missing, and also for the original offenders. He 
made a careful inventory of the stores that were left — deliv- 
ered them at last, on board the Nebuchadnezzar, into the 
hands of the Spanish Agent Don Miguel — and received from 
him in return, by letter, warm acknowledgments of his "full 
satisfaction and thankfulness" for "the favor and justice" he 
had received. By Don Miguel, he wrote to Don Aguedo and 
Company, the owners of the Snow — communicating to them 
all that had been done for the security of their property, and 
in a warm-hearted spirit — wishing, as he expressed it, that God 
would "grant Don Miguel de St. Juan a prosperous voyage, 
and a kind and happy reception by his friends," and that the 



46 CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 1750—1763. 

effects, the misfortunes attending whicli lie took occasion 
deeply to deplore, might come safely to hand — he dismissed 
the ill-starred, troublesome, strife-engendering agent and 
cargo to take their course for Spain.* 

To the Assembly of his native Colony, in the course of 
his investigation, he made two reports, giving it as his own 
and as his colleague's conclusion, upon the whole matter, that 
the proceedings on the part of Connecticut, and of its Gov- 
ernors and agents, were such as wholly to relieve the colony 
from apprehensions of liability for the damages sustained — 
and that the conduct of Don Miguel, the supercargo, as " ap- 
peared in the course of the evidences," had been " in many 
respects, very strange and extraordinary " — thus impliedly ex- 
onerating the colony from blame, removing suspicion from 
those among its leading characters who had been severely 
censured, and restoring the people to tranquillity and 
content, f 

* Trumbull also at this time conferred specially with Charles Crosby, a King's 
Commissioner from on board the British ship of war Syren, upon the affair of the 
Snow — and delivered to him papers and evidences respecting it, carefully pre- 
pared — for the purpose of having them transmitted to his Majesty's Secretary of 
State. 

\ Some curious indications of Trumbull's care while examining this case of the 
Snow, remain. He kept, as he was accustomed often to do — particularly in after 
years, when engaged in important investigations — a little diary of his proceed- 
ings — from which, not so much for the value of the facts, as for the sake of ex- 
hibiting a specimen of his talent in this respect, and of his exactness, we make 
the following extract : — 

" Tuesday, Dec. 3d, 1754. Set out with R. Wolcott, Junior, Esq., to New Lon- 
don on the Spanish Affair relating to Snow St Jos & St Helena — came to Nor- 
wich — Costs paid by me — 0. 8. 0. — at Hortons, Do. p. Wolcott 0. 8. 0. 

" Took lodgings at Mr. John Richards. 

" Wednesday, Dec. 4, 1754. Went to Mr Stuarts — sent his young man Temple 
to Ship Triton, to Capt. Whitnell — and he appointed to meet us at Dyshons at 4 
o'clock P. M. — and accordingly did — and conferred on the Spanish afliiir — he ap- 
peared dissatisfied with the Treatment he had met with, & Tho't it not so civil 
as he had reason to expect. After some conversation he seemed more easy — «& 
we parted. 

" Thursday, Dec. 5th. A fine pleasant Day. Capt. Whitnell Invited us to 
Dine with him on board the Ship. Went on board with him, Mr. Winthrop, & 
Mr. Chew — Dined — Conversed on the affair — showed him the evidences in the 
case, our Instructions, & the Kings Instructions, &c — came on shore. Trum- 
ble £1— Wolcott £1. 

" Friday, Dec. 6th. Very Rainy, P. M. Went and talked with Mr. Hull Col- 
lector. He thinks he hath d'd the Goods, & hath not the special property of 
them. 



1T50— 1763. CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 47 

But the chief activity of Trumbull during the period now 
under contemplation, so far as public matters are con- 
cerned — and in the exhibition of which he showed, so far as 
memorials enable us to judge, great zeal and wisdom — was 
again in the sphere of war — of that second long, perilous, 
and wasting French War, which, renewed again, by formal 
declaration, in 1755, was crowned finally by a triumphant 
and lasting Peace on the Tenth of February, 1763. More 
than the war which immediately preceded it, this tasked the 
strength and resources of Connecticut, enlisted its zeal, agi- 
tated its counsels, deepened its anxieties, darkened at times 
its hopes, and at times more thrilled the old Colony with 
exultation. 

It was conducted in all respects on a grander scale than 
the former— with fuller preparations both of men and mon- 
ey — with larger aims — with more redoubtable points of 

" Saturday, Dec. 7th. Major Wolcott went to Lyme, & I went home to Lebanon. 

" Sabbath, Dec. 8th— at home. 

" Monday, 9th — at home. Major Wolcott at Lyme. 

"Tuesday, 10th — Do— Major Wolcott came to N. Lond. 

"Wednesday — 11 — Came to New London — set out after nine o'clock — got 
down near sunset. The Weather pleasant this Week hitherto. 

"Tliursday — 12th — fine clear morning— something cold — sent for Capt. D. 
Coit — Don Jos — & Mr. McKenzic — the two Spaniards put on board the Ship. 

" Friday— 13th— very Eainy— Went A. M— & ye Spanish Merc't took ye Guns 
to put on board. 

" Saturday — 14 — fine fair weather. 

" Sunday — 15 — Mr. Adams preached. 

" Monday — 16 — Began to Ship the Goods in Mr. Sloan's Stores. 

" Tuesday — 17 — Continued Ship'g from Do. Talked with Mer. & Scrivan. 

"Wednesday — 18 — I went home— Eainy — prepared the Broken Goods — an 
entertainment for Triton, officers &c. 

" Thursday — 19 — Shipped the Eemaindr from Do. 

" Friday — 20 — Shipped from Chews or McKenzie's Store. 

" Saturday — 21 — Continued Shipping from Do. 

" Sabbath — 22 — at home — Mr. Wms preached. 

" Monday— 23— Eainy. 

" Tuesday — 24 — Shipped from Mr. McKenzie's — come hither. 

" Wednesday — 25— Eainy. 

" Thursday — 26 — Shipped 145 seroons from Mr. McKenzic. Fair — Sent Hen- 
she to Col'l Huntington. Sugar Hi at 1S«— £7. 6. 3. 

" Friday— 27— Fair. Henshe returned. Trumble paid him £4— County Court 
held here. 

" Saturday— 28th— Shipped Goods. 

" Sab — 29 — Mr. Adams preached — Dr. Goddard's bam burnt. 

" Monday — 30th— fine weather — Shipped Goods. 

" Tuesday, Slstr-Eainy— 21 days." 



48 CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 1750—1763. 

attack. Both on the ocean, the lake, the river, and the land, 
it was waged often with the fierce energy of men steeled for 
a dying struggle. Dashed, in its beginning — from imbecile 
management in the English Ministry abroad, and imbecile 
English generalship upon the field of strife in our own 
land — more deeply dashed than the former struggle with ill- 
success — but in its closing years far more gloriously crowned 
with triumphs — this contest spread not only over the conti- 
nent of America, but over a large part of Europe, and the 
Indies east and west. From the Heights of Abraham to the 
mountains of Germany — from the Mississippi to the shores 
of the Ganges — it made almost " the universal air " strange- 
ly vocal with the clash of arms — for it was France and Great 
Britain now that awoke " the sleeping sword of war " — 

" And never two such Kingdoms did contend 
"Without much loss of blood," 

and a rocking of the world to its centre. 

To enable us to estimate properly the part which Trum- 
bull acted in this war, it is necessary to bear in mind the 
military levies and supplies contributed by Connecticut to- 
wards it, with which he, of course, as a military officer, had 
much to do. 

In its first year, Connecticut raised from twenty-five hun- 
dred to three thousand men — in the second year, twenty-five 
hundred — in the third, one body of fourteen hundred, and 
immediately upon the great alarm consequent on the siege 
and capture of Fort William Henry by Montcalm, another 
body of five thousand — in the fourth year, under the encour- 
aging change of men and measures in England, and at the 
instance of the incomparable Pitt, five thousand — in the fifth 
year, at first thirty-six hundred, then four hundred, and next 
one thousand more — in the sixth year, five thousand — in the 
seventh year, twenty-three hundred, this being all the num- 
ber then required by Secretary Pitt — and in the eighth and 
last year, at first one body of twenty-three hundred, and then 
a second body, upon the urgent request of General Amherst, 
of five hundred and seventy- five more. Thus, in all, a force 
was raised by Connecticut, at different periods during the 



1750—1763. CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 4Sl 

war, of from thirty-one thousand five hundred and seventy- 
five to thirty-two thousand and seventy-five men — a force 
exceedingly large, even in its quota in single years, and rel- 
atively to her population and means, much larger in propor- 
tion than that raised by any other one of the American Col- 
onies engaged in the war. 

This army was to be raised sometimes by enlistment, some- 
times by detachment from existmg organizations, and some- 
times in part by impressment, and sometimes by all these 
methods combined. It was to be officered, and formed into 
companies and regiments. It was to be armed, equipped, 
furnished with ammunition, provisioned, and marched to its 
various destinations. It was to receive bounty, pay, and 
martial discipline and encouragement, generally before as 
well as after its march for the scene of action — and portions 
of it — as upon occasion of the general alarm in 1755, imme- 
diately after the battle of Lake George — and as immediately 
after the capture of Fort William Henry in 1757 — were to 
be raised with the utmost possible dispatch.* 

The precepts for all these purposes — emanating from the 
Governor — were directed, as in the preceding war, to the 
Colonels of regiments, as the militia of Connecticut was then 
organized — and Trumbull, of course, now advanced to be 
Colonel-in-chief of the Twelfth Eegiment, had his full share 
of them to fulfil. His own subordinate orders, at this pe- 
riod, for enlisting, detaching, or impressing men, are to be 
found in great numbers among his Papers that are still pre- 
served! — orders also, not infrequently, for impressing arms 
and accoutrements — orders too, occasionally, summoning to 
his own presence, that they might " be dealt with according 
to law," those who, having enlisted, had failed to appear — 

* As enlistments during the whole war were made for only a single campaign 
at a time, the work of raising and equipping a new army of Provincials had of 
course to be gone over with every year — and losses of men and arms, which at 
times were very great, had to be supplied constantly by new levies, new enlist- 
ments, and new bounty, pay, and provisions. 

+ At one time, for example, from his own Eegiment, sixty-four men — at an- 
other, ninety-seven — at another, two hundred and sixty-one — at another, one 
whole company — and at still another, the greater part of several companies — for 
the defence or relief, as the Orders often expressed it, of " Crown Point," or of 
" Fort Edward, Fort William Henry, and the parts adjacent." 
5 



50 CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 1750—1763. 

and precepts sometimes, accurately drawn, for the apprehen- 
sion of deserters — and many acknowledgments in writing by 
recruits of their enlistment. All these, together with nu- 
merous muster-rolls of companies, accurate copies of the 
Articles of War, as they were then enforced, and of the Oath 
of Martial Allegiance, and of the Laws of Connecticut in 
relation to the organization of troops, and to the Quartering 
of his Majesty's Regular Forces in the Colony — which also 
are to be found among his Papers — show that his hands at 
this period, were full of military duty, and that his compli- 
ance with every requisition for soldiers was exact and am- 
ple — as was also his compliance with the additional duty — 
imposed upon him now, as in the former war — of settling 
Colony accounts — purchasing clothing and ammunition — 
selling bills of credit, and receiving and disbursing money 
both from the Treasury of Connecticut, and from that of 
Great Britain.* 

But he had other duties also to execute in connection with 
the contest — those same which we have seen him performing 
in the preceding period of warfare — and which, calling for 
the display of great wisdom and sagacity, placed him, with 
the most vital interests of his country in his hands, on the 
platform of a Plenipotentiary, and high Counsellor of State. 
More than any other man of his day, in fact, at this time, he 
was summoned by his native Colony to advise with Commis- 
sioners from other provinces, and with Governors, and Com- 
manders-in-chief, on the policy, plan, and execution of the 
great measures of the war, and to apportion and direct public 
effort. 

* He had often, at this time, to procure, and prepare invoices showing the 
quantity and price of each article — as for three companies of Connecticut Eang- 
ers, for example, in the service of the Earl of Loudon at Fort Edward and Num- 
ber Four, who were placed under his own particular care, and for whom, in their 
long and dreary winter service at the North, he provided an ample supply of 
suitable cloth and coating, and good shoes, good flannel shirts, yarn and hose — 
and as, more particularly, for that portion of the troops raised in his own region, 
for which he collected, largely, ammunition, guns, and accoutrements. Much 
money for these purposes passed through his hands — as at one time, two hun- 
dred and fifty pounds — at another, four thousand pounds which he received for 
pork that he had provided — and at still another, twenty-two thousand pounds 
sterling. Very numerous settlements at the Treasury Department appear among 
his Papers at this period. 



1150—1763. CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 5J. 

In 1755, lie was appointed, with Ebenezer Silliman, to 
meet Commissioners from all his Majesty's governments, in 
New York — there to consider the general state of the Colo- 
nies, and the encroachments of the French, and report on the 
proper measures to be taken. 

In 1756, he was designated, with Phinehas Lyman, to re- 
pair to Boston — and there, with the Earl of Loudon, Gov- 
ernor Shirley, and such other Governors and Commissioners 
as might then meet, to consult on a plan, and on ways and 
means for the next campaign. He was specially instructed, 
on this occasion, to agree upon what assistance Connecticut 
should furnish — to solicit Loudon for pecuniary aid from 
Great Britain, both to pay the Connecticut troops to be then 
raised, and to settle for provisions already supplied — to confer 
with his Lordship also about some mode of preventing the 
difficulties which often happened between the provincial and 
the regular troops — to see that Connecticut was left free to 
appoint her own officers for her own forces — and of all his 
doings make report to the General Assembly. 

Trumbull executed this last important trust with great suc- 
cess — particularly in regard to means for the campaign — for 
he brought home with him from Massachusetts — in a note, 
and bills of exchange, for which he gave his own receipt — 
the sum of thirteen thousand three hundred and thirty-three 
pounds, six shillings and eight pence, to assist Connecticut 
"in carrying on his Majesty's service in the expedition 
against Crown Point." It was handsome aid indeed for the 
Colony Treasury, burdened heavily as it then was by the 
expenses of the preceding campaign, and reflected high credit 
on Trumbull's management — especially as, at the same time 
that he obtained this money, he procured, and sent on from 
Boston to the Treasurer of Connecticut, the material aid of 
twenty barrels of powder, twenty thousand best flints, and 
three tons of bar lead. 

This same year — upon resolutions of the General Assem- 
bly respecting the reinforcement of Loudon — Trumbull — 
with Gurdon Saltonstall, this time, as a colleague — was again 
sent to meet his Lordship, and submit to his consideration 
"such additional lights and assurances" in regard to the cam- 



52 CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 1750—1763. 

paign as were "proper," and specially to arrange again botli 
for its past and present expenses, that these might be suitably 
reimbursed to the Colony. 

In 1757, he was thrice appointed Commissioner upon busi- 
ness similar to that now described. Once, in company with 
Governor Fitch, and Messrs. Lyman, Hall, and Dyer, he was 
to meet at Boston similar Eepresentatives from neighboring 
Colonies, and proffer the aid of twelve hundred and fifty 
troops from Connecticut. Again, with William Wolcott, 
meeting other Commissioners at the same place, he was to 
"preconcert and adjust quotas and measures for applying the 
combined forces of the Colonies against the enemy," and ad- 
vise upon all such matters as the Earl of Loudon should sug- 
gest. Again, in October, in anticipation of a Convention to 
be held in New York, he was appointed, in advance, a Com- 
missioner for Connecticut, with Ebenezer Silliman and Wil- 
liam Wolcott, to consult and report touching all matters relat- 
ing to the great struggle. Again, in 1758 — upon the recep- 
tion by the Colony of a letter from the elder Pitt, urging 
fresh enterprises — he was renewedly sent, with the same as- 
sociates, to facilitate the schemes of this celebrated English 
Minister — once more to confer with the Earl of Loudon, and 
with Commissioners from other Colonies, respecting troops, 
and their subsistence and supplies.* 

But Trumbull, during the war, was honored with appoint- 
ments by Connecticut more elevated still than any to which 
we have yet alluded — calling equally for the exercise of his 
best capacity, but upon a stage of action far more conspicu- 
ous. Twice, during this time — in 1756, and in 1758 — he re- 
ceived the appointment of Colonial Agent at the Court of 
Great Britain. 

Upon occasion of the first appointment, he was earnestly 

* In connection with his duty as Commissioner, Trumbull had also other and 
highly responsible business to execute. Ho was often, at this period, called on 
to aid the Pay Table in preparing and forwarding expense accounts of campaigns, 
after they hud closed, to the General Assembly of Commissioners— and, occasion- 
ally, to prepare statements of facts with regard to particular expeditions— as once, 
for example — the Governor and Phinehas Lyman his associates — with regard to 
the siege and surrender of Fort William Henry to the French, and to the succors 
sent thither by Connecticut— that the accounts might be transmitted to his Maj- 
esty's Boards in England. 



1750—1763. CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 68 

requested by the General Assembly, in a formal note, "to 
accept and take upon him that trust — with all convenient 
speed repair to the Court of Great Britain" — and there so- 
licit, especially, a reimbursement of the expenses incurred on 
the part of Connecticut in carrying on the then late expedi- 
tion against Crown Point, and also such further assistance 
"as might enable this Colony to proceed and exert them- 
selves, according to their zeal for the King's service, for the 
Defence and Security of his Majesty's just Rights and Do- 
minions in North America." 

Upon occasion of the second appointment, he was in- 
structed by the Assembly, after repairing to London, to con- 
duct the affairs of the Colony there, in conjunction with 
Agent Partridge, according to directions such as they should 
jointly receive for this purpose. 

But in both instances Trumbull declined the honor, though 
proper Letters of Procuration, under the public seal, were 
made out for him by the Governor — and he declined for rea- 
sons stated in the two following notes, which are from his 
own pen. The first was addressed, May twenty -fiflh, 1756, 
to Governor Fitch, and thus proceeds : — 

"Whereas the Hon'"''' Assembly, at the Sessions thereof in March last, 
voted to send an Agent to Great Britain on the important and weighty 
affairs of this Colony, and were then pleased to do me so great an honor 
as to appoint me to go in that capacity, I have carefully weighed the mat- 
ter, and acknowledge my obligations in gratitude to serve my country in 
whatever lies in my power, considering every relative duty; and as noth- 
ing but a sense of such obligations to duty would be any inducement for 
me to undertake that important and arduous trust, so a sense of my own 
insuflBciency for that service pleads my excuse ; and when I consider the 
duties I owe to my aged mother, whose dependence is greatly upon me, 
and to my own family, and all the circumstances of the case, I think I 
may conclude that I am not negligent or undutiful when I decline the 
service, and desire the Hon'''« Assembly to turn their thoughts on some 
other person," 

The second of the notes in question, was addressed, May 
seventeenth, 1758, to the General Assembly — and proceeds 
thus : — 

" On serious and mature consideration — that I have not had the small 
pox — that my peculiar bodily difSculties render my taking it more espe- 
6* 



54 CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 1750—1763. 

cially dangerous, and that it is at all times frequent in London — [consid- 
ering also] the circumstances of my family — I think it is fit and reason- 
able not to accept and undertake the important Trust of an Agent for 
this Colony at the Court of Great Britain, unto which, at this time, you 
have done me the honor of an appointment. With a grateful sense of 
this further expression of your confidence, which I hope never to forfeit, 
and an humble reliance on your Candor and excuse, I shall ever pray for 
the Blessing and Direction of the Almighty and all-wise God in all your 
Counsels." 

The circumstances of his family then, it seems — private 
duty, particularly to his aged mother, whose almost sole de- 
pendence he was — for his father had died in 1756 — certain 
temporary bodily ailments, and a little modest diffidence 
withal in his own ability for the task — restrained Trumbull 
from a position where it is certain he would have conspicu- 
ously maintained the rights and interests of his own and of 
the American Colonies at large, and filled, perhaps, more 
fully than he could have done in the home circle, the trump 
of fame. 

How he would have relished that Babel of London, "whose 
restless, noisy, chaffering soul is ever seeking, and ever find- 
ing new outlets for its busy energies " — how he would have 
attuned his staid spirit to the fashions of that Great World, 
to its palaces, its Court, its King — what tincture his manners 
might have taken where "the sauce to meat is ceremony " — 
what effect the habit of solving in the crucible of negotiation 
and diplomacy, with quick-witted statesmen, the great inter- 
ests and questions he was appointed to represent, might have 
had upon his mind — it would be interesting to have had the 
opportunity of observing. Doubtless though, like the Ath- 
letae of old, he would have prepared himself "for the 
World" — have "oiled his mind and his manners to give 
them the necessary suppleness and flexibility " — yet never, 
we are confident, would he have undermined his own 
strength, or compromised his honor, his fidelity, or his 
judgment. lie preferred, however, to remain at home — in 
his own country — here to continue his practical services in 
behalf of the war — here to rejoice over the abandonment by 
the enemy of Ticonderoga and Crown Point — here to catch 



x750— 1763. CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 66 

the news of Frotenac, Fort du Quesne, and Niagara, taken — 
here to exult over the surrender of Quebec, the surrender of 
Montreal, and the complete conquest at last of the whole 
country of Canada by the English arms. 

And certainly to no man in the American "World did the 
result of this contest bring more unalloyed satisfaction than 
to himself. At its very outset he had entered into it with in- 
trepidity and confidence — confidence not alone in the com- 
bined strength of the English and American arms, but in the 
favorable purposes of Providence towards the Colonies, and 
in the strength of that Almighty arm whose intervention he 
never failed to recognize and exalt. "Hath not God," he 
wrote to an officer at the North, September fifteenth, 1755 — 
just after the famous defeat of Baron Dieskau at Lake 
George — when the American and British troops, after fight- 
ing with singular gallantry behind lines which they made one 
continual blaze and roar, leaped at last their breastworks, and 
put the enemy, two thousand in number, to an entire rout — 
"hath not God," wrote Trumbull then, "showed himself on 
our side. Praise be in your mouth, and a two-edged 
sword in your hand, to execute the vengeance of God on 
the heathen, and punishment on the injurious encroaches 
upon our Gracious Sovereign's territories! With a hearty 
dependence on the Lord of Hosts, you may soon be in pos- 
session of Fort St. Frederic, and change its name to that 
of Fort Frederic, or its equivalent. Whatever is in my 
power I shall cheerfully do to serve you and our Country's 
cause." 

And so, to the end of the war, as we have seen, did Trum- 
bull serve — and not alone in the forms already described, but 
also by an active correspondence both at home and abroad. 
Even his business letters to merchants in London, with whom 
he was cormected only by trade, are stamped with his sug- 
gestions and his anxieties on the great subject of the war, 
and he labored in these to conciliate interest, and stimulate 
effort in behalf of its successful prosecution.* His whole 

* October seventeenth, 1758, for example, writing to Messrs. Lane and Booth 
his chief business correspondents in that great commercial capital, he says : 
•' Mr. IngersoU, the gentleman mentioned in my last, by whom this will be de- 



66 CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 1750—1763. 

heart, obviously, was unintermittedly in the struggle. The 
result, therefore, must have been to him, as just suggested, 
peculiarly grateful. A vast and fertile country, with more 
than one hundred thousand people — with an immense Indian 
trade, of unspeakable value to commerce — with a command 
of the richest fisheries, and with rare natural facilities for the 
extension of empire — had been wrested from a foe which for 
more than a century had been a scourge, often a most appall- 
ing one, to English colonization in America, and which was 
now subdued for all time to English dominion. 

What though to Connecticut alone — for her share in the 
transaction — the conquest had cost — in addition to all parlia- 
mentary grants — more than four hundred thousand pounds, 
and great loss of life, and years of sleepless anxiety and ef- 
fort ! Was she not saved from unceasing bloody combina- 
tions among the French and Indians to harass her frontiers — 
to plunder and burn her settlements — to rob her stores both 
by sea and land — to circumscribe and annihilate her trade — 
to cause her plows to rust in the furrow, and her pruning 
hooks to be turned into spears? Were not her resources for 
material improvement rescued from impoverishment ? Were 
not her morals, her domestic and social virtues, her educa- 
tion, her literature, her arts, delivered from deterioration and 
waste ? Had not her heart escaped from being hardened and 
steeled against the benign influences of Christianity and civ- 
ilization, through the inevitable operation of a war longer 
protracted ? Good reason, therefore, had Trumbull, and Con- 
necticut at large, to rejoice with the whole country over the 
splendid termination of the French War. A deliverance 
from enormous evils had been experienced. A "high point 

livered, goes from hence to assist Mr. Partridge in transacting the affairs of thia 
Colony. 'Tis hoped that some further reimbursements will be made by Parlia- 
ment for the extraordinary expenses here, occasioned by the War, especially in 
this present year, wherein this Colony hath exerted itself even beyond its 
Btrength, encouraged by the hopeful prospect of success, and that a reimburse- 
ment would be made. Although Providence hath denied success against Ticon- 
deroga and Crown Point, yet the reduction of Louisburgh and Frontenac are an 
abundant occasion of gratitude to the Director of all events, and serve to encour- 
age our hopes for a speedy and happy termination of the War, or still greater suc- 
cess for the future, if it be continued. I doubt not your readiness to afford Mr. 
Ingersoll your kind help, as opportunity shall present," 



1750— 1763. CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 57 

of honor and magnificence " in tlie marcli of Britisli empire 
had been reached. Parents and sons were returned from 
captivity and the dangers of war, to the embraces of breth- 
ren and friends. Joy, therefore, was universal and un- 
bounded. '* This was the general feeling and happy state of 
the country at the return of peace." 



CHAPTER IV. 
1750—1763. 

Trumbull in the sphere of his own home and town. Two sons, David 
and John, are added to his family. His care for the education of his 
children. He is active in founding an Academy in Lebanon. His own 
views of instruction, studies, and scholarship. He receives honorary 
degrees from Tale College, and from the University of Edinborough, 
in Scotland. 

We turn now to contemplate Trumbull from 1750 to 
1763 — far as memorials allow us, and very briefly at best — 
in tlie sphere of his own home and town. 

During this period two additions were made to his family. 
The first was a son, who was born February fifth, 1750-1, 
and was baptized David — probably after his uncle who, when 
a Senior in College, was drowned in a mill-pond at Lebanon. 
Like the rest of his family, he too was destined to serve with 
distinction, in after years, the American cause — to become, 
under his brother Joseph, a Commissary for the armies of 
the Kevolution — and, under the Connecticut Council of 
Safety, to be a most active agent in procuring and preparing 
arms and munitions of war for service against the foe. 

The second child within the present period, was also a 
son, who was born June sixth, 1756, and was baptized John. 
Remarkable indeed was his destiny ! Like his brothers he 
also was to be linked in with the Revolution, but in difierent 
and novel forms. He was to become, in the first year of the 
War, Aid-de-Camp to the illustrious Commander-in-chief of 
our armies — in the second year, was to be Deputy Adjutant 
General to General Gates in the Northern Department — was 
to experience actual service in the battle-field, amid the 
dying and the dead — but more than all, was to become, 
through his pencil, the world-renowned graphic historiogra- 
pher of the great events and characters, civil as well as mili- 
tary, of that struggle in which he himself bore a conspicu- 
ous part. 

He was the last of the children of that parent whoi?^ "•'•- 



1160—1763, CHAP. IV. — TRUMBULL. 69 

commemorate. Four sons there were and two daughters — 
a rare and almost unexampled group — destined all, as has 
been shown, to a notable career. 

And they were fitted in their early years — well fitted, 
each one of them — for the stations they were thereafter to 
occupy — a fact which leads us here to dwell for a while on 
the care which Trumbull took, not only for their particular 
education, but also for his own, and for education generally, 
at thi§ period of his life. -- 

In the first place then, it is to be remarked, that in 1743, 
when his eldest child was but six years of age — being anx- 
ious to secure in his native town advantages for instru^^..ion 
superior to those which were furnished at the common 
school — he instigated the establishment of a private institu- 
tion, for not more than thirty scholars, and in connection 
with twelve other citizens proceeded to found it. It was to 
be, says the agreement of the founders, "for the education 
of our own children, and such others as we shall agree with. 
A Latin Scholar is to be computed at 35s. Old Tenor, for 
each quarter, and a reading scholar at 205. for each quarter- — 
each one to pay according to the number of children that he 
sends and the learning they are improved about, whether the 
Learned tongues, Eeading and writing, or Eeading and Eng- 
lish only." 

The School thus established was carefully nursed by its 
founders — more especially by Trumbull — and it was not 
many years before it acquired a celebrity second hardly to 
that of any Academy in all New-England. And here it 
was that all the sons of Trumbull — and for a time, probably, 
the daughters also — received the rudiments of an education, 
which, for the day, was quite profound. 

" My native place," wrote the younger son — in whose boyhood the 
Institution seems to have been at the zenith of its reputation — " was 
long celebrated for having the best school in New-England, (unless that 
of Master Moody in Newburyport might, in the judgment of some, have 
the precedence.) It was kept by Nathan Tisdale, a native of the place, 
from the time when he graduated at Harvard to the day of his death, a 
period of more than thirty years, with an assiduity and fidelity of the 
most exalted character, and became so widely known that he had schol- 
ars from the West India Islands, Georgia, and North and South Carolina, 



60 CHAP. IV. — TRUMBULL. 1750— lYGS. 

as well as from New-England and northern colonies. "With this exem- 
plary man and excellent scholar, I soon became a favorite. My father 
was his particular friend."* 

From the school at Lebanon now described, Joseph, the 
eldest son, passed, first to Harvard College, where he gradu- 
ated in 1756f — and thence to the counting-house, to join in 
his father's business as a merchant. From the same school, 
the second son, Jonathan, passed to join also Harvard Col- 
lege, or perhaps ere he actually joined, to live awhile with 
some highly skilled teacher at Cambridge — as seems to have 
been the case — that he might round off his classical prepara- 
tion.ij: From the same passed the third son, David — not to 
College, as was intended, but which was prevented by his 
father's financial embarrassments at the time — but to the 
farm — upon which, such was his thrift, that, three years only 
after he had attained his majority, we find him commended 
by his father as " apt and industrious in the business of agri- 
culture and husbandry," and as having "gained some money, 
stock, and four rights of land in the new township of Fair- 
field in New-Hampshire." 

In all probability from the same institution, passed the 
daughters Faith and Mary, to complete and polish their 
education "at an excellent school in Boston" — thence to 
return, each with skill in embroidery — but the eldest. Faith, 
with " two heads and a landscape," in oil, of her own paint- 

* Among nnmerous pupils of this "great classical teacher of his age," who 
afterwards became distinguished, were the second Governor Trumbull, Eev. 
Wm. Eobinson of Soutliington, Conn., Eev. John Eobinson, Eev. Dr. Lyman 
of Hatfield, Eev. Wm. Lyman of Glastenbury, Eev. Daniel Huntington of Had- 
ley, Hon. Jeremiah Mason and Warren Butler, Esq., both late of Boston, Thomas 
Gibbons of Georgia, &c. See New-Eng. Hist, and Gen. Eegister for January, 
1858, p. 62. The following is the inscription on the tomb of " Old Master Tis- 
dale," as he was familiarly called : — 

"Eeader, 
as thou passest, drop a tear to the memory of the once eminent American In- 
structor, Nathan Tisdule, a lover of Science. He marked the road to useful 
knowledge. A friend to his country, he inspired the flame of Patriotism. Hav- 
ing devoted his whole life, from the 18th year of his age, to the duties of his 
profession, which he followed with distinguished usefulness in Society, he died 
Jan'y 5th, 1787, in the 56th year of his age." 

+ His class numbered twenty-five. Gen. S. H. Parsons belonged to it. 

X He graduated in 1759 — in a class of thirty-five. 



1750—1763. CHAP. IV. — TRUMBULL. 6% 

ing — with which, as felicitously happened, to rouse the curi- 
osity, and for the first time to stimulate in the art of delinea- 
tion the till then wholly unpracticed hand of her younger 
brother — the artist of future renown.* From the same 
school in Lebanon again, passed this fourth and youngest 
son, John, at a later period, to Harvard College — so thor- 
oughly versed in all the preparatory studies as to be able 
to join the Junior Class in the middle of the third college 
year — in fact so advanced in his acquirements as for some 
time to render any exertion of study on his part unnecessary 
in order to maintain his footing with his class.f 

Such was the manner in which Trumbull provided for the 
education of his children. It is not, however, to be under- 
stood here, that their improvement was owing, all solely, to 
the external instrumentality of the academy. No — there 
was another school for Trumbull's children than the school 
without. There was also one within — at home — by his own 
fireside — in himself— and in his wife — a lady whose accom- 
plishments, both moral and intellectual — she having been 
peculiarly, after the early loss of her own mother, "the 
beloved and taught of her father " — eminently fitted her to 
train her offspring to knowledge and to duty. 

It is with the father though now, that we are immediately 
concerned — and of him, in this connection, we may say with 
truth, that probably no parent ever lived who more than 
himself labored, kindly, and fervidly, to give a high moral, 
religious, and intellectual character to his offspring. This 
is manifest from every scrap of his history upon this point 
that has ever reached us. It breathes in almost every line 
of his letters to his children, while in their youth, that we 
have ever seen. It is a resistless inference from his own 
deep religious sensibility, his ardent thirst for knowledge, 
and from his ripe scholarship.:}: 

* " These wonders," wrote the latter, in after years, " were hung in my mother's 
parlor, and were among the first objects that caught my infant eye. I endeav- 
ored to imitate them, and for several years the nicely sanded floors, (for carpets 
were then unknown in Lebanon,) were constantly scrawled with my rude at- 
tempts at drawing." 

t He graduated in 1773— in a class of thirty-six. 

J See how pleasantly, for example, his son Joseph testifies to his excellence as 
6 



62 CHAP. IV. — TRUMBULL. 1750— 1163. 

Writing, in 1753, to Thomas Marsh, Teacher of one of his 
sons — Jonathan we are led to believe — and Teacher also of 
one of his nephews — he says : " The greatest favor I desire 
of yon for them is that you keep a watchful eye over them 
to guide, counsel, and instruct them in the best manner, ac- 
cording to their genius and ability — and when you appre- 
hend either of them in danger from idle company, or any 
bad habits, to take an opportunity to admonish, warn, and 
punish, as you shall judge best. In short, I do not mean to 
send them to college to spend their time and my estate in a 
careless, idle, and foolish manner, but in hopes they may 
thereby become better qualified for service and usefulness to 
themselves and others, in such relation and capacity as divine 
Providence may place them in the world."* 

Trumbull's own idea of education is plain from this epis- 
tle. Its great end should be usefulness in life — it should 
take place on the condition of application — under the re- 
straints of virtue — and with discipline for an attendant. The 
idea is in a nutshell, and is perfect. 

Nor was knowledge alone, in his conception, as it is in 
that of very many, comprised in the term education. With 
him, this word had a much larger meaning. With him edu- 
cation was a process by which not only knowledge is to be 
gained, but, as Daniel Webster most justly expresses it, " the 
feelings are to be disciplined, the passions are to be re- 
strained, true and worthy motives are to be inspired, a pro- 
found religious feeling is to be instilled, and pure morality 
inculcated under all circumstances." 

a parent. Writing him from London, in November, 1763, he speaks of himself 
as " vastly indebted" to the father for his "good and parental advice and coim- 
Bel " — which, he adda, " I am the more obliged to yon for, as I am sure of the 
continuance of that kind, affectionate love of the best of parents which I have 
during my whole life experienced." 

Speaking of Trumbull in this connection, the Rev. Zebulon Ely, pastor of his 
church, says that " as a parent he was affectionate, venerable, and endearing, by pre- 
cept and example carefully forming the minds and the manners of his off-spring." 

* We suppose the Mr. Marsh to whom the above letter was addressed, resided 
in Cambridge, Mass. The letter is in the handwriting of Trumbull, but its ad- 
dress is wanting. Trumbull, at the same time with the letter — "in thankful ac- 
knowledgment," he says, " of past, and expectation of future favor " to each of 
the boys — sent Mr. Marsh, with characteristic generosity, tJiree cheeses, and ten 
pounds of butter ! 



1750—1763. CHAP. IV. — TRUMBULL. 68 

TJnweariedly, in his own practice — for bis own self-im- 
provement — though now past the meridian of his hfe — did 
he cling to study, whenever relaxation from other duties 
afforded him an opportunity. " He was exceedingly careful 
of precious time, diligent and indefatigable in his researches 
after truth, till the close of his life," is the pointed testimony 
of one who knew his habits intimately — his own last pastor, 
Mr. Ely. History and jurisprudence — to which we have 
before alluded as constituting his favorite pursuits just when 
he exchanged the pulpit for the cares of business — still con- 
tinued to receive a large share of his attention, and to enrich 
his mind, both from the old and the modern world, with 
abundant stores. We shall find him hereafter active in gather- 
ing and in preserving the history of our own land. He made 
himself too specially familiar with chronology. By all ac- 
counts his accuracy here was " unparalleled " — a fact which 
we shall, hereafter too, find him turning to excellent account 
when called upon, as Governor, to prepare elaborate State 
Papers in behalf of Connecticut. Nor did he forget his 
favorite study of Divinity. Indeed, as he advanced in life, 
Divinity became, with him, more and more engrossing. 
" That sublime, glorious, and necessary science," says again 
Mr. Ely, " was his delightful study from his youth upwards 
to the close of his life. Notwithstanding the multiplicity of 
civil business in which he was involved, being expert in the 
Hebrew, he found opportunities to search into the sacred im- 
port of the divine oracles of revelation in the original lan- 
guages." 

What a consolation, we cannot here but think, to a mind 
constituted like that of Trumbull — to a taste, from early aca- 
demical study, so classically imbued — and to a heart so sin- 
cerely devotional — must have been this ability to read the 
gospel he so much loved in its pure native text — without the 
aid of Tyndale, Miles Coverdale, the fifteen bishops under 
Parker, the forty-seven learned men under King James, or 
any other of the translators or revisors of the Bible even in 
the most golden age of biblical and oriental learning in 
England ! To read the Books of the Old Testament in the 
sublime, pure Hebrew — the very language in which, in the 



64 CHAP. IV. — TRUMBULL. l^SO— 1763. 

opinion of some learned men, God spake to Adam in Para- 
dise, and in which Adam and Eve s^^ake to each other, and 
which was the general language of mankind at the disper- 
sion I And to read this language, as we see from quotations 
in his own handwriting he did, without the accentual marks 
to distinguish its sentences, to determine the quantity of its 
syllables, and denote the tone in which it was to be read or 
sung ! Surely the vocation must have been to him a most 
inspiring one, and proves a ripened scholarship. 

It will be observed that the studies which more particu- 
larly engaged the attention of Trumbull, were all of a sub- 
stantial kind — history, law, jurisprudence, and divinity — 
chiefly. Such was undoubtedly the leading direction of his 
mind — to the solid, the severer, the more practical branches 
of knowledge. Yet he did not avoid the lighter paths of 
literature — but, with a culture such as he possessed, walked 
in them at times with a keen and buoyant relish — as many 
of his productions — some of which we shall call up here- 
after — composed with careful regard to established literary 
canons, and chastened by a correct taste — fully prove. To 
the whole field of mental effort, it is obvious, he brought a 
mind, which, in the language of President Ezra Stiles — him- 
self one of the best judges of intellectual merit — was "en- 
dowed with a singular strength " — with a perception " vivid 
and clear" — and a judgment at once "penetrating and com- 
prehensive." He "became qualified," adds the Eeverend 
Doctor " for a very singular variety of usefulness." He was 
" embellished with academical, theological, and political eru- 
dition." So thought Yale College, and the University of 
Edinborough in Scotland, when, subsequent to the time of 
which we now speak, they each conferred upon him the 
honorary degree of L L. D. ! 



CHAPTER V. 
1731—1764. 

Trumbull as merchant. His partnership connections. His dealings 
both at home and ahroad — with New York, Boston, Nantucket, Hali- 
fax, the West Indies, and England The articles in which he traded. 
Interesting anecdote m this connection of himself, his son John, and 
Zachary, a Mohegan Indian w^hom he employed as a hunter. He im- 
ports largely, in vessels owned either in part or whole hy himself. 
His trade enhanced by contracts for the supply of troops during the 
French wars. His experience in these contracts. He establishes 
semi-annual fairs and markets in Lebanon. His success in these. 
His business habits — integrity, energy, and punctuality. The prop- 
erty he acquired. 

We have looked at Trumbull tlius far, in the sphere, 
mainly, of public life — in his connections as legislator, coun- 
sellor, judge, and military officer, with the events of his day. 
"We have now to look at him in another and different 
sphere — that of trade and commerce — in his capacity as mer- 
chant and business man. And here we shall find him leading 
at all times a life of stirring industry, and stretching this 
industry out, with enlarged aims, both upon the ocean and 
the land. 

The loss of a brother at sea, who was engaged with his 
father in trade, and the failing energies of the latter, brought 
him into this department, as has been already noticed, in 
1731 — and he soon managed, by his good care and economy, 
to repair the damages which the family estate had suffered 
by misfortune on the sea. He was soon left to do business 
alone.* But in 1755 — thereabouts — he united in trade with 
others, under the partnership title of "Williams, Trumble 
and Pitkin" — which firm, with a branch at Wethersfield, 
and another at Norwich, and probably a third at East Had- 
dam, in addition to that at Lebanon, continued to exist down 
to 1764 — at which time it was supplanted by a new associa- 
tion between Colonel Trumbull, his son Joseph, and Colonel 

* A printed note of hand, bearing date Aug. 11th, 1741, describes him as 
"Jonathan Trumble, Trader." 

6» 



Q^ CHAP, V. — TRUMBULL. 1731—1764. 

Eleazer Fitch, under the partnership title of " Trumble, 
Fitch, and Trumble." 

His dealings as merchant, during the period of thirty-three 
years extending from 1731 to the Peace of Paris in 1763 — 
with which period alone we are concerned in the present 
chapter — were, as already intimated, extensive — both at home 
and abroad — in all the country surrounding Lebanon — in 
New York — in Boston* — and with Nantucket — particularly 
on this island with Joseph Eotch, and Joseph Swain, to 
whom he transmitted provisions of various kinds in exchange 
for oil — an article with which, in a subsequent part of his 
mercantile career, as we shall have occasion to see, he had 
much to do, and in the character too of whaling merchant — 
for he sent forth his own ships to hunt the leviathans of the 
deep.f 

He dealt also much with Halifax, particularly there with 
Captain Joshua Meagher, and Joseph Eanger — the former of 
whom he describes as a most punctual business man, and 
generous in his management. Early as 1752, Meagher, by 
letter, had solicited to open a trade with him in the produce 
of Connecticut — saying that he should "joyfully embrace 
the opportunity" of a correspondence and commerce with 
him, because " of the good character " he had heard of him 
as "a lover of mankind " — " A rolling stone gathers no 
moss," added Meagher, quickening business between them — 
and it soon became very active, was long continued, and 
was mutually beneficial — Trumbull sending out Meagher 
beef, pork, and other provisions — particularly for ships of 
war that arrived at Halifax — and receiving in return cargoes 
of dry goods.:}: 

* Particularly in Boston with the firms of Inman & Apthorp, Green & Walker, 
with .lames Bowdoin, John Gray, and James Pitts & Sons — of which last firm 
Tnnnbull himself testifies specially that they were high-minded men, whose pa- 
tience as creditors he had himself, in some cases, known " to endure even to 
long-suffering." 

+ " If thou hast a mind to ship to Nantucket any articles on thine own ac- 
count," wrote Swain to him from this celebrated whaling island, " we will do 
the best we can with them "—and Trumbull did so, adding private adventures 
to those on partnership account. 

X As scarlet cloaks, scarlet calimancoes, scarlet caps, corded cambittees, black 
leather and morocco clogs, waistcoats, surtouts, great-coats, felt hats, cloths 



1731—1764. CHAP. V. — TRUMBULL. 67 

But Trumbull's trade abroad was specially extensive with 
the West Indies, and with England — particularly in London, 
with the firms of Lane and Booth, of Hayley and Champion, 
and with Samuel Sparrow — in Bristol with Stephen Ap- 
thorp — in Liverpool, occasionally with some firms there — 
and on the continent, through England, with Amsterdam, 
but especially with the house of Casper Voght and Company, 
of Hamburgh, the richest and most substantial of all in that 
famous mart for German manufactures — and from which, 
on account of the high credit and connections of his firm, he 
received invitations to engage in trade. He exported, either 
in vessels belonging to his own firm, or in others chartered 
for the purpose, the principal American products — those 
which from the infancy of commerce in Connecticut had 
been used for foreign trade,* and among these, besides salted 
provisions, particularly oil, much of it, flax-seed, potash, 
lumber, fish, whale-fins, and skins and furs. 

drab, and chocolate-colored, and light, and Saxon-green, horsemen's coats, drug- 
get, and a great variety of other articles, which show the taste of the day, and 
strikingly illustrate the colonial dependence on the mother-country. 

It was in the time of Trumbull's connection in trade with Meagher, that the 
former lost his father. In a letter to him from Halifax, dated July 7th, 1755, 
Meagher says: "I am sorry for the loss you have sustained by the death of your 
father ; but it is a debt we must all pay — we must not repine at the will of Prov- 
idence." 

The following are the inscriptions upon the father's monument and that of his 
wife, who survived him a little over thirteen years : — 

" Here lies the body of 

Capt. Joseph Trumble, 

one of the Fathers of ye town and 

just Friend to it, of a compassionate ■ 

kind disposition who after a short 

illness departed this life in the hope 

of a better Jime 16, 1755 in the 77th year of his age." 

"Here are deposited ye remains of 

Mrs. Hannah Trumbull, late wife of 

Capt. Joseph Trumbull, Daughter of John 

Higley of Simsbury Esqr. who came from 

Finnley in ye County of Surrey, by Mrs. Hannah 

Drake his first wife. She was bom 

at Windsor 22d April 1683. Died at 

Lebanon 8th Nov. 1768, aged 85 years, 6 mo. & 15 days." 

*As wheat, peas, barley, Indian corn, pork, beef, wool, hemp, flax, cider, 

perry, tar, turpentine, deal boards, lumber, pipe-staves, horses, pine and spruce 

for masts, cattle, swine, sheep, goats, and fish. 



68 CHAP. V. — TRUMBULL. 1731—1764. 

For the purpose of procuring the skins and furs, it was his 
habit to employ the Indians of his neighborhood. Famous 
among these both as a hunter and a friend to Trumbull, was 
Zachary — a principal councillor in the Mohegan tribe, whose 
favorite ground was on the banks of the river Thames be- 
tween New London and Norwich. Of him Trumbull's son, 
the painter John, relates the following remarkable story — one 
which, while it bears on the point now under consideration, 
at the same time admirably illustrates Cooper's remark that 
"few men exhibit greater diversity, or, if we may so express 
it, greater antithesis of character, than the native warriors of 
North America." 

"The government of this Mohegan tribe," he proceeds, "had become 
hereditary in the family of the celebrated chief Uncas. During the time 
of my father's mercantile prosperity, he had employed several Indians 
of this tribe in hunting animals whose skins were valuable for their furs. 
Among these hunters was one named Zachary, of the royal race, an ex- 
cellent hunter, but as drunken and worthless an Indian as ever lived. 
When he had somewhat passed the age of fifty, several members of the 
royal family who stood between Zachary and the throne of his tribe 
died, and he found himself with only one life between himself and em- 
pire. In this moment his better genius resumed its sway, and he re- 
flected seriously, ' How can such a drunken wretch as I am, aspire to be 
the chief of an honorable race — what will my people say — and how will 
the shades of my noble ancestors look down indignant upon such a base 
successor? Can I succeed to the great Uncas? 1 will drink no more!* 
He solemnly resolved never to taste again any drink but water, and he 
kept his resolution. 

" I had heard this story, and did not entirely believe it ; for young as 
I was I already partook in the prevailing contempt of Indians. In the be- 
ginning of May, the annual election of the principal officers of the colony 
was held at Hartford, the capital. My father attended officially, and it was 
customary for the chief of the Mohegans also to attend. Zachary had 
succeeded to the rule of his tribe.* My father's house was situated about 
midway on the road between Mohegan and Hartford, and the old chief 

* He was not, according to De Forest, in his History of the Indians of Connec- 
ticut, a sachem, or entitled by blood to this distinction. " The individual to 
whom Trumbull's reminiscence refers," says this author, "was unquestionably 
our old friend Zachary Johnson, the principal Councillor of the last Ben Uncaa, 
and after his death the leading man among the Mohegans. He was sometimes, I 
believe, styled the regent of the tribe, and, as already mentioned, received in his 
latter days a support from the rents of the lands ; but he did not belong to tho 
royal family, and never became sachem." — Jh^e 477. 



1731—1764. CHAP. V. — TRUMBULL. 69 

was in the habit of coming a few days before the election, and dining 
with his brother governor. One day the mischievous thought struck me, 
to try the sincerity of the old man's temperance. The family was seated 
at dinner, and there was excellent home-brewed beer on the table. I ad- 
dressed the old chief — " Zachary, this beer is excellent — will you taste 
it ? " The old man dropped his knife and fork — leaned forward with a 
stern intensity of expression ; his black eye, sparkling with indignation, 
was fixed on me. " John," said he, *' you do not know what you are 
doing. You are serving the devil, boy ! Do you not know that I am an 
Indian ? I tell you that I am, and that, if I should but take your beer, 
I could never stop until I got to rum, and become again the drunken, 
contemptible wretch your father remembers me to have been. John^ 
while you live, never again tempt any man to hreah a good resolution."'' 
Socrates never uttered a more valuable precept. Demosthenes could not 
have uttered it in more solemn tones of eloquence. I was thunderstruck. 
My parents were deeply affected ; they looked at each other, and at me, 
and at the venerable old Indian, with deep feelings of awe and respect 
They afterwards frequently reminded me of the scene, and charged me 
never to forget it. Zachary lived to pass the age of eighty, and sacredly 
kept his resolution. He lies buried in the royal burial place of his tribe, 
near the beautiful falls of the Yantic, the western branch of the Thames, 
in Norwich, on land now owned by my friend Calvin Goddard, Esq. I 
visited the grave of the old chief lately, and there repeated to myself his 
inestimable lesson." 

For tlie various products which Colonel Trumbull exported 
to England, and through England to Amsterdam, to Ham- 
burgh, and to a few other places on the continent of Europe, 
he received in return almost every variety of merchandise 
for which there was a colonial demand — English and Ger- 
man manufactures of all sorts — particularly woolen cloths, 
silks, scythes, nails, glass, brass, fire-arms, and all sorts of 
crockery, cutlery, and iron and pewter-ware. Many old in- 
voices preserved among his Papers, sliow that his business 
was conducted on a large scale, and that he was one among 
the ver}'' first in Connecticut to substitute for the old interme- 
diate trade, in English goods, at New York, Boston, and 
Halifax, the system of direct importation from the Mother- 
country,* The sloops, schooners, brigantines, and snows, 

* Stocks of goods, worth many thousand pounds each, with his own business 
mark — / J X / — at the head of the accounts — are frequently noted among his 
Papers. Rich black serges, rich black-spotted grogatoons, broad knee-gartering. 



70 CHAP. V. — TRUMBULL. 1131—1764. 

either chartered, or owned in part or whole by himself — the 
Prince George, the Abigail, the Sarah, the Friendship, the 
Boscawen, the Amelia, the Endeavor, the Alliance, the Polly, 
the Thomas Allen, the Sea Horse — furled their sails fre- 
quently in New London harbor — or at the wharf in Nor- 
wich — or along the banks of Connecticut River at times — 
full-freighted with goods and merchandise for the enterprising 
tradesman of quiet, agricultural Lebanon. 

His business as merchant and importer was at times very 
much enhanced through connections which he established — 
either through his own firm, or with partners elsewhere — for 
supplying military forces during the French Wars — connec- 
tions which were independent of his duties as military and 
colonial officer, and which yielded him bills of exchange for 
his trade with England. 

Thus in 17-i6, for example, with his partners "Williams and 
Pitkin, he advanced twenty-five hundred pounds for the offi- 
cers and soldiers of Connecticut in the expedition to Canada. 
This was done at a time when discriminating duties in favor 
of direct importations from Europe, and against the interven- 
tion of New York and Boston in the commerce of Connec- 
ticut, were laid by the Colony — when, to encourage the direct 
foreign trade, a bounty even of five per cent was given on 
imports from Great Britain. The goods imported by Trum- 
bull under the favorable laws of which we now speak, did 

calicoes, muslins, cambrics — canvass, kerseys, linens, duffils, broadcloths, dmg- 
gets, grograms, and caps — hose, silk gloves, and topt-outs — crapes, satins and 
lace — thread, galloons, sorted velvet masks, lawns, checks, and black and colored 
balladine — ribbons, fans and taffaties — fine cloth — colored Brussels camlets — 
mourning crapes and bombazines — w omen's stuffed shoes, flowered silk shoes and 
cloggs — glasses in walnut and mahogany frames, and some in frames of walnut 
and shells, and some in japanned frames— paper, lead, indigo, and bear skins — 
such arc the articles which figure chiefly among his imports from England — while 
from the West India isles— from Jamaica, Martinique, Barbadoes, and the Car- 
ribbec islands more especially— in exchange usually for live stock, and beef, and 
pork, he brought sugar, rum, molasses, cotton-wool, salt, and bills of exchange — 
with which to pay for European goods. The following extract from one of his 
letters, in August, 1763, to his chief correspondents in London, Messrs. Lane and 
Booth, illustrates his trade in this last direction. " I have sent," he writes, "to 
the West Indies twenty-one head of fat cattle, nine horses, seventy-four barrels 
of flour, forty-four barrels of pork, with some beef and lumber, with orders to 
Capt. Clark to go to Martinique, or wherever he can find the English fleet and 
forces, and sell out sloop and cargo, for bills on London to be remitted to you." 



1731—1764 CHAP. V. — TRUMBULL. 71 

not happen to arrive till after the laws were repealed, whereby 
his adventure was seriously damaged. In addition to this — 
on account of discontent in England with a furlough allowed 
the Connecticut troops for whom he had advanced money — 
quite an amount of his bills of exchange was refused payment. 
In consequence of all this, he met with a loss of eleven or 
twelve hundred pounds — but subsequently — his case, as in 
his Memorial to the General Assembly he stated, being "a 
very peculiar and distinguishing one " — he received from this 
Body some relief. 

Again in 1761 — in partnership with Hezekiah Huntington 
of Norwich, John Ledyard of Hartford, Eleazer Fitch of 
Windham, and William Williams of Lebanon — and for the 
purpose in part of procuring bills of exchange for his trade 
abroad — Trumbull entered into a contract with the General 
Assembly of Connecticut, to supply the troops of the Colony 
in his Majesty's service, the then current year, with clothing 
and refreshments — the said Assembly agreeing to lend 
the Undertakers, for the affair, the sum of six thousand 
pounds. The contract was a large one, and it was punctu- 
ally discharged — Trumbull himself entering upon it with 
zeal, and becoming in consequence engaged in constant 
correspondence with his Majesty's Commander-in-chief in 
America, General Amherst. 

Neither of the operations now mentioned, however, were 
to him particularly advantageous. The first, as we have seen, 
was a losing one. The second yielded something. But 
much profit in the case was out of question, both because of 
the great difiiculty at times in procuring suitable remittances 
for the European trade — and because besides, the British 
government was extremely remiss, and often entirely neglect- 
ful in meeting its pecuniary obligations to troops in America. 
Connecticut, in fact, never received from the parent country 
one -half of what was fairly her due for services in the two 
old French Wars.* 

* In 1763, Colonel Trumbull sent his eldest son to England, to obtain among 
other things — with the aid of his correspondents Lane and Booth, and of Phine- 
has Lyman, then in London — such dividends as were due to those regiments in 
America with which he had been concerned. Williams, his partner, had before 



72 CHAP. V. — TRUMBULL. 1731—1764. 

But wbile thus, in some few cases, embarrassed in his 
operations abroad, Trumbull on the whole, during the period 
now under contemplation, was highly fortunate in his busi- 
ness. "He had for years been a successful merchant," wrote 
his son John of his father at this time, "and looked forward 
to an old age of ease and affluence." His home business, at 
Lebanon, flourished. By his own personal exertions he had 
made this village a mart for buying, selling, and exchanging, 
semi-annually, merchandize and commodities of various 
descriptions. By a vote of his native town, he was consti- 
tuted sole agent, in its behalf, to apply to the General Assem- 
bly for this valuable purpose — and he did so. "Whereas," 
says his Memorial to the Legislature on this subject, in his 
own handwriting — " whereas Markets and Fairs are found 
beneficial and serviceable to facilitate the transaction of busi- 
ness among people, in a manner both expeditious and advan- 
tageous, and the situation and circumstances of the town of 
Lebanon are such as render it convenient and fit for a Fair 
and Market to be set up and kept therein" — therefore he 
prays for liberty to establish them, "at proper times, and 
with the privileges, and under such convenient and suitable 
regulations as are usually annexed thereto." 

These Fairs gave him much employment, and valuable 
harvests of profit. It is the testimony from every quarter, 
that "his upright dealing secured the respect and confidence 
of the public." Wholly free from all the petty exactions of 
trade, he was a provident manager — careful of his invest- 
ments of capital, even to the smallest — a strict accountant, 
and reckoner of his gains — yet ever spending these gains 
with liberality and satisfaction both upon his own family 
and the public — striking evidences of which fact we shall 
have occasion hereafter to observe. More than any man of 

gone out to London, for the same purpose, on his first contract — with what suc- 
cess, in either case, we do not positively learn, though doubtless with some. "It 
is difficult," wrote Trumbull at this time, by his son, "to find ways and means 
to make remittances abroad — the last two years have been rather calamitous for 
the country" — and he suggests as modes of relief, "the supply of our provisions 
where needed," ship-building, and the exportation of flax-seed to Ireland, and 
of pig and bar iron from towns in Litchfield County, where, he says, these latter 
articles "abound." He will "fulfil," he adds, his "own contracts, both old and 
new, punctually." 



1731—1764. CHAP. V. — TRUMBULL. 73 

his day, in his own region — he was called upon to transact 
affairs for others — to draw up contracts, bonds, and commer- 
cial papers generally — to sell lands, and other property — 
arbitrate accounts, and settle controversies in trade. More 
often declining than receiving compensation for services like 
these, he proved himself "a trusty friend" indeed to all 
who solicited, in behalf of their own private interests, the 
benefit of his mercantile experience, true candor, and 
unflinching honesty. 

So the first years of Trumbull's life as a merchant passed — 
in successful commerce abroad — in profitable trade at 
home — and with high reputation in all his contracts, negotia- 
tions, and adventures. And "his corn and riches did in- 
crease." A house and home-estate worth over four thousand 
pounds — furniture, and a library, worth six hundred pounds — 
a valuable store adjacent to his dwelling — a store, wharf, and 
land at East Haddam — a lot and warehouse at Chelsea in 
Norwich — a valuable gristmill near his family seat at 
Lebanon — "a large convenient malt house" — several pro- 
ductive farms in his neighborhood, carefully tilled, and 
beautifully spotted with rich acres of woodland — extensive 
ownership too in the "Five Mile Propriety," as it was called, 
in Lebanon, in whose management as committee-man, and 
representative at courts, and moderator at meetings of 
owners, Trumbull had much to do — a stock of domestic 
animals worth an hundred and thirty pounds — these posses- 
sions — together with a well-secured indebtedness to himself, 
in bonds, and notes and mortgages, resulting from his 
mercantile transactions, of about eight thousand pounds — 
rewarded, at the close of the year 1763, the toil of Trumbull 
in the field of trade and commerce. In all it was a property 
of not less than eighteen thousand pounds — truly a large one 
for the day — but one destined, by reverses in trade which the 
times subsequently rendered inevitable, and by the patriotic 
generosity of its owner during the great Kevolutionary 
Struggle, to sink, in large part, from his grasp. 



C HAPTE R VI. 
1764—1770. 

General vie"w of the condition of the American Colonies at this period. 
Investigation into the nature of their connection -with the Parent 
State particularly roused. Trumbull's public offices and duties. He 
is appointed Deputy Governor and Chief Justice of Connecticut. He 
■watches closely the measures of England. Examines especially the 
famous "Writs of Assistance, and writes to England about them. The 
conclusions of his mind upon these Writs are strongly in favor of lib- 
erty. The noted trial upon their validity in Boston awakens his patri- 
otic zeal. Two applications for their issue are made in Connecticut to 
the Court over ■which he himself presides. His action and sentiments 
■upon these applications. A striking letter on the subject from his pen. 

We enter now upon tlie period in Trumbull's life from 
1764 to 1770 — from the Peace of Paris to the time when he 
was exalted to the post of Chief Magistrate of his native 
Colony — a period of novel and startling experiences to the 
American world — when the Colonies and the Mother-Coun- 
try — no longer moving side by side, and shoulder to shoul- 
der, for the annihilation of French and Spanish power, and 
the proud extension of British dominion — fell into those col- 
lisions between themselves, which, sharpened by time — 

"With -wrath, and hate, and sacred vengeance, 
Soon indissolubly linked," 

produced at last the American Eevolution. 

It was the period when plans for levying internal taxes 
upon the Colonies were started — and when old and vexatious 
acts of navigation and trade, exhausting the life-blood of 
their little treasuries, were to be enforced by swarms of rev- 
enue officers, and Courts of Admiralty that outraged liberty. 
It was the period of the Stamp Act — of the Billeting Act — 
and of Port Duties on glass, lead, painters' colors, and tea, 
which were to be compelled by an intrusive Board of Com- 
missioners for the Customs, and with the aid of odious Writs 
of Assistance. It was the period of a British Act — levelled 
at all the Colonies, through New York — for suspending, and 



1764—1770. 



CHAP. VI. — TRUMBULL. 76 



virtually annihilating the legislative functions of General 
Assemblies — when too the charters of Massachusetts, Rhode 
Island, and Connecticut, and the liberties of all New-England 
towns were "struck at" — when the New-England fisheries 
were menaced with prohibition — and the New-England " in- 
cendiaries," as the active patriots of that day were styled, 
were to be transported, if possible, to the Old Country for 
vengeful trial and condemnation. It was the period, in fine, 
when unnatural and oppressive acts such as these — rousing 
investigation more deeply than ever before into the nature 
of our political connection with the parent State, and to a 
vindication of the natural right of men quietly to enjoy, and 
fully to dispose of their own property — awoke the young 
lion of American resistance to so broad a glare of defiance, 
to an attitude so full of menace, that an army with banners 
at last — Boston to be the theatre for its first murderous ex- 
ploit — landed on the shores of the New-World, to drive the 
infant monster back, it was ostentatiously expected, to some 
lair of impotent repose. Vain boast — empty hope! The 
clutch of that young lion was fatal ! 

Of Trumbull's connection with these matters, down nearly 
to that memorable spring which ushered in the Boston Mas- 
sacre — of the feelings which were his impulse — of the prin- 
ciples he adopted, and the course he pursued — we shall 
speak, in part, in the present chapter — not, from lack of me- 
morials, with the fulness we desire — yet amply enough, in 
the course of this and succeeding chapters, we shall trust, to 
exhibit him in his true light. But first, let us fill up, as 
after our manner hitherto, the measure of the ofiices of 
honor and of trust which he enjoyed, at the hands of his 
fellow-citizens, during the present period. 

In 1764, he was again elected Assistant for the Colony of 
Connecticut, Judge of the County Court, and Judge of Pro- 
bate, for the County and District of Windham. In 1765, 
the same offices were all renewed in his person. In 1766, 
October, he was appointed Chief Judge of the Superior 
Courts of Connecticut for the year ensuing, with Robert 
Walker, Matthew Griswold, Eliphalet Dyer, and Roger 
Sherman, for his associates on the Bench — and was also 



76 CHAP. VI. — TRUMBULL. 1764— 1770. 

again appointed Judge of Probate for tlie District of Wind- 
ham. In 1767, he was re-elected Chief Justice, with the 
same associates, and also Judge of Probate, and was also 
chosen Deputy Governor of the Colony. In 1768, he was 
again appointed Chief Justice, with the same associates, and 
again Deputy Governor. These offices he held in 1769 — 
until October of this year — when upon the death of Gov- 
ernor William Pitkin, relinquishing the place of Chief Jus- 
tice in favor of Matthew Griswold — he was chosen to the 
post of Chief Magistrate of Connecticut — a post which he 
continued to occupy until within two years of his death — 
when, by a voluntary resignation, he gave it up forever. 

So that, within the thirty-seven years which elapsed from 
1733 to 1770 — covering thus far the whole sphere of his 
public life — Trumbull seven times represented his native 
town, as Deputy, in the General Assembly of Connecticut, 
during three of which he occupied the honorable post of 
Speaker of the House — was chosen Assistant for twenty -two 
years — was chosen for one year a side Judge, and for seven- 
teen years Chief Judge of the County Court of Windham, 
and for nineteen years Judge of Probate for the same Dis- 
trict — was twice made Justice of the Peace — was once elected 
an Assistant Judge, and thrice Chief Justice of the Superior 
Courts of the Colony — and twice its Deputy Governor — and 
had his services at last, after a gradual and sure accretion of 
public influence and reputation, crowned with the highest 
honor in the gift of the people whom he so long and faith- 
fully had served. An amount all this, of labor, of office, 
dignity, and trust, which rarely indeed falls to the lot of 
men. Trumbull's path to Posts and Honors was no short 
and petty byepath, but literally a broad, spacious, solid, and 
embellished Highway. 

Of the manner in which, in the period upon which we 
now particularly dwell — that between 1763 and 1770 — he 
discharged his duties — simply as legislator and member of 
the General Assembly — we have not much to present. Suf- 
fice it to say here, that, as in preceding years, he was active 
and trusted — trusted upon important committees — consulted 
with, as of old, on all questions of public economy and 



1764—1770. CHAP. VI. — TRUMBULL. 77 

police— and specially relied upon, we observe, in cases that 
came before the Legislature touching fraudulent sales of 
lands, the construction of wills, and the administration of 
estates.* He was relied upon also, especially, in ecclesiast- 
ical matters that called for the interposition of the Legisla- 
ture, and in Indian affairs — particularly in the affairs of the 
Mohegan tribe, in connection, as we shall hereafter have oc- 
casion to show, with that famous Mason controversy, which 
so long, in suits against Connecticut, agitated committees, 
counsel, agents, and courts, both in this Colony, and in Great 
Britain. 

From all these points we turn however now, to consider 
Trumbull in that civil and political sphere to which we have 
already alluded, as concerning not only all the dominant 
interests of Connecticut, but those also of United America, 
and the rights and power of a Motherland just commencing 
towards her children a career of despotism and tyranny. 

To the very beginnings of this career, in fresh orders sent 
from England to American custom-house ofl&cers to take 
more effectual measures for enforcing the acts of trade and 
navigation, Trumbull gave heed. No man more than him- 
self studied the nature and operation of those famous Writs 
of Assistance, which — arming these officers with the odious 
power of breaking open buildings to search for goods ille- 
gally imported, as well as for those on which duties had not 
been paid — first manifested the aggressive purposes of Brit- 
ish power against American property and commerce. 

Both as merchant and a patriot, he watched them with the 
deepest anxiety. In a mercantile view they were to be em- 
ployed to enforce statutes — hitherto suffered to lie dormant, 
or disregarded and evaded — which in their direct operation, 
would cut off that extensive circuitous trade with the French 
and Spanish "West India isles, which to himself — as well as 
to hundreds of others, especially in New England, engaged 
in commerce — was a principal source of prosperity, and en- 

* As in the matter, particularly, of the estate of Dr. Morrison of Hartford — 
that learned, though somewhat eccentric Scottish physician, whose recluse grave, 
within almost the centre of this city, and near its new free Episcopal Church, 
has long attracted the curiosity of citizens. 

7^ 



78 CHAP. VI. — TRUMBULL. 1764— 1770. 

abled them to pay for the British manufactures they usually 
imported. In a political view these writs, if granted, would 
be dire instruments of tyranny. 

They were writs unknown in the history of colonial juris- 
prudence. But they were according to the usages of the 
Court of Exchequer in England, it was said. 

To England, therefore — to Richard Jackson, the Colonial 
Agent for Connecticut there — Trumbull wrote on the subject, 
soon as it began to assume importance — carefully informing 
himself with regard to these usages, all of them — especially 
so after new collectors, to carry out the behests of the Crown, 
were appointed for his native province, and after its Governor 
was informed by the Board of Trade and Plantations for 
America, that his Majesty's resolution, on the subject of the 
trade and navigation acts, was so fixed "to have the most 
implicit obedience to his commands for enforcing them, that 
he would not pass unnoticed any negligence on the part of 
any person." 

The conclusions to which his own mind came on this im- 
portant subject — the first upon which, in the new collision 
between Parliamentary and Colonial authority, he had been 
called on to express an opinion — were all in favor of his own 
land. Circumstances urged him — here at the outset of the 
struggle which was about to ensue — to choose his side — and 
this side was that of liberty — unreservedly, firmly, and fer- 
vently. So that when Otis and Thatcher — before a Court in 
the metropolis of New England — in resistance to a Crown- 
Collector's application for the obnoxious Writ — made their 
brilliant and immortal efforts — American Independence was 
not "then and there born" more fully in the heart of any 
listener than in that of Trumbull, when at his home in Leba- 
non he heard of these efforts, and perused the subsequent 
masterly pamphlet by Otis asserting and proving the rights 
of the Colonies. No man in that "crowded audience" at 
Boston — in that first scene of the first opposition to the arbi- 
trary claims of Great Britain — was more " ready to take arms 
against Writs of Assistance" — more ready, spite of proceed- 
ings somewhat irregular, to sanction the conduct of that 
crowd at Falmouth in Maine, which subsequently defeated 



1764—1770. CHAP. VI. — TRUMBULL. 79 

their operation in the hands of officers laboring under their 
disputed authority to make a seizure of goods — or more 
zealous to uphold and vindicate their refusal by the Superior 
Court in Connecticut, in one or two cases in which Custom 
House functionaries applied for their issue-r— than was that 
son of Connecticut whose life we now commemorate. 

He had prominent opportunity to manifest his sentiments 
on this point — for in March 1768 — and again in April 1769 — 
direct application was made to the Superior Court over which 
he presided, for some of the Writs in question. In the first 
instance it was made to Chief Justice Trumbull by the King's 
Collector for the port of New London, Duncan Stewart, and 
the King's Comptroller, Thomas Moffat — for the mere pur- 
pose, it would seem, of testing the views of the Court upon 
the important subject — and not for the reason that any 
" special occasion " had arisen for their use. The Court, 
therefore, was at perfect liberty, at this time, with a wary 
prudence, to waive their issue — and, in the expectation, and 
with the desire that further light should be shed upon their 
nature and legality, courteously to postpone their considera- 
tion to a future period. 

" Upon the Petition of Duncan Stewart, Collector," says the Court 
Record of their proceeding at this time — *' and Thomas Moffat, Comp- 
troller of his Majesty's Customs for the port of New London, Esquires, 
requesting this Court to grant them Writs of Assistance pursuant to the 
spirit and true meaning of the Act of Parliament therein referred to — 
And no information being made by said Petitioners, or otherwise, of any 
special occasion for said Writ — this Court is of opinion that it is needful 
to consider on the purport of said Act, and the manner and form of 
granting such Writs of Assistance, according to the usage of his Majes- 
ty's Court of Exchequer : Therefore this Court will further consider and 
advise thereon." 

This further consideration the Court did give to the mat- 
ter. Trumbull again wrote abroad — for additional informa- 
tion about the Writs — both to Jackson, and to Wm. Samuel 
Johnson, who was then in London as special attorney for 
Connecticut in management of the Mohegan Case. Singu- 
larly enough — and certainly contrary to the impressions we 
usually derive from history on this point — the Writs in ques- 



80 CHAP. VI. — TRUMBULL. 1764—1770. 

tion we)'e, by the custom of England, legalized, and issued 
in that country as a matter of course. They had been issued 
also in some of the Provinces of America. 

"Mr. Jackson," reported Johnson to Trumbull, September twenty- 
ninth, 1769, " has no doubt wrote you on the subject of Writs of Assist- 
ance, as I have also to his Honor the Governor, and inclosed him copies 
of the usual Writs issued here. I own / was surprised to find such a 
Writ in use in a country so jealous of its liberties, but it seems it has 
now custom on its side, and issues quite of course. I find it has also 
been adopted in Massachusetts Bay, and some other Provinces, and is 
said to be grounded on this principle — that the presence of the Civil Offi- 
cer is necessary for the preservation of the Peace, as well as to give a 
proper Countenance to the Officers of the Revenue."* 

So far now, in the discharge of his ordinary and acknowl- 
edged duties, as the Civil Officer required "countenance," 
Trumbull, undoubtedly, would have willingly afforded it. 
He would have granted " Warrants " such as were suitable 
for the purpose — but not a "Writ, which, like that of Assist- 
ance, authorized the invasion, even of private dwellings, in 
an outraging process of search and seizure. Fortunately we 
have his views on this subject preserved. They are embod- 
ied, briefly, in a letter which, June fourteenth 1769, he wrote 
to Johnson in London — giving an account of the proceed- 
ings in Connecticut upon a second application of the King's 
officers — which he describes — and commenting, forcibly, on 
the unjust policy in general of the Mother-country towards 
her Colonies in America. 

•' I wrote you last summer," he proceeds, " per my son, respecting the 
matter of Writs of Assistance, and received your answer thereon per 
him. Since that, to wit, at April Term last at Norwich, Mr. Stewart 
[Collector] made further application to the Superior Court for such 
Writs ; and produced Forms of such from the Board of Commissioners, 
as they judged proper for us to give, with the Case per Mr. DeGrey, To 
which the Court replied, that they would be further advised, and as the 
Sessions of the General Assembly was near, they should ask their advice 
and direction. Accordingly the matter was fully laid before them. 
They appointed a Committee to consider the letters &c., laid before the 

* " I shall endeavor to make further enquiries concerning it," Johnson adds— 
" and if anything material occurs, communicate it." 



1764—1770. CHAP. VI. — TRUMBULL. 81". 

Assembly. Within their province fell this matter, and they advised that 
the Assembly take no notice of it — that it properly belonged to the Su- 
perior Court — that, as individuals, not as members of the Assembly, 
they advised the Court not to grant such Warrants, which seemed to be 
the universal opinion. Since this Mr. Seymour,* as Attorney for the 
King, by direction of the Board of Commissioners, has made application 
to me for a Judicial Determination on the Matter. I have given him no 
answer, nor do I intend giving any till the Next Term, which now soon 
comes on. 

" I have taken care to find what the Courts in the other Colonies have 
done, and find no such Writs have been given by any of the Courts ex- 
cept in Massachusetts and New Hampshire, where they were given as 
soon as asked for. I believe the Courts in all the other Colonies will be 
as well united, and as firm in this Matter, as in anything that has yet 
happened between us and Great Britain. 

" I have never yet seen any Act of Parliament authorizing the Court 
of Exchequer in giving such Writs as they give, but conceive they have 
crept into use by the inattention of the people, and the bad practices of 
designing men. We are directed to give such Writs as the Court of Ex- 
chequer are enabled by Act of Parliament to give, which are very differ- 
ent, as I conceive, from such Writs as they do give. Our Court will on 
all occasions of complaint grant such Warrants as may be necessary for 
promoting his Majesty's service, and at the same time consistent with the 
liberty and privilege of the subject, and made returnable to the Court ; 
but further than that we dare not go, and they must not expect we shall. 
I give you my mind on this subject, as I expect representation will be 
made of the conduct of the Court herein, and it may not be amiss to 
have you prepared on the occasion. 

"Administration, if not already convinced, must soon find that their 
plan of sending troops into America, to overawe and intimidate the peo- 
ple, has entirely failed them ; so far has it been from having the desired 
effect, that the People are more fixed and established in their principles, 
and determined to lose their liberties, dear to them as their life, but with 
their lives. This, they may depend on it, is not a spirit stirred up and 
kept alive by a few disaffected, hot-headed men among those of their own 
temper and disposition. No — that is not the case, they may be assured. 
But it is the united, universal determination of every man in America, a 
few dastardly, dependent slaves and dupes to Administration only ex- 
cepted, who have sold their country, and their own Posterity, for the 
base consideration of a poor present pittance for themselves. 

" The treatment received from the last Winter's Session of Parliament 
grieves us sensibly, as every moment's delay of justice heightens our 
distress, and raises our resentments, already almost too heavy to bear. 
Notwithstanding all the ill-judged burthens heaped upon us by a weak 

* Thomas Seymour. 



82 CHAP. VI. — TRUMBULL. 1764—1710. 

and wicked Administration, we still retain a degree of regard, and even 
fondness for Great Britain, and a firm attachment to his Majesty's person, 
family, and government, and on just and equal terms, as children, not as 
slaves, should rejoice to remain united with them to the latest time. 
But to think of being slaves — we who so well know the bitterness of it by 
the instances so continually before our eyes, cannot hear the shocking 
thought — Nature starts bach at the idea!" 



C HAPTE R VII. 
1765. 

Trumbuli, and the Stamp Act. Resistance of Connecticut to the Act, 
and Trumhull's participation in it A thrilling scene illustrating his 
opposition. Governor Fitch calls his Council together in order to take 
an oath to carry the measure into effect, as required hy King and Par- 
liament. He announces his readiness to be sworn. Trumbull, and 
Other Councillors remonstrate, and refuse to perform, tbe cere- 
mony. The Governor argues the case with them, and insists upon 
taking the Oath. Four of the Councillors, enough for the purpose, 
unwillingly yield The remaining seven, Trumbull at their head, still 
resist Their motives, arguments, and some of their language upon 
the occasion. The Governor rises to receive the Oath. At this mo- 
ment, Trumbull refuses to witness a ceremony which he thinks will 
degrade the Colony, and is an outrage upon liberty, seizes his hat, and 
indignantly withdraws from the Council Chamber, followed immedi- 
ately by six of his associates. Judgment of the Colony upon the 
event. 

The course of such a man as Trumbull in the matter of 
the Stamp Act, from what has already been described, may 
be easily anticipated. It was one of indignant opposition 
from the very inception of that project down to the period of 
its repeal.* 

* His son Joseph, who was in England when tliis project was started, kept his 
father constantly informed of all Acts of Parliament affecting America, and gave 
much useful information to Agent Jackson respecting its trade and commerce, 
which the latter used zealously with the Ministry, and publicly in the House of 
Commons. Joseph, upon this occasion, served his country nobly. December 
10th, 1763, for example, he writes his father thus : — 

" They talk of taxing the Colonies for the support of the troops in America, 
and that tax to be laid in the Colonies mthout any respect to their Charters, or 
rather in such manner as to sap the foundation of all oiir privileges. Indeed our 
good friends the Lord Chief Justice Mansfield, Lord Sandwich, the Duke of Bed- 
ford, the Earl of Halifax, and some others, are of opinion that all the Charters in 
America could be vacated immediately, without any ceremony, and that we 
should be governed entirely by Governors and Councils, without any assemblies 
appointed by the King. They say those Charters were granted in High Times, 
by the king only, without consent of Parliament, and so are void in themselves ; 
that there shall be a superintendent over the whole ; that we must be prevented 
making bar iron ; and several other most barbarous impositions are to be laid on 
us. I hope John Wilkes will live to give them employment, to prevent them 
from doing us the mischief they intend. The people in power have imbibed the 
greatest prejudices imaginable against the Colonies." 



84 CHAP. YII. — TRUMBULL. 1165. 

The conduct of Connecticut upon this occasion — the ardor 
with which, at the outset — a year before the measure passed 
the Parliament of Great Britain, and when the English Min- 
istry were gathering from the various Colonies statistics upon 
which to found it — the ardor and emphasis with which, by 
acts of her General Assembly, by letters and petitions to her 
agents and to statesmen in England, and to the Ministry, 
Court, and Parliament, she lifted up her voice of remon- 
strance and of prayer ere the impending blow was struck — 
and her demonstrations after the blow fell — are familiar to the 
readers of Connecticut history. 

Her funeral processions with the coffined Stamp Act — her 
burnings and hangings of the effigies of its aiders and abet- 
tors, that glared from the hill-tops and plains of almost every 
one of her villages, and told to the day and to the night, to 
the sun and to the stars, a tale of maddened distress — her 
fierce crowds that assailed, humiliated, and displaced the 
Stamp-Master appointed for her jurisdiction — the success 
which crowned her efforts, in preventing a single application 
of the Act within her limits — and her unbounded congratu- 
lations, manifested by bonfires, illuminations, feu de joies, and 
in every form of gladness, when the stroke aimed at her hap- 
piness was stayed, require no description at our hands here. 

We but allude to these events now, in order to say that in 
all of them, save probably in those eccentric pageants which 
mocked the designs of the Motherland, Trumbull took an 
active part. Even on the pageants to which we refer, he 
gazed, we have every reason to believe, with no averted eye, 
and with no disposition — magistrate and order-loving citizen 
though he was — to interpose either his authority in behalf of 
the "King's peace," or his counsel in behalf of sedate resist- 
ance. Nay we think that his brow must have relaxed its ac- 
customed gravity, and his ordinarily compressed lips have 

February 13th, 1764, he writes thus : — " The Courts are contriving every scheme 
to saddle us in America with troops — and some carry it so far as not to be content 
with our paying and supporting them, but also would have us pay a considerable 
sum to the Civil List — all of which monies are to be raised by duties on French 
and Dutch goods — by our paying in New England the same duties on East India 
goods as are paid here — by the Post Office regulations in the manner they are 
here — and by a Stamp Office — all which the friends to America are doing every- 
thing in their power to prevent." 



1765. CHAP. VII. — TRUMBULL. 85 

even expanded with hearty laughter, when from his own 
mansion at Lebanon — in the summer immediately suceeeding 
the passage of the Stamp Aet — he saw a crowd of his own 
neighbors and friends giving to this Act the formality of a 
mock trial — subjecting it to unanimous condemnation — and 
then, in due form, and with pageantry the most comical, pro- 
ceeding to hang and burn the criminal. 

Be this, however, as it may have been, it is certain that in 
other respects — in the preparation of legislative and execu- 
tive papers, of petitions, and letters, in behalf of the Colony 
against the Stamp Act — in correspondence, both in his own 
country and abroad, on this subject, but particularly with the 
Colonial Agent in England, with his Majesty's Secretary of 
State, and with the Sons of Liberty at home — in circulating 
patriotic resolves, especially those of Virginia, and patriotic 
essays and writings, like those, distinctly, of Otis, and 
Thatcher, and of the earnest and didactic Johnson of 
Lyme — in efforts such as these to rouse, justify, and con- 
centrate opinion and feeling against the Act, no man in Con- 
necticut was more conspicuous than Trumbull — hardly one 
as much so. 

We may safely say no person as much so, when we come 
to gaze upon one particular scene in the drama of Connecti- 
cut opposition to the obnoxious Act, in which Trumbull 
figured — and in a manner that should — if everything 
else in patriotic development were wanting — immortalize 
his memory with all lovers of freedom. Let us look 
at it. 

It became necessary, under the provisions of the Stamp 
Act, that the Governor of each American Colony should 
take an oath — to be administered by his Council, or by any 
three of them — to do his utmost in causing " all and every 
the clauses" in the Act to "be punctually and bona fide ob- 
served, according to the true intent and meaning thereof." 
This requisition upon Thomas Fitch, the Governor of Con- 
necticut, as upon the Chief Magistrate of every British Col- 
ony, was imperative. Removal from ofiice — disqualification 
in future to hold it — the King's highest displeasure — and a 
fine of one thousand pounds sterling — stared him in the &ce, 



86 CHAP. VII. — TRUMBULL. 1765, 

in case lie eitlier refused the Oath, or neglected to do his 
duty accordingly. 

The Oath was to be taken before the First of November, 
1765. That day — day when the Stamp Act was first to take 
effect — was close at hand — and Governor Fitch assembled 
his Councillors to fulfil the obligations, which, sorely he 
knew, but inevitably, he thought, rested upon them all. 
There were Ebenezer Silliman, Hezekiah Huntington, John 
Chester, Benjamin Hall, Jabez Hamlin, Matthew Griswold, 
Shubal Conant, Elisha Sheldon, Eliphalet Dyer, and Jabez 
Huntington — names all of them of proud distinction in the 
Colony — and last of all — patriot deepest interwoven with 
the roots, and branches, and blossoming of Connecticut 
Independence — Colonel Jonathan Trumbull. There they 
were — eleven in all — one Tuesday morning — summoned to 
officiate as high-priests in a sacrifice whose victims were to 
be their own countrymen and brothers, and the mothers, 
sisters, wives, and children too, all that lived, and loved, and 
clustered in the little province of which they were chosen 
leaders. 

Governor Fitch called upon them to discharge their duty. 
He was himself ready to be sworn. The sovereignty of 
England, he affirmed, commanded it. Loyalty claimed it. 
The safety of the Colony required it. Gentlemen, he said, 
will you obey your Commission, and administer the Oath ! 

There was hesitation — there were averted looks on the 
part of a majority of the Council — and soon words of re- 
monstrance, determined tones, earnest gestures — and at last 
a blank refusal. 

The Act of Parliament, reasoned Colonel Trumbull, Dyer, 
and others, is in derogation of the rights of the Col- 
ony. No law can be made to tax us but by our own con- 
sent, freely given. This is the very essence of freedom. It 
is the ruling excellency of the British Constitution — and is 
fast chained to its roots. The power which can tax us as it 
pleases, can also govern us as it pleases. We are as truly, in 
every respect, the King's subjects as any to whom God has 
given life in any part of the British dominions. Their priv- 
ileges, their liberties, their immunities, are also our own — the 



IfeS. CHAP. VII. — TRUMBULL. 87 

Stamp Act robs us of all these. It is a condemnation of us 
as freemen. It is ingratitude towards us as generous, loyal, 
and faithful subjects. It is in the teeth of our Charter. It 
will reduce us to poverty. We cannot then, in conscience, 
aid in any measure to enforce it. We will not, therefore, 
administer the Oath! 

But, urged the Governor in reply — and we have fortu- 
nately his own pamphlet from which to state his reasoning — 
the Officers of his Majesty must obey his commands. They 
are bound to do so, not only by their allegiance, but also by 
the agreement and contract of their offices — by accepting 
positions to which a Commission like the present one is at- 
tached. All royal mandates, all Acts of Parliament, all 
Provincial Acts, depend and hinge on obedience. To evade 
the Oath required by the Stamp Act, would be to evade 
those solemn obligations implied in our own office-oaths. If 
we refuse it in this case, there is reason to believe that the 
people themselves will be deprived of all power hereafter to 
elect any officers of their own. Our whole Charter, in such 
an event, would be "struck at." — What now if I should de- 
cline the Oath ? My own condemnation would be certain. 
Nor would you yourselves escape condemnation — for breach 
of trust — for high contempt both of King and Parliament — 
and you would be forced to undergo penalties severe and 
remediless. We all know the nature of the King's displeas- 
ure. It is fatal. Is it reasonable then that I, that you, that 
any of us should thus expose ourselves? Duty certainly 
does not demand it — neither duty to ourselves, nor to the 
Colony, whose present liberties it is our business to save, and 
not to lose. Gentlemen, I am ready for the Oath, and again 
ask you to administer it. 

What said the Council now, to these views — thus earnest — 
thus decided — urged by the Chief Magistrate of the Colony? 
Here was argument from what seemed resistless official obli- 
gation — argument from vital considerations of personal safety 
and reputation — argument out of the very heart, apparently, 
of an endangered Colonial Charter. Duty, necessity, loy- 
alty, hope, fear, all seemed to press overpoweringly for obe- 
dience. 



ob CHAP. VII. — TRUMBULL. 1765, 

Had not every Governor of every province of his Maj- 
esty's dominions in America — save the solitary "rebel" Gov- 
ernor of Ehode Island — already taken the Oath required? 
He had. 

Had not the seeming resistlessness of the Stamp Act in- 
duced even the high-souled Eichard Henry Lee, himself to 
solicit the office of Stamp-Distributor for Virginia — and to 
proclaim his readiness to take an oath similar to that now 
demanded ? It had. 

Did not some of the very best patriots of the land incul- 
cate submission as a necessity that was overwhelming ? They 
did. 

Was not even Franklin unable to see any way out of the 
existing darkness, but by lighting up "the candles of frugal- 
ity and industry ? " He was. 

Had not even that idolator of freedom, the deeply-medi- 
tative Otis, declared it to be "the duty of all humbly and 
silently to acquiesce in the decisions of the Supreme Legisla- 
ture of Great Britain ? " He had. 

Viewed under all its aspects then, how constraining the 
force now brought to bear upon the Council of Connecticut 
by Governor Fitch — himself Head of the Colony — himself 
hitherto high in reverence — himself, for his wisdom, for his 
probity, for his fidelity, kept by the People for twelve long 
years — years too, many of them, of harassing war — steadily 
kept at the helm of State! How darkly difficult to avoid his 
demand ! What force could resist ! 

But did the Council yield ? No — not the Council in the 
strength of its majority — not the Council in the power of a 
vote close upon that of two-thirds of its number ! Seven out 
of eleven of them — spite of all the Governor had urged, 
would not yield — but blunted the edge of his appeals, and 
outreasoned, and outfaced his repeated demand for the Oath. 
Themselves — and the Governor along with them — had sworn 
" to promote the public good and peace " of Connecticut, and 
" to maintain all its lawful privileges " intact. They then do 
an act, which, as they verily believed, stabbed " the public 
good," wounded the "peace," and annihiLated the "privi- 
leges " of this Commonwealth — which let out the rich blood 



1765. CHAP. VII. — TRUMBULL. 89 

of its freedom from every vein almost of that glorious old 
Charter, which, for a hoary century and more, had gladdened, 
with a joy that was ever fresh and bounding, the whole heart 
of Connecticut! They — through a measure unprecedented 
for its harshness — aid to torture the industry of their native 
land, and to wrench from it those pittances of gain which 
themselves were wrenched, with hardest toil, from a cold, 
stern earth, and beneath an ungenial heaven ! 

No — let royal indignation swell, they thought and felt — 
let the thunders of Parliament all burst — let its armies and 
navies even descend in storm upon this infant State — let loss 
of office come, arrest, trials, fines, confiscations, imprisonment, 
banishment, every thing that is distressful in the artillery of 
angry power, let it all come — the patriots whom, we com- 
memorate were ready — ready for the worst — rather than sur- 
render a righteous and cleaving conviction of their own in 
favor of liberty 1 Again, therefore, they refused to adminis- 
ter the Oath. 

What was to be done ? Alas, tyranny was never yet found 
wanting in means. Its genius for mischief, hydra-headed, is 
fertile in expedients, and exact even to a hair. The Govern- 
or, according to the Commission, was to be sworn by the 
Council, or " by any three of them." By any three of them! — 
here was the ugly resource. And there at the Council-Board 
sat four members — enough, and just one more than enough — 
who, under all the embarrassing circumstances of the occa- 
sion — from motives too of sympathy with the Chief Execu- 
tive in what they deemed his "critical situation" — and in a 
spirit of caution — honest, we do not doubt — but which yet 
to our own eye cannot but appear overstrained — consented to 
exercise the dreaded authority. Sorrow, reluctance even, we 
cannot but think, painted in their looks — they announced 
their readiness to give the Oath. 

A glow of satisfaction now must have brightened the face 
of Thomas Fitch — but there was sadness there too, we are 
ready to believe — moved though he was, as he tells us him- 
self, "from principles of loyalty to the King, from a serious 
and tender concern for the privileges of the Colony, from a 
conscientious regard to the solemn obligations of his office- 



90 CHAP. VII. — TRUMBULL. 



1765. 



oath, and a just regard for liis own interest, reputation, and 
usefulness in life." 

But how, at this moment, looked the dissenting Members 
of the Board ? History gives us hints from which we can 
safely judge. Deep disquietude sat upon their faces. 
Thoughts — again of the past free life of Connecticut — of her 
long and painful struggles for God, liberty, and civilization — 
of her services, ever generous, in extending the might and 
domain of her Motherland, and of the ingratitude of that 
Parent whose duty was love, was tender nurture, was protec- 
tion, not oppression — thoughts like these came freshly rush- 
ing over their souls as light and darkness rush over the face 
of an angry heaven, when the winds are up, and the storm 
sits brooding for an explosion. 

Again, therefore, they pleaded with the Governor against 
the step he was about to take. Again, pointedly, they pro- 
tested — and in language some of which is fortunately 
preserved. 

"It is in violation of your Provincial Oath!" — exclaimed 
with bold earnestness, Colonel Trumbull. 

"It certainly is" — repeated every other dissenting Coun- 
cillor. 

"You have sworn," continued they all, as they could catch 
the opportunity to speak — "by the dreadful name of God 
you have sworn to labor for the good of this Colony, and you 
are now preparing to labor for its ruin. You have sworn to 
promote its peace — you are now going to promote its disturb- 
ance. The Law you are called upon to see enforced is, from 
its very nature, a nullity. It is unconstitutional. It is void. 
For our own part," they added — and here the patriots utter 
a sentiment which shows strikingly the unspeakable depth 
and conscientiousness of their convictions — "for our own 
part, as Judges of this land — sitting in its highest Courts — 
under all the responsibilities which would there surround 
us — were we called to decide upon the Stamp Act, we should 
not hesitate to pronounce this measure of Parliament ipso 
facto void ! " 

Did the Governor pause — reconsider — shrink? Under 
these appeals, did he refuse the Oath ? Alas, no ! His opin- 



1765. CHAP. VII. — TRUMBULL. 91 

ion settled beyond the possibility of change — his will fixed, 
and doubtless from the wounding imputations upon his own 
judgment conveyed in the remonstrances of the speakers, 
wrought into the compactness of iron — he rose from his 
seat — called for the ceremonial — and, with uplifted hand, 
stood ready to take upon his lips that appeal which invoked 
the Almighty Kuler of the Universe to help him faithfully 
to administer — upon his own countrymen and brothers — a 
Law, which, no matter what his own views of its obligations 
may have been, was one in fact of surpassing tyranny. 

At this stirring moment — moment too near the close of 
the day, as we are informed by Eliphalet Dyer, when the 
sun was just hasting to set* — Colonel Jonathan Trumbull — • 
roused to unwonted excitement — his high, massive forehead, 
as we see it in his portraits, deeply plaited, we doubt not, 
"with grief and resentment — his large, brilliant black eyes, 
from beneath brows of singular delicacy, flashing fire — his 
small, firm mouth compressed at once into energy and deter- 
mination — started from his seat — seized his tri-cornered hat — 
and, avowing in tones most sonorous, that he would never 
witness a ceremony which so degraded liberty, and degraded 
the Colony — he moved — 

"Erect, severe, austere, sublime" — 

towards the door of the Council-Chamber. Every eye was 
fastened on his retreating form. Every heart thrilled at 
sight of his resolute bearing — and following his example, 
Eliphalet Dyer — words in angry denunciation of the im- 
pending ceremony on his lips too — rose also from his seat — 
almost simultaneously with Trumbull — and moved towards 
the door.f And then Hezekiah Huntington, Elisha Shel- 

* " The Council adjourned till afternoon," writes Colonel Dyer, after describing 
the discussion as having occupied the whole forenoon. " When we met, other 
aflfairs came on till near the close of the day, when the Oath was proposed to be 
administered." 

+ "I immediately arose, took my hat, and declared openly and publicly that 
the Oath about to be administered was in my opinion directly contrary to the 
Oath the Governor and Council had before taken to maintain the rights and priv- 
ileges of the people. It was an Oath I myself could not take, neither could I be 
present aiding and assisting therein ; and then withdrew, the other gentlemen 
■with me." — Dyer's Letter. 



92 CHAP. VII. — TRUMBULL. 1765. 

don, Matthew Griswold, Shubal Conant, and Jabez Hunting- 
ton, started also — bats likewise in hand — and, pressing on 
the steps of their leader, passed with him, one and all, out 
of the door — on and away from their yielding colleagues 
and timorous chief — whom they left bewildered and chidden, 
to execute alone their odious rite — in a chamber which the 
Patriot Seceders themselves solemnly believed to be a cham- 
ber of disgrace. 

Act grand and thrilling ! Chivalric and sublime its vindi- 
cation of life, liberty, and property! Grateful and soul- 
stirring its example for all worshippers of freedom ! Kich 
and glowing its inspiration for the poet's pen, and the easel 
of the painter ! 

Act too, which received cordial approbation from the 
Lower Branch of the General Assembly — for this House 
also, through a large majority, had but a few days previous 
pleaded with Governor Fitch against the step he was about 
to take — and some of its patriotic members went so far even 
as to agree fully to indemnify him against the impending 
fine, and against any penalty whatever, so far as they could, 
on condition that he would refuse all connection with the 
detested scheme. A Committee of their number eagerly 
waited on him with this information. It was a short time 
only after his Councillors had left him, in the manner we 
have already described, that they reached him — but all too 
late. The Oath had just passed his lips. The fatal chain 
had bound him — and the cup of the People's sorrow was full. 

But not too full for anger — not too full for a peaceable re- 
venge — for at a General Election, very soon, they almost 
unanimously threw him, and every Councillor who had abet- 
ted him, out of office — consigned them all, indignantly, to 
the shades of private life — and placing the reins of govern- 
ment in the more resolute hands of Honorable William Pit- 
kin, the Deputy Governor of the preceding year — and ex- 
alting the high-souled Jonathan Trumbull to Pitkin's former 
station — they went on their way rejoicing.* 

* " Connecticut, overjoyed at the repeal of the Stamp Act, and applauding its 
connection with Great Britain, elected as its Governor the discreet and patriotic 
William Pitkin in place of the loyalist Yitch.^—^ancro/fs Eist. U. States^ VoU 
VL,p. U. 



C HAPT ER VIII. 
1764—1770. 

State of the quarrel with Great Britain just after the Stamp Act. 
Trumbull expresses his views concerning it in a letter to Dr. Johnson. 
His moderation and foresight. His character by Bancroft. Great Brit- 
ain engaged in forging new fetters for America. Trumbull's opinion of 
these given in another letter to Dr. Johnson — and in one also to Rich- 
ard Jactson, a Member of the British Parliament. Thus far a prudent 
remonstrant, but firm in his spirit of resistance to the obnoxious 
measures of the day. This spirit begins to vent itself with increased 
energy, when the tyranny deepens — as shown from his letters to Dr. 
Johnson and Gen. Lyman in London particularly, and from his corres- 
pondence elsewhere. He sends abroad State documents of great im- 
portance as regards the contest. He is thoroughly informed of every- 
thing passing in England. Is familiar with the politics and condition 
of Europe generally — but especially with those of France, the pro- 
ceedings of whose Prime Minister, the Duke de Choiseul, he watches 
with deep interest. He is made Governor of Connecticut at the close 
of 1769. His appointment a fortunate one for the Colony. Dr. John- 
son's letter upon the occasion 

In keeping witli tlie stand taken by Trumbull on the 
Stamp Act, as described in the last chapter, was his position 
towards the Mother-Country during the remaining portion 
of that period of his life upon which we now dwell. And 
here, fortunately, we shall be able to let him speak, in part, 
for himself, through the medium of a few letters preserved 
among his Papers. 

There was a short pause in the career of aggression, on 
the part of Great Britain, against colonial rights, just after 
the repeal of the Stamp Act. The interval — spite of the 
adder, in the form of a claim to universal and unconditional 
colonial submission, that lay coiled in temporary repose 
within the bosom of the Declaratory Act — spite of the half- 
suppressed murmurs that mingled with the general trans- 
port — was yet one of hope, somewhat, to most of the inhab- 
itants of British America. They sincerely nourished the 
wish, and contemplated the means, for a thorough reconcilia- 
tion with the Motherland — for a reconciliation though, that 
was to be based, fixedly, upon the old and kind relations of 



94 CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 1764— 1770. 

tlie two countries, and their miitual interests and advantage. 
On this point — in a letter written June twenty-third, 1767, 
to Wm. Samuel Johnson, Colonial Agent for Connecticut at 
the time in London — Trumbull expresses clearly his own, 
and the prevailing views of his countrymen. After alluding 
to the quartering of British troops in Connecticut — for 
which, in February, a demand had been made by General 
Gage upon the Governor of this State, but which, until duly 
authorized by the General Assembly, had been refused — he 
thus proceeds: — 

" I have the satisfaction to think, that at this critical juncture it is very 
happy for the Colony that it is represented at Great Britain by a special 
agent, so well able to obviate the objections thrown out against us, and 
set the affairs of America in general, and of this Colony in particular, in 
so true and just a light, and thereby to prostrate the malign designs of 
selfish, deceitful, and wicked incendiaries. Great Britain and her Colo- 
nies' interests are mutual and inseparable. So long as the Colonies want 
protection and supplies of necessary manufactures from the mother coun- 
try, it cannot be their interest to separate, and it is always the interest 
of the mother country to keep them dependent and employed in such 
productions, in such industry, in raising such commodities, in perform- 
ing such services, as will return most benefit to their native country. 
But if violence, or methods tending to violence, be taken to maintain this 
dependence, it tends to hasten a separation. If mutual jealousies are 
sown, it will require all their address to keep the Colonies dependent and 
employed so as at least not to prejudice the mother country — and it is 
certainly more easily and eflfectually done by gentle and insensible meth- 
ods than by power or force."* 

Such were the views of Trumbull, at the period now under 
consideration, with regard to the proper policy of the Mother- 
Country towards her trans- Atlantic colonies — views, which, 
though seasoned with moderation, and expressed with calm- 

* " Happy would it be for this country," wrote Johnson to Trumbull in reply, 
September 14th, 1767, from London — " as well as that of [America,] did all men 
entertain the same just notions of the mutual and inseparable interests of the 
two countries which you express, and that those who guide the great affairs of 
State would found their system upon those ideas, and pursue a conduct conform- 
able to them. Instead of which too many seem to indulge haughty ideas of Em- 
pire, and that America should be made entirely subservient to the dignity, plun- 
der and general emolument of this country, and reduced to a state of perfect (I 
had almost said) dependence upon it, and pay the most implicit obedience to ita 
dictates." 



1764—1770. CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 95 

ness, yet imply apprehensions of approaching danger. That 
some great change "hung over America," says Bancroft — 
while commenting in his History on the passage just quot- 
ed — "could not escape the penetration of the Deputy Gov- 
ernor of Connecticut. A perfect model of a rural magistrate," 
he continues — finely, in this connection characterizing the 
man — "never weary of business, profoundly religious, grave 
in his manners, calm and discriminating in judgment, fixed 
in his principles, steadfast in purpose, and by his ability en- 
chaining universal respect and the unfailing confidence of 
the freemen of his Colony, his opinion was formed that 'if 
methods tending to violence should be taken to maintain the 
dependence of the Colonies, it would hasten a separation,' and 
that the connection with England could be preserved 'by gen- 
tle and insensible methods,' rather than 'by power or force.'" 

But the alternative of force, alas, was chosen. Who would 
have thought it? Just when Trumbull was expressing the 
mild views now presented, and dwelling, as if in anticipation 
of their realization, on kind feelings, and a reciprocity of 
material exchanges between Great Britain and her Colonies, 
as the true conservative policy — just too after Shelburne, the 
gentle Secretary for American affairs, had matured that 
promising Conciliatory Plan, which condemned the principle 
of the Billeting Act — put an end to the political dependence 
of Colonial judges — removed all troops from the principal 
towns in America to the frontiers of younger States, for their 
necessary protection — quieted violent State controversies 
respecting territory — smoothed the settlement of Canadian 
afiiiirs — broke up the system of squandering American grants 
and income on worthless Court favorites, and aimed to de- 
fray American expenses through an easy and improved sys- 
tem of quit-rents — who would have thought that Great Brit- 
ain, just at this time, and after all her experience too with 
the Stamp Act, should have been actually engaged in forg- 
ing new fetters for America — and in fact should have per- 
fected them ? 

Yet so it was. " Fear, fear — cowards — dare not tax Ameri- 
ca ! " — exclaimed, in language familiar to the Keader, the ec- 
centric, impetuous, indefatigable Townshend in the British 



&6 CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 1764—1770. 

House of Commons, in reply to tlie taunting Grenville — "/ 
dare tax Ainerica!^^ — and he brought in those his famous 
bills for direct taxation, for Commissioners of Customs, 
for Writs of Assistance, and for suspending the legislative 
power of New York. How Trumbull felt on this occasion, 
is manifest from the following letters, written by him in the 
summer of 1768. The first — addressed, doubtless, to John- 
son, though to whom does not appear on its face — bears date 
Lebanon, July first, and in that portion of it germane to our 
purpose, thus proceeds : — 

" The present difSculties that subsist between Great Britain and her 
American Colonies, look very alarming and distressing — and I fear are 
heightened by misrepresentations on both sides the water. I think it 
may be truly said there is no disposition in the Colonists to contend with 
Great Britain but for what they look upon to be their sacred constitu- 
tional rights and privileges. To be taxed for the sole purpose of raising 
a revenue without their consent, is what they know to be as disagreeable 
to an Englishman in Great Britain as in America. The establishment of 
a Board of Commissioners of Customs, with their numerous train of de- 
pendents, is novel among us, and our own free mode of collecting taxes 
so very different, and attended with such small expense, in comparisoa 
with this, that the People of the Colonies cannot look with any compla- 
cency or satisfiiction upon it. The keeping on foot a body of troops in 
the old Colonies, where they serve no other utility but only to overawe 
the inhabitants into compliance with something they think grievous and 
burdensome, is what they are very uneasy with. The mischief, rapine, 
and villany, commonly prevalent among troops that are kept up in idle- 
ness, are such as ever will be intolerable in the Colonies. It has a ten- 
dency to destroy the morals of the People, and raise distrust of the good 
intentions of their Governors in the better sort, and stir up strife and 
contention among the whole. 

" There is an ardent desire and diffusive love of liberty throughout 
these Colonies, and everything that appears an infringement of it is and 
ever Mill be grievous to them. The people are generally virtuous. 
They have not an inclination to sedition, faction, or disloyalty. They 
honor their king, love their mother-country, desire to live peaceably, and 
enjoy the fruit of their own labors. They have at their own expense of 
blood and treasure subdued and cultivated a wilderness, and contributed 
what was in their power to the general good. They have supported the 
government, and readily complied with his Majesty's requisitions — and 
they have been accustomed to be treated in this way, and make the 
grants of taxes by their own representatives, and are as fond of that 
constitutional right as any of their fellow-subjects in Great Britain. 



1764— n70 CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 97 

"It is unhappy that those difficulties have arisen, and 'tis needful the 
occasion for them should be removed early — that they should be obliter- 
ated. For a number of judicious, calm, and dispassionate gentlemen to 
come into America, and go through the several governments, might be 
serviceable to both countries. It is impossible to have an adequate idea 
of the genuine temper and peculiar circumstances of this sparse country, 
without coming among the people, and using more freedom and open- 
ness than is commonly used in older countries. They are ever jealous 
of their liberty, and fear every innovation. They greatly fear the inde- 
pendency of their Governors, and cannot think it reasonable that they 
should be rendered independent of them for support. They know the 
difficulties of obtaining redress when oppressed, and that their Govern- 
ors have the advantage of being heard before them, and their represent- 
ations attended to, when the remonstrances from the people cannot 
obtain a hearing, and their attempts to petition the throne for redress 
of grievances are presently called the voice of sedition, faction, and 
rebellion."* 

*"Many here," says Johnson in reply, from London, September 2ytli, 1768 — 
and we quote a passage or two, just to show how well Trumbull kept himself 
informed of events passing on the other side of the water — " many here seem to 
be infatuated, and, influenced by vain ideas of Superiority and Imperial Dignity, 
seem determined to pull down destruction upon their own heads and ours, and 
regardless of consequences, to plunge the two unfortunate countries into the 
deepest distress, which however, if it must eome, I think we are as well pre- 
pared to meet, and more likely to get thro' with than they are. Upon those no- 
tions of Supremacy and false Honor are grounded the present prevailing argu- 
ments against repealing the late acts complained of in America. We can't, say 
they, in Honour recede ; our dignity, our Supremacy are at stake, and we must 
abide by what we have done, be the consequences what they may. We have 
solemnly enacted our right to tax the Colonies ; the right of Taxation is essen- 
tial to our Supremacy ; the Americans treasonably deny it, and insist upon the 
repeal of those Acts as being unconstitutional. We cannot, we must not give up 
this point to them, but if they refuse to pay obedience to our laws, apply force to 
compel them. Had they applied upon the inexpediency of the Acts only, or 
their inability to pay the duty, we would have listened to their complaints, but 
while they dispute our right, we cannot even hear them. 

" Such is the present language here. It may change, indeed it must if Parlia- 
ment when they take up the matter, enter upon it with that coolness and mod- 
eration which becomes so respectable a Body. Much will depend on the state 
of parties at the opening of Parliament, and whether the Ministry find them- 
selves possessed of a clear majority in the House. Should the Rockingham party 
in any degree unite with Administration, they will probably soften them with 
respect to American matters ; if with the Grenvillians, as some threaten us that 
they will, upon this subject, the tide will be turned against us. A few months will 
now decide it; in the meantime all that can be done is to preserve a just modera- 
tion and firmness in that country, and to apply the warmest solicitations in this, 
and leave the issue to him who disposeth of all events. * * The tumults at 
Boston are made use of as a powerful argument against the Repeal, and urged as 
evident proofs of a rebellious disposition in the Colonists, and a formed design 
to cast off their dependence on this Country. * * The people of Boston have 
9 



98 CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 1764—1710. 

In another letter, bearing date also July 1768 — written, 
like that just quoted, after the promulgation of that famous 
Massachusetts Circular, which — embodying in a masterly 
manner the substance of all the American remonstrances to 
Great Britain — was designed to promote an immediate and 
close concert between the Colonies, and was the pre-eminent 
dread of the English Ministry — Trumbull again gives his 
views on the existing Quarrel — addressing this time Eichard 
Jackson, Esquire, the English agent in London for Connecti- 
cut, and a Member of the British Parliament. 

" The unhappy disputes between the American Colonies and our 
mother country," he proceeds, " look with a very discouraging aspect. 
The clouds seem to thicken up and blacken upon us. You will see by 
the papers the unhappy situation of Boston. What will be the end God 
only knows. You are sensible the people here are virtuous, and not dis- 
posed to sedition, faction, and disloyalty. They are fond of the great 
darling of Englishmen — Liberty — and ever zealous for their natural, 
constitutional rights and privileges. 

" It seems hard that the Massachusetts Province should be so severely 
handled for endeavoring a happy union of the Colonies in petitioning the 
King for redress of grievances. I am told no one Colony has failed to 
present such petition. To be held to pay taxes for the sole purpose of 
raising a revenue — to render the judges independent of the people for 
support, and especially for this Colony, which has no expectation that 
way, to pay for the support of others, appears unequal — and the mode 
of collection, at so very great expense, by a Board of Commissioners of 
the Customs, and their long train of dependents, is alarming to a people 
whose frugal methods of collecting make this the more grievous. * * 
We shall be obliged to leave off the articles of luxury, as our ability to 
use them declines. Necessity will constrain us to industry and frugality, 
which in time may relieve us, but then it seems hard to labor for others 
to live in idleness and luxury among us, who serve only to suck the 
blood fresh from our veins, &c." 

The letters now quoted state the points of difference be- 
tween Great Britain and her Colonies with precision, and 
show Trumbull's own views very decidedly. They thus far, 
though, exhibit him in the light of a prudent remonstrant. 

great merit for their firmness and zeal in the cause of Liberty ; it is only to be 
wished it might never be disgraced by any ill-judged tumults and violences, 
which forge the keenest weapons for our adversaries, and which they wield 
against us with the greatest suecess." 



1764—1770. CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 99 

There is, comparatively, a tone of moderation in his resist- 
ance — a tone, however, that naturally resulted from the posi- 
tion of his own native State — a State which — as yet un- 
scathed by any direct application of stringent measures such 
as afflicted Boston — could look with comparative calmness, 
therefore, on the course of that susceptible and exasperated 
cit}^, M'hich had been "chosen," as it were, "to keep guard 
over the liberties of mankind" — could "so mingle caution 
with its patriotism," as to compel successive British Ministers 
"to delay abrogating its Charter for want of a plausible ex- 
cuse" — and could extort from a British Minister of State for 
American affairs the gracious declaration that Connecticut 
had " used its very extraordinary powers with modera- 
tion" — might "always depend on his friendship and affec- 
tion " — and was only faulty in not keeping up a closer con- 
nection with the parent country by correspondence, and in 
neglecting to send over to the Department in England a 
copy of its Laws.* 

Yet the patriot temper of Trumbull, though thus far calm 
in its manifestations, showed itself ready, if further pro- 

* See Hillsborough's Conversation with Dr. W. S. Johnson, in Bancroft, Vol. 
VI., p. 112. It was reported by Johnson to Trumbull. The following is an ex- 
tract from it : — 

" I have not seen these things," said Hillsborough, " in the light in which yon 
endeavor to place them. You are in danger of being too much a separate, inde- 
pendent State, and of having too little subordination for this country." And 
then he spoke of the equal affection the King bore his American subjects, and of 
the great regard of the Ministers for them as Britons, whose rights were not to 
be injured. 

" Upon the repeal of the Stamp Act," said Johnson, " we had hoped these 
were the principles adopted, but the new duties imposed last winter, and other 
essential regulations in America, have damped those expectations, and given 
alarm to the Colonies." 

"Let neither side," said Hillsborough, "stick at small matters. As to taxes, 
you are infinitely better otf than any of your fellow-subjects in Europe. You 
are less burdened than even the Irish." 

"I hope that England will not add to our bixrdens," said Johnson; "you 
would certainly find it redound to your own prejudice." 

" Thus for two hours together," adds Bancroft, " they reasoned on the rights 
of Connecticut ; and Hillsborough showed plainly his opinion, that its Charter 
must be declared void, not on the pretence that it had been violated or misused, 
but because the people by the enjoyment of it were too free." 

Bancroft justly styles the correspondence of Johnson, during his agency 
abroad, " copious and most interesting." It is preserved in the Historical Soci- 
ety of Connecticut. 



100 CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 1764—1770. 

yoked, for a stern outbreak. Witli the Assembly of bis 
native State — and as in May of the year 1768 this Assembly 
took occasion, after grave debate, solemnly to affirm — it was 
his opinion that no application farther should be made to 
Parliament — that misled, factious, and intractable Body — for 
relief from the public grievances — but only to the King — 
lest, peradventure even, the application might imply a con- 
cession to Parliamentary authority.* With the Assembly 
of Connecticut too, at this period, he co-operated heartily in 
sending, through its Speaker, that warm letter of sympathy 
to Massachusetts which aided materially to brace up her 
firmness just at the time when Hillsborough's mandate, com- 
manding this "ringleading Province" to rescind her obnox- 
ious Circular to the American Colonies, was under consider- 
ation, in a full House of Delegates, before a crowded gal- 
lery — and when the fiery Otis — extolling the sentence that 
sent Charles the First to the block — contrasting the Puritan 
days of England with those then passing, when " the people 
of England," he said, "no longer knew the rights of English- 
men," and the King had "none but boys for his Ministers" — 
in impetuous tones, and in language that is immortal, ex- 
claimed — "Ze^ Britain rescind their measures^ or ihey are lost 
forever!" 

In the passages we are now about to cite — from letters 
written by Trumbull a few months later than those already 
introduced — his spirit vents itself, it will be observed, as the 
progress of events fully justified, with increased energy. 

For now those clouds, whose gatherings he noted, had in 
this interval begun to burst. A Board of Revenue Commis- 
sioners had, at Boston, entered on the duties of their odious 
office. The sloop Liberty of the patriot Hancock — for an 
alleged violation of the laws of trade — with accompanying 
demonstrations of resistance on the part of the people — had 
been seized by armed boats from the British ship of war 
Romney, and placed under her guns. American seamen, in 
defiance even of a plain British statute, had been forcibly 

* We will petition only the King, declared the Assembly, "because," said 
they, "to petition the Parliament would be a tacit confession of its right to lay 
impositions upon us ; which ri<jlU and authority we puhlidy disavow.^'' 



1164—1770. CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 101 

impressed, and hurried on board this his Majesty's floating 
armament. Two regiments of British troops, under the 
command of Colonel Dalrymple, had been quartered on the 
favorite Green, and in the Market Hall and State House at 
Boston — to enforce with bloodshed, if necessary — in the 
Metropolis of New-England — the system of British oppres- 
sion. Fresh British legislation had provided for all active 
opponents in America of the ministerial policy of revenue, 
imprisonment and a trial in distant England. All the pro- 
ceedings of the Colonists, in defence of their rights, had 
been re-pronounced, in the most solemn forms of British leg- 
islation, "illegal, unconstitutional, derogatory to the rights 
of the Crown and Parliament of Great Britain, scandalous 
even and flagitious" — and were, at all hazards, to be made a 
nullity. America, at any cost of blood or of treasure, was, 
in the language of the Prime Minister of England, " to be 
laid prostrate at the feet " of her haughty mistress. 

Hear Trumbull now — under these circumstances — as, in 
the following passages, he vindicates, against British miscon- 
struction and censure, a then recent Petition of Connecticut 
to the King — as he re-aifirms the justice and equity of the 
old gentle mode of treating the Colonies — denounces the 
policy of sending troops to Boston — gives assurance of the 
sincerity, union, and firmness of America in its struggle for 
freedom — and proclaims its determination to persevere. 

" Is it so," he writes January twenty-fourth, 1769, to Johnson in Eng- 
land — " that the Petition of this Colony to the King is founded upon 
principles, and implies claims and pretensions that do not correspond 
with the Constitution, and tend to deny and draw into question the su- 
preme authority of the Legislature of Great Britain to enact laws bind- 
ing on the colonies in all cases whatever ? Are there no constitutional 
rights belonging to the Colonies? Have there not been methods and 
ways of treatment from the Crown, by the way of requisitions, made 
many times in consequence of addresses from Parliament, which always 
succeeded and answered the ends of government, and the Colonies were 
thereby treated as children, and not as slaves ? Why is the method 
changed ? Surely the Colonies, and this especially, have given abundant 
evidence of loyalty to his Majesty, reverence and esteem of the wisdom, 
justice, and equity of his Parliament, and affection to our mother country. 
Reverential fear and filial love towards them have always possessed our 

hearts. What other kind of love and fear is desired ? " 
9* 



102 CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL, 



ITGi— 1770, 



" The troops sent to Boston," he writes Agent Richard Jackson, July- 
seventeenth, 1769 — "have answered no good intention. The People of 
the Colonies are wonderfully united, and firm in adherence to what they 
coolly and calmly apprehend to be their right. There is no way to con- 
ciliate matters better than in the method of treatment always heretofore 
used. The refusal to hear the united petitions of the whole country 
heightens the resentments of the Colonies, which still retain warm re- 
gards and even fondness for Great Britain. They are firmly attached to 
his Majesty's person, family, and government, and on free and equal terms, 
as children not as slaves, will rejoice in a firm and lasting union. If the 
Colonies are kept in their present form, separate and independent of each 
other, and treated with kindness and freedom, there can be no danger of 
any revolt, or of even a distant desire to set up a separate state, common- 
wealth, or kingdom." 

"Americans," he writes again, July eighteenth, 1769, to General Ly- 
man, then in London — " are unwilling to give up their own importance, 
and become slaves and dupes. The troops sent to Boston, and quartered 
there the last winter, had not the effect the Administration expected. 
The spirit of liberty is not abated, and it is a mistaken judgment made 
of the country that the opposition to ministerial measures is owing to a 
few hot-headed, factious men. The whole body of the People of the 
Colonies prize and adhere to their freedom, and [rather than lose it] will 
go back to their way of living in days of yore, eat, drink, and wear what 
the land will produce, and they can manufacture themselves. The good 
women, and even our ladies very readily lay their hands to the distaff, 
spin our wool and flax, and make such clothing as is warm and decent, and 
are willing to give up British fineries for American plain dress, with liberty." 

Sucli are specimens of Trumbull's views, down to 1770, 
of the quarrel with the Mother-Country — and mingled with 
comment on all public affairs, they were expressed to numer- 
ous correspondents other than those to whom we have 
already referred. Sometimes it was his fortune in this 
connection, to send abroad State documents of great import- 
ance, that were kept concealed from the public in England, 
and whose communication enlightened the friends of America 
in Great Britain upon the policy and movements of the Brit- 
ish Ministry — as upon one occasion, for example, Letters from 
Lord Hillsborough to the Colony of Connecticuf^ He took 

* "I am much obliged to you," says Johnson, writing him from London, Sept. 
29th, 1768, "for the Abstracts you have favored me with of the Ministers' Letters 
to tlie Colony, which I think it of much use to be acquainted with. Tlioy keep 
all things as secret as possible, and it is very difficult to penetrate into their de- 



1764—1770. CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 103 

great pains, it is obvious, to keep himself thorouglily in- 
formed of all tliat was passing the other side of the Atlan- 
tic — and by means of correspondents who were highly intel- 
ligent and observing. 

The acute and indefatigable Wm. Samuel Johnson, for in- 
stance — both before, and for nearly two years after Trum- 
bull's accession to the Chief Executive Chair of Connecti- 
cut — down to the period of his return to his native land — 
wrote him constantly. The plans and intentions of the Brit- 
ish Government, both with regard to England and America — 
the character and conduct of the English Ministers, particu- 
larly of Lord Chatham, Grenville, Grafton, Lord North, 
Townshend, Bedford, and Hillsborough — the proceedings 
and debates in the English Parliament — the opinions, and 
often the speeches of leading members — these matters — to- 
gether with minute accounts of the state of territorial con- 
troversies then pending in England, in which Connecticut was 
deeply interested — were the frequent themes of Johnson's 
communications — as they were also of the letters addressed to 
Trumbull by Richard Jackson — and for a while also, during 
the time they were in London, of those from his son Joseph, 
and his friend General Phinehas Lyman.* 

The politics and condition of Europe generally, also at- 
tracted Trumbull's attention, and formed the burden of many 
a paragraph in his own letters abroad, and of those which he 
received in reply. He was fond of watching the public 
affiiirs of the Old "World — not merely because they fed his 
mind with information — but because also he found in them 
much that bore, directly or indirectly, upon the interests of 
his native land — and much too that enlightened him as to the 
general progress or decay of art, science, and civilization, and 
which, in his view, realized the prophecies of Christianity. 

The war, for example, between the Russians and the 

signs. Being acquainted with the course of their correspondence opens at least 
a part of their plans, and enables one to treat with them as occasion may require, 
to much better advantage." 

*"You, who see what passes in London," wrote Trumbull, in July 1768, to 
Lyman — " and know both countries, must be able to form a better judgment than 
we can about the springs of action that side of the water, and your good observ- 
ation on the subject would be an agreeable entertainment to me." 



104 CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 1764— 1770. 

Turks, which, during the period of his life now under exam- 
ination, raged in Europe, interested him deeply — both as it 
affected the American scheme of commercial resistance to 
Great Britain, and as it seemed to realize in its character and 
consequences the predictions of Holy Writ — and, therefore, 
elicited from his pen long comment and speculation in his 
letters to Johnson in England. The Northern War — John- 
son, in 1769, anxiously informed him — had caused a great 
demand for English goods — had, spite of the American non- 
importation agreements, kept the English manufacturers 
alive. The East India Company, he said, were exporting to 
that quarter of the world — new sources of trade for England 
were opened in German}^ — new avenues for exportation into 
France. The American merchants, he added, to a great ex- 
tent, were violating their pledges as to importation from the 
Mother-Country, especially through the avenue of the West- 
India neutral ports. This was plain — from numerous trading 
transactions in London and other parts of England — and was 
known to the Ministry, was encouraged, and even fully re- 
deemed their confidence in the speedy total failure of the 
existing colonial scheme of resistance. 

All this gave Trumbull deep anxiety — quickened his 
efforts at home for the strict observation of the American 
commercial compact — and multiplied the thoughts and the 
warnings on the subject which he sent across the Atlantic. 
These were thoughts, however, whose sadness was somewhat 
counterbalanced by the consideration — to his mind grateful — 
in his conviction profound — that, while a cloud was resting 
on the American world, yet on the European there was the 
brightness of God's Providence — for there — through wars, 
and in spite of wars — God was working out plainly his own 
pre-ordained results in regard both to the Turkish Empire, 
and to the Empire of Rome. "Your conjecture," wrote 
Johnson to him, January twenty-eighth, 1770, in sympathy 
with his views on this point, and confirming them — "seems 
extremely probable, that the great operations now carrying 
on in the North, in the Mediterranean, and in the Morea, are 
in the course of Providence preparing the way for the speedy 
completion of the prophecies relating to the Turkish Empire 



1764—1770. CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 105 

as well as the Pontifical tyranny and superstition, botli wbicli 
are on the decline, and seem hastening to their period. The 
latter is indeed already become contemptible in almost every 
Court in Europe, and has been obliged to put up with very 
gross affronts from the Powers which were imagined most 
devoted to the interest of Kome." 

But the politics of France, more particularly than those 
of any other country in Europe, at this time arrested Trum- 
bull's attention — for there, at the head of the French Gov- 
ernment — eager to fan the difficulties of Great Britain with 
her Colonies into a flame, and intent upon turning them to 
account — sat the keen, able, far-seeing, liberal, and lynx-eyed 
Duke de Choiseul. 

Painfully aware, as this renowned Prince-Minister was, of 
the ascendency of the great rival of France both in America 
and in Asia, it was his ambition to reduce English superior- 
ity. Taking advantage of her rupture with her colonies, he 
would have had the latter strike oflp entirely from their pa- 
rent State, establish their own independence, and turn the 
tide of their commerce into the lap of France, and of Europe 
at large. For this purpose he most carefully scanned their 
condition — their peculiarities of government, their industrial 
capacities, their products — their habits, their tones of thought, 
but especially their purposes, if any, of revolt, their leaders, 
and their resources for resistance — not forgetting, in the in- 
quisitiveness of his investigations, to study even their news- 
papers, and the sermons of their Puritan Clergy.* Could 
he but have realized fully on his own plan — had but the 
timid and vascilating Court of Spain, whose alliance he 
earnestly sought, lent to him a willing ear — his own, instead 
of that of the Count de Vergennes, would have been the 
honor of having first placed the strong and friendly arm of 
France beneath the shoulder of struggling America. His 

* To collect information, lie sent "tlie able and nprisrht" De Kalb among the 
American merchants at Amsterdam — and the shrewd and sharp-scented Count 
du Chatelet among the American merchants at London — and to the French ^lin- 
ister at the English Court, Durand, committed the task of questioning Franklin, 
and the American agents there generally — while he caused all the proceedings 
of the English Ministry and Parliament relative to America to be sifted, and re- 
ported to himself with strictest accuracy and unfailing vigilance. 



106 CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 1764— l-J^O. 

own, instead of another's, would have been the glory of hav- 
ing precipitated the American Revolution, and advanced 
American Independence. 

To all this the policy and procedure of Choiseul — to the 
liberal sentiments of this French statesman with regard to 
America, and the general emancipation of trade — and in 
particular to his favorite project of a Treaty of Commerce, 
under the combined authority and guarantee of France and 
Spain, such as would render the exchange of commodities 
between the British Colonies on the one hand, and the 
French and Spanish on the other, unrestricted throughout 
the Western Hemisphere — Trumbull gave heed. It was a 
subject upon which he reflected much — which, in his foreign 
correspondence — now upon this topic, unfortunately, almost 
entirely lost — he fondly pursued — looking forward, it would 
seem, even at this early period, with provident forecast, to 
the time when American resistance would cease longer to be 
passive, and shrewdly calculating the chances of French aid 
when the mortal struggle of his country for liberty should 
begin. 

It is plain from numerous passages in letters addressed to 
him by Johnson from London, in which French policy, in 
reply to his own queries, is largely discussed, that he watched 
the French Court and Ministry with ever- wakeful care. And 
when — soon after he took his seat as Governor of Connecti- 
cut — he heard that Choiseul had fallen from the King's 
favor, and was sent an exile to Chauteloupe, he sincerely 
lamented the catastrophe as a wound to the interests of his 
native land — as a revolution not only "surprising," because 
suddenly effected, against every chance to the contrary, 
through the flagrant intrigues of the King's mistress, and 
the Duke de Soupire* — but as most lamentable, because it 
involved "a total change in every department" of the 
French Government in favor of royalty, and against the 
progress of liberal opinions, and liberal sympathies, in be- 

* " A surprising revolution has taken place in the Court of France. The Duke 
de Choiseul, the ablest Minister in Europe, is down with disgrace, and there is a 
total change in every department of Government. Nothing, it was tho't, could 
have shaken the confidence of the King in the Duke de Choiseul and his dis- 



llGi—niO. CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 107 

half of America.* Trumbull lived, however, to see the 
blow that thus struck down " the ablest Minister of Europe," 
avenged — in after years — by the Count de Vergenncs — on 
the plains of Yorktown. 

How do we miss his full correspondence at this time! 
How much additional light might it not throw, not alone on 
himself, but on the whole stirring back-ground of the Amer- 
ican Revolution — on the whole spirit and proceedings of that 
day when American Liberty was still in its cradle, yet, 
though in its cradle, was making giant struggles! In what 
remains, however, we have secured enough, we fain would 
hope, to enable our readers to judge of his position, civil 
and political — to show that his course — firm on the side of 
the people — ever strong in resistance to the arbitrary acts of 
the Parent State — and marked by thorough information, 
good sense, and prudence — was a preparation, fitting indeed, 
for that great future of tireless and soul-stirring labor which 
awaited all patriots of the Revolution — and himself in par- 
ticular. 

At the close of the year 1769, as already intimated, he was 
crowned with the first office in the gift of the people — that 
of Governor of the Colony of Connecticut — in the same 
3'-ear, by remarkable coincidence, in which his celebrated 
classmate, the tory Hutchinson — by the departure to England 
of his predecessor, the mischievous Governor Bernard — was 
elevated to the same office in Massachusetts. 

Fortunate it was for Connecticut, that, just at this time, its 
chief executive authority should devolve on such a man — one, 
especially, of such repute abroad for his wisdom and his worth. 

grace was esteemed impossible ; but it has been effected by the intrigues of the 
Duke de Sonpire, and of Madame de Barre, the King's mistress." — Johnson to 
Trumhull, Jan. 2, 1771. 

* " It marks the sway of philosophy," says Bancroft, in Volume Sixth of his 
History, p. 388 — "that crowds paid their homage to the retiring statesman ; he 
was dear to the Parliaments he had defended, to men of letters he had encour- 
aged, and to Frenchmen whose hearts beat for the honor of their land in its 
rivalry with England. His policy was so identified with the passions, the sym- 
pathies, and the culture of his country ; was so thoroughly national, and so lib- 
eral, that it was sure to return in spite of the royalist party, and the Court, and 
even though he himself was never to be intrusted again with the conduct of af- 
fairs. The cause of royalty was, for the time, triumphant in the cabinets ; and 
liac^ America then risen, she would have found no friends to cheer her on." 



108 CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 1764—1770. 

"I have now the honor," wrote Johnson to him upon the occasion, 
from Westminster,* after having alluded to the death of Governor Pit- 
kint — " sincerely to rejoice with you and the Colony in your elevation to 
the chief command, and the happy supply thereby of the vacancy — in 
consequence of which I doubt not the affairs of the Government will be 
well and wisely administered. Nothing can fill me with greater satisfac- 
tion than to find the principal offices of Government filled by Gentlemen 
of the first reputation for ability, wisdom, and integrity, upon which the 
honor and interests of the Colony, and its security and happiness, for 
which I am extremely solicitous, do most essentially and absolutely de- 
pend. * * As this event devolves on you the immediate care of the 
affairs of the Colony, give me leave to congratulate you on the honor 
which attends so elevated a station, and to wish you all the success and 
happiness that can accompany the most able and acceptable discharge of 
so important a trust." 

All Trumbull's other offices ceased, of course, with his ap- 
pointment as Governor, and were never afterwards resumed. 
No longer Deputy Governor — no longer Assistant and Coun- 
cillor — no longer a Judge in the Courts — he was to stand 
thereafter, all-absorbed with duty, at the helm of that Ship 
of State whose course he had, in subordinate positions, for 
thirty-six years, so ably aided to manage and guide. 

*In letters dated Dec. 5th, 1769, and Feb. 3d, 1770. 

t Whom he calls — " a good citizen, a sincere Christian, an upright man, and a 
zealous-hearted friend to his country." 



C HAPT E R IX. 

TRDMBtJLL'8 judicial career — down to 1770 — as Justice of the Peace. Judge 
of the County and Probate Courts, and Chief Justice of the Colony. 
Testimony of Wm. Samuel Johnson, and of the public on this point. 

We have looked at Trumbull, hereunto, with some particu- 
larity, in all his offices save that of Judge — an office upon 
which, until the time of his appointment as Chief Justice of 
the Colony, we had but few memorials from which to derive 
light. Nor do we possess much light now — but what we 
have — here appropriately, at the close of his judicial career — 
we shall aim to shed. 

The records of the Superior Court, during the three years 
and forty-five days in which he held the post of Chief 
Judge — from August twelfth, 1766, to September twenty- 
sixth, 1769 — though, in general, succinct statements merely of 
cases, comparatively barren of information as to the particu- 
lar mode in which they were conducted— though they con- 
tain no opinions from the Chief Justice expressed at length, 
no decisions, interlocutory or final, upon points of law or 
forms and rules of proceeding, and none of the sentences 
which he was called to pronounce upon criminals — yet they 
show some important facts bearing on the fidelity with which 
Trumbull discharged his judicial duties. 

There were thirty-nine Sessions of the Superior Court dur- 
ing the time that he presided — held by turns at Norwich, 
New London, Windham, Hartford, Litchfield, New Haven, 
and Fairfield — held annually, and occupying each, on an 
average, from ten days to a fortnight — a few, however, from 
four days to a week only. At each one of these sessions, 
without exception. Judge Trumbull was present, the entire 
time of each session — a fact which speaks well both for his 
assiduity and his health. By far the largest number of ac- 
tions that were tried before him — forty-nine out of fifty — 
were civil actions, almost all of which came by way of ap- 
peal from Inferior Courts — the County and Probate Courts — 

or on writs of error. They were actions for debt, on book 
10 ^ 



110 CHAP. IX. — TRUMBULL. 

account, on notes, on bonds, and on all forms of pecuniary 
obligation known in the practice of the day — actions on dis- 
puted titles to land — actions on damages to rights in various 
forms, in trespass and on the case, where the mulct was pe- 
cuniary — and actions on wills and the administration and 
settlement of estates — involving both law and equity, and 
implying, on the part of the judge, accurate acquaintance 
with both these great departments of jurisprudence. 

Of high crimes and misdemeanors — all of which, in the 
time of Judge Trumbull, fell exclusively under the jurisdic- 
tion of the Court over which he presided — there were six 
cases of counterfeiting, the most numerous of any on the 
calendar — five of burglary — four of assault and battery — 
one of resistance to a tax collector — two of theft — one of blas- 
phemy — one of libel — one of the crime against nature — one 
of firing a jail — and one of attempted murder — an aggre- 
gate of crime for three years and upwards in Connecticut 
which is exceedingly small, and bespeaks an unusually high 
state of public morals. Judge Trumbull, therefore, in the 
sphere of criminal jurisdiction, had comparatively little to do. 

Almost as much, in the sphere of the domestic relations — 
and in one of these relations only, that of husband and 
wife — underwent his attention — for the records show no less 
than twenty-two applications for divorce while he was judge. 
Of these, three were from the husband against the wife, on 
account of adultery. The rest were from the wife — three 
for unheard-of absence, or supposed loss at sea, of the hus- 
band — one for bigamy, and the residue for desertion — and in 
every case a divorce was granted, fall proof having been 
made of all the facts. It was an action of this kind — a peti- 
tion for divorce by Emma Brown, whose husband Abner, 
having sailed for Antigua, had not been heard of for more 
than four years — which was the last but one ever tried by 
Trumbull — the very last — in Court at New London, Octo- 
ber fifth, 1769 — being an action of trespass on the case — in 
which Phinehas Stanton of Stonington, demanding "five 
hundred pounds, lawful money," of Adam Babcock of New 
Haven, was stayed in his proceedings by a motion on the 
part of the defendant for an arrest of judgment — which forms 



CHAP. IX. — TRUMBULL. Ill 

the somewhat significant entry, on the records of the Su- 
perior Court, at the termination of Trumbull's judicial 
career. 

The criminal laws of Connecticut, in his time, though in 
general milder much than in the first years of the Colony, 
had not yet lost all of their primitive severity. It would have 
been gratifying, therefore, in this connection, had some of 
Trumbull's dicta and sentences as criminal judge been pre- 
served — ^as well to show the bearing of his own mind in re- 
gard to any amelioration, as in regard also to the practical 
administration of criminal law. What, for instance, his own 
views and emotions might have been, when, in cases of burg- 
lary, it became his duty to sentence the criminal to be car- 
ried back to jail — thence to the place of execution — there to 
be branded with the letter B upon his forehead, and have 
one ear nailed to a post, and be whipped fifteen stripes — it 
would have been interesting to observe. No doubt, how- 
ever, that though strict in administering the law, he at times 
somewhat repined at features which he must have wished ob- 
solete — for he was too enlightened not to perceive their 
revolting harshness, and too prone to temper mercy with 
judgment, not to shrink from their application. 

During his long career as magistrate before he sat on the 
bench of the Superior Court — in his capacity as Judge of the 
County and Probate Courts of Windham, he had also much 
judicial business to perform — all in his circuit that related to 
the settlement, often intricate, of the estates of persons de- 
ceased, and all that involved inferior civil actions, and delin- 
quencies — even, as regards delinquencies, down to the trial, 
for example, at his own dwelling house at Lebanon, of one 
Hannah Squaw, an Indian, for a petty theft, and of Cato, and 
Newport, and Adam, three negro slaves, for " being found 
abroad, from home, in the night season, after nine o'clock " — 
whom he sentenced to receive, " seven stripes each, on the 
naked body, at the public sign post," unless redeemed by 
their masters through the payment of a fine of seven shil- 
lings for each, and the costs. His experience, therefore, in 
the judicial department, taken throughout, had a wide 
range — ^from the humblest to the very highest grade of 



112 CHAP. IX. — TRUMBULL. 

duty — the whole range, in short, of Connecticut law and 
equity. 

That he fitted himself well for this duty — availing him- 
self industriously of all the helps which the times afforded, 
is certain. His early addiction to the study of jurispru- 
dence — just after he had abandoned the pulpit, and betaken 
himself to civil life — we have already noted. And he pur- 
sued this study — as we gather from numerous hints found 
among his Papers — from judicial authorities carefully col- 
lated by himself — from numerous legal and civil documents, 
in his own handwriting, which are drawn up with profes- 
sional accuracy — and from the testimony in part of others — 
he pursued it with fondness, and with such success as to ren- 
der him, for the day in which he lived, doubtless an accom- 
plished lawyer. 

Fortunately preserved, we have on this point the testi- 
mony of one of the best jurists and lawyers of America — 
himself cotemporary with Trumbull, and conversant with his 
judicial career. We refer again to Wm. Samuel Johnson, 
of Stratford, Connecticut, long the distinguished attorney of 
Connecticut at the Court of Great Britain — a gentleman who 
was counsel in the Mohegan, the Susquehannah, the New 
Hampshire, and other territorial cases of great moment, and 
who in force of talent, extent of knowledge, acuteness of ob- 
servation, and soundness of reasoning, was hardly excelled 
by any man of his day. Writing from London, November 
first, 1769, to Wm. Williams of Lebanon — after alluding to 
the prevalence in the Colony at that time of a " Party spirit" 
from whose attacks, according to information from Williams, 
not even Trumbull himself, as judge, had quite escaped — he 
thus proceeds: — 

" For the short time I had the honor of practice under his [Trum- 
bull's] Presidency, I sincerely tho't the business of the Court as well 
conducted as ever it had been, and I really tho't this had been the gen- 
eral sense both of the Bar and of the Suitors, having heard these senti- 
ments expressed by many. Certainly there was as great harmony be- 
tween the Bar and Bench as I have known, and I believe the Records of 
the Court will evince as much business to have been dispatched at that 
time as during any former period ; nor can I imagine but that longer ex- 
perience has rendered him since that time still more able. In the gen- 



CHAP. IX. — TRUMBULL. 113 

era! affairs of the Colony, I was a witness to his attention and ability. 
Every subject he touched npon, and very Jew I believe escaped him, re- 
ceived new light and new elucidation from his observations upon it. In 
the Mohegan case especially, in which I had very particular occasion to 
observe everything that occurred, he certainly discovered great extent 
of knowledge, and exact attention. In that interesting business, and it 
is as perplexed a one almost as will be met with, I am very certain the 
Colony and the Proprietors of the land are much indebted to him for his 
good service." 

Such is the strong testimony of Johnson to the judicial, as 
well as incidentally to the general ability of Jonathan Trum- 
bull — and we find other cotemporaneous evidence also on 
the same point, which characterizes him as " always the wise 
and able magistrate" — and "revered in times of peace as an 
upright judge," as well as "a wise legislator, and a shining 
example of manners and virtue." 

But to his accomplishments for the Bench we should not 
forget to add here, particularly, his religious character. "It 
is reserved for Christians," remarks Colton — while comment- 
ing on that old sophism — so much dreaded by such a philos- 
opher even as Cicero — which made Justice a nonentity, be- 
cause a virtue inseparable from a folly cannot be just — "it is 
reserved for Christians, who take into their consideration the 
whole existence of man, to argue clearly and consequentially 
on the sterling value of justice." In this view, Trumbull 
must have been a shining exponent of the great virtue in 
question, and a signal refutation of that sophism which 
would overthrow it — for to his mind an Hereafter was no 
eternal oblivion, but a living conviction, and an active real- 
ity. Justice to his mind, therefore, was "the rudder of all 
our other virtues" — the great interest of man both on earth 
and in heaven — " the foundation for social security, general 
happiness, and the improvement and progress of our race." 
We may fairly conclude, then, that he labored on its edifice 
with usefulness and distinction — contributing all in his power 
" to clear its foundations, strengthen its pillars, adorn its en- 
tablatures, and raise its august dome still higher to the skies." 
10* 



C HAPTE R X. 
1764—1770. 

Trombuli, as merchant He enters into a new partnership. The times 
are out of joint, and clouds darken over his husiness life. The general 
courae of trade and commerce at this time, and his o'wn in particular. 
He sends his son Joseph to England. The son's occupation there, and 
correspondence with his father. Trumhull hecomes a whaling mer- 
chant His vessels. He meets ■with severe reverses — what they were, 
and how occasioned. His manly conduct in his trouhles. It wins the 
respect of all his creditors. He makes to them a full statement of his 
pecuniary affairs. This statement. He takes pains, through hia corres- 
pondence in England, to develop the resources of his native land. The 
iron ore of Western Connecticut in this connection. He commends 
particularly the Society in England for promoting Arts and Commerce, 
and circulates their pamphlets. His creditors forbear to press him. 
Adversity serves hut to stiffen his energies. 

Again, Eeader, to the department of trade and com- 
merce — again, in this chapter, to Trumbull as merchant — 
that we may mark the man, so worthy of note, in every 
channel of his effort. Singular, somewhat, that learning, so 
almost professional and exclusive, in the times of which we 
speak, so almost entirely in the hands of the clergy, the bar, 
and incumbents of literary chairs — should have found its 
way, so much as it did, into the engrossing avenues of busi- 
ness, and there too trained intellects for higher and might- 
ier spheres of effort. But so it was. If the bar yielded to 
the American Eevolution its Otis, its Quincy, its Jay, its 
Hamilton, its Henry, its Pinckney, its Rutledge, and its 
Dickinson — and the farm its Putnam and its Washington — 
and the healing art its Warren — and the pulpit its Wither- 
spoon — the counter also yielded its Hancock, and its Trum- 
bull — merchant-patriots both — strong-minded, of high culti- 
vation, and illustrious among those who worked out the 
giant problem of our freedom. 

We left Trumbull, at the close of the year 1763, active in 
mercantile pursuits, and highly fortunate. We have now to 
see him — from 1763 to 1770 — diligent still as ever — but un- 
fortunate. Clouds soon darkened over his business life, and 



1764—1770. CHAP. X. — ^TRUMBULL. 115 

hung heavy upon it during the remainder of his career. "We 
shall find him, however, in adversity remarkable as in pros- 
perity — nay, more so — for adversity it is which is " the true 
Touchstone of merit" — 

" As Night to Stars, Woe lustre gives to Man." 

Early in 1764, he formed a new" partnership in trade, with 
his son Joseph and Colonel Eleazar Fitch, under the partner- 
ship name of "Trumble, Fitch and Trumble" — the main 
stem of the Company being located at Norwich, Connecticut, 
where his son Joseph went to reside. January ninth, 1764, 
he announced the new partnership to Lane and Booth, his 
chief commercial correspondents in London, and stated its 
readiness "to go on in business" — which, he added, will be 
attended to " with the strictest honor and punctuality." 

The general course and nature of foreign trade in Connec- 
ticut, at this time, was nearly the same as we have described 
it to have been in our former chapter on Trumbull's life as a 
merchant. It consisted in exporting the various produce of 
the country to Boston, Rhode Island, Halifax, New-York, 
and a few other points on the American coast, to be ex- 
changed for European goods found at these places — in ex- 
porting also stock and provisions, chiefly, to the "West Indies 
in exchange for the peculiar produce of these isles, and for 
bills of exchange — in sending a few ships up the Mediterra- 
nean with fish — in occasionally building vessels for sale 
abroad — in voyages at times to parts of Ireland, chiefly with 
flax-seed, timber, and naval stores — and in a direct trade 
with various ports in England for English and European 
goods. About sixty sail of vessels — from sloops of twelve, 
to brigantines of eighty, and in a few instances of two hund- 
red tons — were engaged in this various commerce. 

In most of this trade " Trumble, Fitch and Trumble " par- 
ticipated — the elder Trumbull, as before, still continuing his 
store at Lebanon, and occasionally, as before, making ven- 
tures on his own private account They traded particularly, 
among the "West India Isles, with Barbadoes — in Ireland, 
with the firm of Robert and Alexander Jaffray in Dublin, 
and with that of Francis Goold and Company in Cork — and 



116 CHAP. X. — TRUMBULL. 1764— lYTO. 

in England, particularly with the cities of London and Bris- 
tol, and with a new firm of Campbell and Haye at Liverpool. 
They both built and bought, and they chartered vessels, 
which very soon after they commenced business came to be 
many in number,* and made frequent voyages. They sailed 
from New-London chiefly, though at times also from other 
American ports, laden heavily with stock or other produce. 
"And so God send the good sloop to her destined port in 
safety — Amen" — concluded many a Bill of Lading signed 
by Nathaniel Shaw of New-London in behalf of the firm of 
which we speak — and many an insurance upon return car- 
goes in fiivor of the same firm — from fourteen hundred 
pounds sterling on to greater amounts — was taken in the 
metropolis of the commercial world. 

To this metropolis — to " a very good place," as he calls it, 
"in the centre between the Court and City," on the south 
side of St. Paul's Church-yard — the younger partner, Joseph 
Trumbull, repaired in September, 1763f — for the purpose, 
chiefly, of promoting the business of the firm. And he re- 
mained abroad one entire year — establishing new connections 
in trade — purchasing and shipping goods — seeking commis- 
sions for building vessels, and for their sale, and for the con- 
struction also of houses and other buildings, especially at 
St. Kitts and Grenada in the West Indies. He sought con- 
tracts also for provisioning some of the British troops. He 
suggested to his partners at home new articles for exporta- 
tion, and new forms occasionally for their business — as, par- 
ticularly, that of manufacturing iron ore. And he executed 

* " I have determined," wrote Trumbnll, in January of the year 1764, to Lane 
and Booth, "to direct my course immediately to you, and have set about build- 
ing a sliip of one hundred and seventy tons, and to lade her with flax-seed, oil, 
&c., directly for Europe" — and besides this ship which was called the Neptvne^ 
and cost about two thousand pounds, Papers show that the firm of Trumble, 
Fitch and Trumble owned the sloop Alliance^ which cost five hundred pounds — 
the sloop Sea/lower, which cost two hundred and twenty pounds — the sloop 
Jianq/, which cost five hundred and eighty-eight pounds — the ship DubUn, 
which cost seventeen hundred and nine pounds — and one-third of a sloop called 
the Calypso — besides some other sloops, whose names do not appear, which they 
built, and with their cargoes sold abroad — in the "West Indies, at Bristol in Eng- 
land, and in Ireland. 

+ Col. Dyer was his companion on the voyage, which was made in thirty-five 
days. 



1764— 1770. CHAP. X. — TRUMBULL. 117 

at times various commissions for his friends in Connecticut — 
as once we observe as worthy of note, that of procuring pa- 
pering, "stamped on purpose, very elegant and neat," for 
what he styles "the grand passage and staircase and best 
rooms " of his father's house at Lebanon — a plan of all which 
he requests should be sent him.* 

During this period, he kept his father informed not alone 
of his business transactions, but also of all important events 
in England — and beguiled many an hour for him at his 
house in Lebanon, with singularly pleasing and graphic de- 
scriptions of English scenery and curiosities — as particularly 
of the rich fields in the County of Kent — of the noble ca- 
thedral at Canterbury — of the royal palaces in London and 
"Windsor — of Westminster Abbey — of Greenwich Hospital — 
of Kensington Gardens — of his visit to the theatre, and sight 
of the "really fine-looking" royal family — of the beautiful 

* " I believe it may do well," he wrote home in December, 1763, "to build a 
vessel of about one hundred and thirty tons, double-decked. As to a mixed 
cargo of oil and flax-seed, I don't know how they will answer, but am deter- 
mined to make a trip to Ireland, and settle a correspondence at Dublin or Bel- 
fast. I shall send out duck and hemp for rigging. I think it best to secure Nan- 
tucket for next year if possible. I am looking out here to find who has the con- 
tract for supplying the troops in America with provisions, and am determined to 
secure that if possible, in whole or in part, by getting the contract of those who 
now have it, or by taking it of the Government. — I have not yet tried Mr. Hinck- 
ley's ore. I have been making inquiry for a proper person, and shall soon get it 
done. The hag of diamonds I have tried — they prove to be crystals of very small 
value." 

" I shall soon go to Liverpool and Belfast," he wrote in January, 176-t — " and 
shall contract for flax-seed and naval stores at Belfast, and at Liverpool for salt, 
Liverpool and Manchester goods, &c." 

" I have engaged," he wrote in February, " with Mr. Edward Dixon to build a 
sloop of sixty tons burden, to be employed in the trade to St. Kitts — to be con- 
signed to him — he to own i part of sloop and cargo. Hope you'll plan hur in 
the best manner for that trade, and have her built well, and as soon as may be — 
and hope to send out rigging and sails for her with those I send for the snow de- 
signed for the Irish trade. One Dr. Bryant has been with me for himself and 
the Governor of Grenada — they want frames, boards, shingles, &c., for two 
dwelling-houses, and a large hospital, all to be sent out to that island, together 
with carpenters and joiners for finisliing the buildings — which I hope will prove 
a good job." 

" I shall endeavor," he wrote in April, " to make a market for the new ship in 
Ireland or Liverpool, as I fancy that a load of flax-seed, naval stores, and lumber, 
will be the best cargo that can be put into her. If she can't be sold, she must go 
to Liverpool, and take in salt, and Liverpool and Manchester goods, and so 
home — when it will be necessary to have some other cargo for her." 



118 CHAP. X. — TEUMBULL. 1'764— I'JIO. 

seat of the Princess Dowager of "Wales, and of his own de- 
scent, five hundred feet, into the tin and copper mines of 
Redneth — into which, he observes, "had Eneas or Ulysses 
descended," it might well have served "as a foundation for 
the fables of Virgil or Homer." 

In excellent health — having been ailing but once during 
his entire absence* — and having, from some investigations 
made at the Herald's Office in London, been led to change 
the spelling of his name in the last syllable, from hh to hull — 
a change which in 1766 his father also adopted — he returned 
home with Captain Marshall in a Boston packet, in the fall 
of 1764. He returned, as he says himself, " with eagerness 
to his dear native country and friends," and sat down with 
his father in what he hoped would prove "a steady, busy 
round of sure, and safe, and profitable trade" — a trade to 
which his father, about this time, added a new feature — that 
of whaling — to which we have heretofore alluded as one 
among the business occupations of the latter. It was not, 
however, with him a principal employment, but an incidental 
one. He became a whaling merchant to further his trade in 
oil. Trumbull's own mariners, therefore, hunted that largest 
fish which welters "in the ocean's trough of brine," and 
tosses its billows from "its flashing fin."f 

But neither his whaling, nor his other extensive commer- 
cial enterprises, proved long profitable in the new firm with 
which he was now connected. The beautiful and auspicious 
names of the Neptune, the Sea flower, the Calypso, and the 
Alliance, which floated proudly in the winds fi'om the pen- 
nants of his vessels, falsified their omens. In 1766 came 
severe reverses — misfortune after misfortune — loss after 
loss. 

*"I have been," he wrote in December, 1763, "most terribly poisoned by 
eating roasted cushoo nuts (a West India nut) — my face was swelled so that I 
was quite blind for two or tliree days, and one of my hands was much swelled. 
The rest of my body was not at all aifected." 

+ " Outfits for whaling," in the sloop Alliance, says one of his business ac- 
counts, "£.388:4:10." "Costs in outfits for whaling," in sloop Nancy, says 
another of his accounts, " £214 : 14 : 1." — " One-third loss, on close of her whal- 
ing voyages," says another account of profit and loss on his sloop the Seaflower. 
"I like the scheme of a whaling voyage very well for both sloops," writes Joseph 
from London, December 14th, 1763 — " if the Alliance can't be sold." 



1764—1770. CHAP. X. — TRUMBULL. 119 

" About this time, when I was nine or ton years old," writes his son 
Colonel John, "my father's mercantile failure took place. * * In 
one season, almost every vessel, and all the property which he had upon 
the ocean, was swept away, and he was a poor man at so late a period of 
his life, as left no hope of retrieving his affairs. My eldest brother was 
involved in the wreck as a partner, which rendered the condition of the 
family utterly hopeless. My mother and sisters were deeply afflicted, 
and although I was too young clearly to comprehend the cause, yet sym- 
pathy led me too to droop." 

Here was sad havoc indeed — a volley of misfortunes ! The 
Wedding of Trumbull's Trade was turned, all at once, to "a 
black Funeral." 

From various documents it appears that the losses thus 
sustained — not taking into account the destruction of vessels 
themselves — amounted, in the way of cargoes chiefly, to the 
sum of four thousand and thirty-four pounds sterling, fifteen 
shillings and four pence. Add to this now the value of the 
vessels themselves, on the supposition, as Trumbull's son 
states, that almost every one was swept away — add also dam- 
age at this time in other forms, as by bad debts — such as we 
have found occasionally noted in sums varying from a few 
up, in one instance, to eighteen hundred pounds — and we 
have a total of loss which Trumbull and Company sustained 
at this time that may be safely estimated at from ten to 
twelve thousand pounds sterling — a sum hardly equal to 
their existing indebtedness abroad, not to speak of that, 
more or less, which existed at home — nor to speak here par- 
ticularly of that, not inconsiderable, which the elder Trum- 
bull had incurred on private account. 

It may, at first sight, appear somewhat strange that at this 
juncture, on united individual and partnership account, his 
indebtedness should be so large. A moment's reflection, 
however, will dissipate this impression. In the first place, 
but for the treacherous ocean, there would have been prop- 
erty afloat almost enough to have met his pecuniary obliga- 
tions. In the next place, he had property on the land, real 
and personal, more than enough for this purpose, if it could 
have been rendered available. But the want of a circulating 
medium, and of suitable articles for remittance abroad — in- 
duced almost entirely, and quite suddenly, by that wretched 



120 CHAP. X. — TRUMBULL. 1764—1710. 

policy of the Mother-Country towards the Colonies which 
almost foreclosed their trade with the French, Spanish, 
Dutch, and Portuguese West India Islands — this cause, to- 
gether with the general depression and alarm in the business 
as well as in the political world occasioned by the Stamp 
Act, and by the threatened enforcement of the old and 
odious laws of trade and revenue — brought about a sudden 
revulsion in all American commerce, which overbore almost 
every American merchant — and under which Trumbull — 
with no power in his hands of prevention — with no conduct 
on his own part, as a merchant, which a prudent forethought 
would not have suggested — suffered incalculable damage. 

But how did he behave under these circumstances ? With 
patience — with fortitude — with hope — with an intense anx- 
iety and effort to retrieve his affairs — and with a candor so 
remarkable in making known, fully and freely, to all con- 
cerned, even in the smallest details, his debts and his means, 
as to command respect and sympathy from his friends in 
every quarter, and forbearance and thorough confidence on 
the part of all his creditors. 

Conspicuous among these creditors was the firm of Lane 
and Booth — 'continued into the firm of Lane, Son and Fra- 
zier, in London — to which, jointly and severally with his 
son Joseph, he owed a debt of three thousand and three 
hundred pounds. "You may be assured," he wrote this 
firm, June twenty-third, 1767 — and we cite the case as an 
example of his course towards all his important creditors* — 
"you may be assured I shall not forget replacing your 
money in your hands whenever I can collect my outstanding 
debts, and get them into cash, or anything that will make 
remittance. I heartily wish my prospects better for doing it 
soon. Cash is so very scarce that it is almost impossible to 
collect it for outstanding debts, or by sale of lands." And 
he goes on to say, that for the purpose of discharging his 
debt, he had built a sloop, and sent her to the West Indies 
with horses and provisions, but had been " much disappoint- 
ed " in this adventure — and that after it, he had been ship- 

* As particularly, besides the firm above mentioned, to that also of Champion 
and Hayley in London, and to Stephen Apthorp in Bristol. 



1764—1770. CHAP. X. — TRUMBULL. 121 

building, in expectation, through this business, by sale of 
vessels and cargoes abroad, of raising money for his cred- 
itors — but that here again "loss and disappointment" had so 
attended him that he was " determined against any further 
trials that way." And he goes on farther to state to Lane, 
Son and Frazier, his resources — all of them, without excep- 
tion, drawn out into careful detail — down even to his salary, 
to the books in his Library, and the cows in his barn-fold — 
an aggregate, he represents, of eleven thousand, eight hund- 
red and sixty pounds — yielding him, by way of income, 
about five hundred pounds a year — all his own individual 
property, and on which the incumbrance was but small. 

" You may say these valuations are of my own making," he proceeds. 
" True — but then some of them have been lately made by freeholders 
under oath, and there is room for large abatements, and yet my creditors 
are safe, although not well pleased for want of payment. You know how 
liable all men are to misfortunes. Mine hath been stopping my retailing 
business, to collect my debts, and going into navigation to help therein, 
to my injury and loss. In my old way of business I have had success, 
and to have kept to it would have been happy for me — to return to it is 
what I crave. It gives me great uneasiness when it is not in my power 
to answer every reasonable expectation from me. I have, however, the 
comfort of being conscious that my intentions were always honest, and 
that it would have given the highest pleasure to me to have discharged 
every debt at the time it became due ; and I think myself bound in 
honor and conscience to do everything in my power to do it as soon as 
possible ; and if I did not believe fresh credit from you, to return to my 
old way of business, would be mutually serviceable, I would not ask, or 
even accept the favor. My late partner, Col. Fitch, has a good estate in 
his hands. — We are sufferers together. "We hope to be able to get 
through safe, though with loss and damage — with which my son is much 
chagrined — though he keeps up his spirit and courage, yet it proves very 
heavy at first setting out. Thus I have opened my affairs to you, and 
beg your kind answer and advice. The lenity and forbearance I have 
experienced, emboldens me to hope for a favorable answer." 

In another letter soon to the same correspondents, after 

briefly stating again the causes of his pecuniary misfortunes, 

Trumbull recounts what he is doing to make his creditors 

whole. Without the knowledge of Lane, Son and Frazier, 

he tells them that he has collaterally secured his debt to 

them. He has a prospect, he says, of selling two valuable 
11 



122 CHAP. X. — TRUMBULL. 1764— 1'770. 

farms for "Mr. Wheeler's Indian School," and, if he does, 
he will soon remit them funds. He will not put them to the 
trouble, he adds, of bringing any suit against him — but, if 
not satisfied, he will convey them more estate, "appraised as 
the law directs for levying executions." — "I have nothing to 
dispute," he writes — "you ought to be paid, and I will do 
everything in my power to bring it to pass." He has been 
long obliged to take mortgages of land to secure his own 
debts, he says — since he would not injure his own debtors 
"by what may be called hard crowding," in times when a 
circulating medium was so much wanting. And he goes on 
to express the hope that Parliament will soon grant leave for 
the Colonists to enjoy a good paper currency — that thus, by 
the relief afforded to specie, merchants in Connecticut may 
be easily enabled to pay their debts to England. For himself, 
he concludes — he will "get into his old path of business — be- 
gin small, give little or no credit, run no risks," and in this 
way trusts — with a little forbearance on the part of his cred- 
itors — soon to retrieve his condition. 

At the same time that Trumbull was thus writing to his 
business correspondents abroad, he sent his son Joseph again 
to England, to promote in person the amelioration and settle- 
ment of his business — transmitting by him, to his creditors, 
kind letters from Jared Ingersoll, whose acquaintanceship in 
England, from his former connections there as the Colonial 
Agent of Connecticut, was quite extensive, and who cheer- 
fully endorsed all the statements of Trumbull, and employed 
his influence in soothing his creditors to lenity. 

And he did another thing in this connection worthy of 
special note — as bearing not alone upon the improvement of 
his own particular business, but on that of Connecticut at large. 
He wrote personally to many influential friends in England, 
suggesting methods of developing the resources of his native 
land — urging their adoption — and commending particularly 
the efforts in this direction of the Society in England for pro- 
moting Arts and Commerce — whose transactions he from time 
to time procured, and circulated in his own country.* 

*" Thus, for example, in 1769, he received a parcel of pamphlets from this 
source, by the hands of Capt. Billings, from Loudon— on the subject of the man- 



1764~17'?0. CHAP. X. — TRUMBULL. 123 

" Iron ore of the best quality," he proceeds, for example, in one letter 
of this description to Jackson of the British Parliament — " appears in 
plenty in the western part of this Colony, among the mountainous 
lands by the sides of the Ilousatonic River. Last summer Capt. Stevens 
raised a large quantity of hemp — by which it appears that abundance of 
lands in this Colony will answer for it. Setting us to work too at ship- 
building, and sending us some good workmen, will be a great encourage- 
ment in business. I imagine the more our people are acquainted in Eng- 
land the better, and that mutual advantage will come from it. It must 
be a great pleasure to gentlemen of jour enlarged capacity to help build 
up and nourish an infant country as this is, and render it a pleasant hab- 
itation, and profitable to its mother country, as this certainly will be un- 
der proper direction and encouragement. 

" Here I cannot forbear the praises justly due to the Honorable Society 
for promoting Arts and Commerce, for the encouragement given by 
them — at the same time wishing that many of the ingenious gentlemen, 
who travel abroad, would take this way, view this rising country, and 
point out and promote various profitable things here. Would it not give 
more lasting pleasure than even the tour of Europe?" 

Sucli was tlie manner in wliicli Trumbull met the calamity 
of mercantile failure — met pecuniary embarrassments which, 
in a letter to Ingersoll, he himself describes as " shocking." 
Was not his course marked by every virtue that would re- 
deem his situation ? That it was, the result showed. Not a 
creditor that pressed him with a suit — not a creditor that 
took one legal step to secure himself — not a creditor but for- 
bore in any manner to urge his claims on one whose candor, 
honesty, and earnest, hopeful effort, in his time of distress, 
were charms, in the way of business security, stronger than 
any ties which the law, in its fettering severity, could bind 
around assets, or with oppressive weight hang on the person 
of the debtor. " Our confidence in your ability to pay us is 
great," wrote to him Lane and the Frazers, and others to 
whom he was indebted — " we will wait until you can collect 
your outstanding debts." And Trumbull — keenly grateful 
for the lenity he had won — and resolute to reward it, and re- 

ufacture of American potash. They contained the result of two Inquiries made 
by direction of the Society of Arts — "which it is hoped," wrote Wm. Samuel 
Johnson, "will be of some use towards perfecting that useful manufacture, and 
for defeating any frauds which may be attempted to be introduced into it. For 
which end you will please to diffuse them as generally as you can, into all parts 
of the Colony." 



124 CHAP. X. — TRUMBULL. 1764— 1T70. 

establish his own credit and property — toiled on unceasingly 
for the purpose. 

But almost in vain — for such was the character of the 
times — such and so many the obstacles with which a ruinous 
British policy, as has been suggested, had incumbered Ameri- 
can trade — so did British naval commanders, now become 
revenue officers on board their own ships, harass commerce 
upon the seas — so did numberless custom house officials vex 
trade within American ports — so was property in conse- 
quence, in New England particularly, depressed, and from 
want of a circulating medium rendered, save by slow and 
unfruitful processes of barter, almost inconvertible — that no 
toil, no assiduity in business could stem the torrent that op- 
posed it. It bore down Trumbull spite of all his efforts — 
though never to the point of absolute depression. For he 
still kept up, and for many years subsequent to his failure, 
continued his small trade within his own immediate home 
circuit. But his balances in Europe, the larger ones, he was 
unable to liquidate. They remained against him until the 
Revolutionary War suspended the possibility of their collec- 
tion, and in the opinion of Trumbull, at that time, cancelled 
their obligations, so far as British creditors were concerned, 
but not as concerned the American public — as we shall 
have occasion, under asj)ects somewhat singular, to notice 
hereafter. 

Thus, as now described, did misfortunes serve but to show 
Trumbull in a noble light — to awaken honorable sensibili- 
ties — to expand in his bosom the flame of effort — to stiffen 
his energies, and nurse him for other, and severer, but far 
more grateful trials. The Oak did not yield to the axe's 
edge, but lived to give shelter and repose to the imperial 
Eagle of Liberty ! 



C HAPT E R XI. 
1770-1775. 

Genbrm. view of the period enabraced in this chapter. At the outset of 
Trumbull's administration there is a more cheering state of things — 
particularly for Connecticut. One important interruption, however, 
■which was carefully composed by the Governor How it' w^as done. 
The repose continues. This interval seized to look at Trumbull in 
the sphere of his public duties, aside from the American struggle. 
And here his Election Speech in 1771 — and the Susquehannah Contro- 
versy. The management of this famous controversy devolves almost 
entirely on himself He states the Case. Abstract of this Statement. 
The Case remains unsettled when the Revolution commences, but is 
afterwards determined. The result. Trumbull waived its further 
agitation at the outbreak of the Revolution, in order to promote union 
and harmony among the Colonies. 

The period in Trumbull's life, from 1770 to 1775— from 
the Boston Massacre down nearly to the Battle of Lexing- 
ton — next commands our attention. It is one — in a political 
view, as regards the quarrel with the Mother-Country — of 
comparative repose in all the Colonies, during its first three 
years, save in Massachusetts — where, particularly — from pe- 
culiar causes — the great questions of American Liberty were 
almost incessantly agitated, and excitement the while kept 
high. 

Not, however, that the people of other colonies were at all 
forgetful of the great contest between parliamentary and min- 
isterial authority on the one hand, and colonial rights on the 
other — they were not. They noted constantly the principles 
which Massachusetts was so especially active in sustaining. 
The blood shed in the King Street of her metropolis by 
Captain Preston and his company of British troops — the 
garrisoning of her provincial fortress in Boston harbor by a 
British force, and the frequent presence in her port of armed 
British vessels, to overawe the town — the refusal of her Gov- 
ernor to give his assent to a tax-bill, which in common with. 

other citizens, assessed the royal commissioners and other 
11-' 



126 CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 1770—1775. 

officers of the customs — the remonstrances at this "alarming" 
course bj the Massachusetts Assembly and people — the grant 
of a salary of fifteen hundred pounds per annum to Gov- 
ernor Hutchinson, and soon of salaries to the Judges of the 
Superior Court, by the king, independent wholly of any colo- 
nial appropriations, and of course of any colonial control — 
the traitorous correspondence between Hutchinson, Oliver 
and others, and the British Ministry — all these leading events 
and exigencies in the Massachusetts struggle — together also 
with that startling cotemporaneous clash in Ehode Island 
between the citizens of Providence and the British armed 
schooner Gaspee — met with anxious consideration at the 
hands of every American Colonist. And by no one were 
they more carefully watched than by Governor Trumbull 
himself. Upon no mind — stirred as it had already been, pro- 
foundly, by past collisions with British power — did they 
make deeper impression, or leave a more ineradicable sense 
of wrong. 

But the outset of his administration as Governor of Con- 
necticut, was distinguished, during the present period, by a 
different and more cheering state of things than that to which 
we have now alluded. At this time — January second, 
1770 — ^he received from England — from the watchful John- 
son — the gratifying intelligence that those " dark approach- 
ing clouds," which just before Trumbull assumed his new 
station, seemed ready " to burst upon the Massachusetts Col- 
ony," and "spread destruction upon neighboring Colonies, 
and especially in Connecticut," were now "in good degree 
dissipated." Such "confident assurances from government, 
in favor of Connecticut," reported Johnson, had been ob- 
tained, as justified the belief that she " had nothing to fear," 
except what related to the decision before the King in Coun- 
cil of her Mohegan Cause. Even Lord Hillsborough, he 
said, had affirmed that the Colony might "be at peace for the 
present" — and that nothing done with respect to Massachu- 
setts should " involve " Connecticut. And even as to the old 
Bay Colony there was hope, he further said, that the design 
of altering her Constitution, for which a Bill had been pre- 
pared, would "be laid aside" — "so strong at the time were 



1770—1775. CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 127 

the remonstrances against the Bill — such the peculiar situa- 
tion of public affairs in England — and such," Johnson said 
he must in justice add, was "the moderation of his Majesty's 
ministers." — " Blessed be the God of all salvation 1 " — he 
exclaimed, in view of this state of affairs, so unexpectedly 
promising. 

Promising it was indeed, at this particular period, so far as 
Connecticut is concerned, in all respects save one. There 
was one jar upon the seeming harmony of her relations with 
the Mother-Country, which, for a short time, was somewhat 
startling, and called for the special interposition of her 
Governor. 

For the necessary protection, as it seemed, of her own 
commercial interests, she had passed a law imposing duties 
on all goods imported into the colony by any persons who 
were not inhabitants — and this law attracted the attention, 
and drew down upon her the censure of the Board of Trade 
in England, and of the Ministry. Connecticut had no power 
to pass such a law, they said. It was striking at the right of 
Britons to import directly from the Mother-Country. At 
least Britons, if not inhabitants of the Colonies, should have 
been excepted from its operation — and intimations were 
given out that it would be declared void by the King in 
Council — or that Connecticut would be enjoined by a decree 
of Parliament to repeal it — and that the Colony, in future, 
would be compelled to send home all her laws, of whatever 
character, for the royal approbation or disallowance. Of all 
this Johnson gave particular information to Trumbull. In- 
duced by the offensive Impost Law, he added — in words of 
warning — they are already here in England reviewing and 
striking at other laws of the Colony — and even at its precious 
Charter. 

To the danger of which he was thus notified, Trumbull 
gave instant heed. He wrote to Johnson explaining the na- 
ture of the law to which exception had been taken. He 
showed that its provisions were intended, in the way of self- 
protection, to apply especially to those Colonies, in North 
America, adjacent to Connecticut, whose commercial policy 
was thought to be adverse to her interests — and urged that 



128 CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 1770—1775, 

every soothing explanation should be made to the English 
Ministry, and a little time allowed for the Colony to try the 
law — or, should it not be found useful and legitimate, for 
herself, through her own General Assembly, to effect its 
repeal. 

"Lord Hillsborough," wrote Johnson in reply to the Governor, March 
nineteenth, 1770 — "has been prevailed upon to lay aside for the present 
the plan of laying the complaint relative to the Connecticut duty before 
the King in Council, and to give the Legislature of the Colony opportu- 
nity to correct it if they think proper, which I insisted he ought in jus- 
tice to do before any proceedings were had upon it here. You will there- 
fore, if j'ou think proper, suggest it to their consideration. I have never 
been able to see the Act, tho' I have repeatedly applied for it, but have 
heard no other objection to it than that it should have excepted goods 
imported directly from England by British subjects, that is, inhabitants 
of Great Britain, for it has not been denied that we may restrain inhab- 
itants of other Plantations from importing goods there, even directly from 
Great Britain. If that amendment were made, it would I presume obvi- 
ate every objection. I have very cautiously avoided giving any assur- 
ances that any alteration at all will be made, and only contended that 
there should be opportunity given to do it, if the General Assembly 
should think proper, to whom it must be referred. I have no doubt 
they will do what is wise and fit with regard to the matter." 

And so the General Assembly did. At their May Session 
in 1771 — upon wise instigation from their Chief Magistrate — 
on the ground that " the provisions of said Act prove not 
beneficial to the inhabitants of this Colony," as in their Re- 
cords they say, and on this ground alone — they repealed it — 
and so one stumbling block in the way of concord between 
Connecticut and England, which for a time threatened to 
become a serious one, was entirely removed. " It is hard," 
said Trumbull, about this time, "to break connections with 
our mother-country" — and he was willing, as we see, in the 
case of an Impost Act which proved of no service to Con- 
necticut, and was an offence abroad, to strike it from the 
Statute Book of the Colony. But when that Mother-Coun- 
try, he added, with his eye upon claims that could not be 
borne, " strives to enslave us, the strictest union must be dis- 
solved." — "And as he looked through the world," remarks 
Bancroft, "he exclaimed, the Lord reigneth, let the earth 



1770—1775. CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 129 

rejoice, and tlie multitude of isles be glad thereof; the ac- 
complishment of some notable prophecy is at hand." 

But, as already intimated, the time had not yet quite 
arrived for the display of forcible resistance. Great Britain — 
by refraining, to a considerable extent, from the enforcement 
of her violent measures in other Colonies than that of Mas- 
sachusetts — by withdrawing her obnoxious duties on all the 
articles enumerated in her American Revenue Act of 1767, 
except the duty on tea — that " one tax, the King's fixed rule, 
to keep up the right " — by virtual promises, through a Cir- 
cular sent to all the Colonies, to impose no other — by propo- 
sitions and professions, on the part of her leading Minister, 
Lord North, that seemed sincerely conciliatory — and by 
earnest assurances to American General Assemblies, through 
the Governors of Virginia and New York, that the King, 
avoiding thereafter all oppressive acts, "would perfect the 
happiness of his people " — by these means Great Britain 
managed to soothe a little the general spirit of discontent, 
and create a pause in the gathering storm. 

The dispute about the Billeting Act had ceased entirely in 
Pennsylvania and New Jersey. It never had created any 
practical difficulty in Connecticut — for here, in the due exer- 
cise of her constitutional authority — by virtue of her own 
independent legislative power — with commendable prudence, 
with "good conduct" that had extorted praise even from the 
British Ministry — a Billeting Act of her own had been en- 
acted, which not only "passed without censure," but was 
" generally approved."* And late even as May 1771, Con- 
necticut revived the Act, and extended its operation over 
" until the rising of the General Assembly in October next 
ensuing," 

In fact, at this time, there was a general tendency in 
America to conciliation. Even in Massachusetts, at the first 
meeting of the General Assembly in 1771, " loyalty visibly 
prevailed, and the decided patriots were in a minority."f In 

* Johnson to Eliphalet Dyer, Aug. 5th, 1767. 

+ Hutchinson, from Boston, reported " a disposition in all the colonies to let 
the controversy with the kingdom subside. Hancock and most of the party," 
he said, " are quiet, and all of them abate of their virulence, except Adams, 



130 CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. I'FtO— 1775. 

truth, it may be said, tliere was tranquility in America, at 
this time, ahnost universally — to be broken only when the 
detested East India shrub should be brought to find its grave 
in the harbor of Boston, and from Kennebec to the river of 
Savannah, a whole people should rise to vindicate the free- 
dom of a commercial port, and the life of a doomed city, and 
a patriotic old Commonwealth. 

Let us embrace this interval then, to look at Trumbull in 
the sphere of his public duties aside from his connection with 
the great American struggle. We shall note his Revolution- 
ary connections by themselves — but first, now, let us view 
him as Governor of Connecticut, and in the discharge, as 
such, of his ordinary duties, during the five years which pre- 
ceded the Battle of Lexington. 

And here, save in his relations with the Susquehannah 
Case, and with the Mohegan Controversy, we find little 
worthy of very special note. He was elected to office with 
great unanimity, and performed its duties with quiet fidelity. 
Of the manner in which he accepted it, and his tone of feel- 
ing upon such an occasion, the following brief Speech — such 
as he was accustomed to make, upon an election, to the Gene- 
ral Assembly — is a good example. 

"Gentlemen of the Freemen" — he said, on being chosen Governor in 
1771. " It is with peculiar satisfaction and pleasure, that I have this day 
seen the exercise of the inestimable blessing of Freedom, which our re- 
nowned and highly venerable Fathers obtained, secured, and through 
several generations and various struggles have safely transmitted to us. 

"Rulers freely elected by and from yourselves — I take this opportu- 
nity of acquainting you that I have had the most grateful sense of the 

[Samuel] " who, he remarks, " would pugh the continent into a rebellion to-mor- 
row, if it was in his power."—" The people," wrote Johnson from Connecticut 
to Wcdderburnc, after his return from his agency in England, " seem to be weary 
of their altercations with the Mother-Country ; a little discreet conduct on both 
sides, would perfectly re-establish that warm affection and respect towards Great 
Britain, for which this country was once so remarkable." Governor Eden, from 
Maryland, warmly congratulated Hillsborough on the return of confidence and 
harmony. The Southern Governors felt no alarm. New York had been propitia- 
ted by the grant of authority to issue colonial bills of credit, and her loyalty 
"grew apace." Her merchants agreed to a general importation of all articles 
except tea. Maryland, Virginia, Carolina, and Georgia, had all increased their 
own imports. Pennsylvania and New England imported nearly one-half as 
much as usual. 



mo— ItlS. CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 131 

honor done me by this election to be Governor in and over this Colony 
for the year ensuing. 

" That impressed with a deep sense of my own unworthiness, and the 
fresh obligations laid on me, for his Majesty's service, and the best good 
and welfare of this People — with humble reliance on the all-wise Govern- 
or of the World, for his divine direction and guidance, I accept this 
trust — and ask your present and continued supplications at the Throne 
of Grace, that wisdom, prudence, and discretion may be given answer- 
able to the day, the work, and the duty assigned me." 

Thus sincerely did the Governor, as was his wont, express 
pleasure in the old colonial freedom — thank his constitu- 
ents — and rely on Providence. The Speech, just quoted, is 
highly characteristic of the man. 

It was not long after his second election as Governor be- 
fore the claim of Connecticut to the Western Lands — those 
lying west of the Delaware Eiver — came to be seriously agi- 
tated. Hence originated what is known in history as the 
Susquehannah Controversy — a controversy remarkable for the 
great territorial interests which it involved, the profound 
investigations to which it led, and its ultimate result — after 
several intervening untoward decisions — in a recognition on 
the part of Congress of the Connecticut claim — to an import- 
ant extent — and the consequent establishment for this State, 
of its invaluable School Fund.* 

Governor Trumbull was early appointed by the General 
Assembly — in connection, at the outset, with Secretary George 
Wyllys, and afterwards with others — to establish this claim. 
He was instructed, first, to search into all land titles granted 

* Connecticut never forgot that its Charter bounded its territory by the Pacific. 
"Its daring sons," remarks Bancroft, "held possession of the Wyoming Valley; 
and learned already to claim lands westward to the Mississippi" — seven or eight 
hundred miles in extent of the finest country and happiest climate on the Globe. 
' In fifty years,' said they, ' our people will be more than half over this tract, 
extensive as it is ; in less than one century, the whole may become even well 
cultivated. If the coming period bears due proportion to that from the first 
landing of poor distressed fugitives at Plymouth, nothing that we can in the ut- 
most stretch of imagination fancy of the state of this country at an equally future 
period, can exceed what it will then be. A commerce must and will arise, inde- 
pendent of everything external, and superior to anything ever known in Europe, 
or of which an European can have an adequate idea.' Thus the statesmen of 
Connecticut pleased themselves with pictures of the happiness of their poster- 
ity ; and themselves enjoyed a vivid vision of the glory of the New World." 



132 CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 1110—1115. 

to Connecticut by charter, and into all grants in any manner 
affecting this Colony, and report what he might discover — 
second, to collect all the evidence in favor of the Connecticut 
claim, and all against it, and transmit the same to the Colo- 
ny's Agent in Great Britain, that it might be laid before 
counsel learned in the law for their opinion thereon — third, 
to instruct the said Agent how to proceed, as the exigencies 
of the controversy might demand, and to confer with Gov- 
ernor Penn of Pennsylvania on the subject, with Congress, 
with Dr. Wm. Samuel Johnson, and with all others whose 
interest or agency in it was important, and procure a Petition 
to his Majesty respecting it — fourth, to appoint suitable per- 
sons to ascertain the latitudes and longitudes of the north and 
south lines of the Colon}^, upon the Western Lands, in such 
places as they should find necessary — fifth, to issue Procla- 
mations against squatters on lands — and lastly, to take all 
steps necessary and proper for stating and prosecuting the 
Connecticut claim. 

In pursuance of instructions thus received, Governor 
Trumbull applied himself to the task. And an onerous one 
it proved, for the substantial duty was all performed by him- 
self — and with a patience, and thoroughness, which reflect 
the highest credit upon his ability as a lawyer, logician, and 
draughtsman. Fortunately his Paper on this subject — enti- 
tled the Case of Connecticut Stated — remains, just as he wrote 
it — to tell the story of his investigation. It is the same that 
was prepared for transmission to England, to be submitted to 
the judgment of Thurlow, the accomplished Attorney Gen- 
eral of England, of Alexander Wedderburne, the King's 
Solicitor General, of J. Deming, afterwards Lord Ashburton, 
and of Eichard Jackson — all of them men of profound legal 
science, and of the highest reputation in their profession. 

He starts with setting forth, so far as is necessary for the 
purpose in hand, the original Patent of New England from 
James the First — the incorporation by him of the Council of 
Plymouth — the grant by this Council of Massachusetts — a 
renewed patent of the same by Charles the First — and the 
derivative grants from these prior patents of many tracts of 
country, and among these, particularly, of Connecticut. 



I 



1770—1775. CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 138 

He then shows, that — the Dutch making claim — a bound- 
ary line was established between New Netherlands and Con- 
necticut — but that the right to lands on the Delaware was 
then left undetermined. 

Next he shows the Connecticut Petition to the King — the 
Charter and its result, extending Connecticut west " to the 
south sea" — and the consequent union of Connecticut and 
Newhaven. King Charles' Patent to his brother the Duke 
of York — covering Maine, Long Island, and the tract of 
Hudson Kiver — is now proved not to extend to lands west 
of the Delaware. The claim of the Dutch, by the passage 
of Hudson up the river that has taken his name, is denied. 
So also is any claim of the Swedes. The dispossession of the 
Dutch at New York by a force sent from England — the 
establishment of a boundary line between New York and 
Connecticut by Commissioners then sent out for the purpose — 
the recovery of New York by the Dutch, and its subsequent 
restoration on a treaty of peace to the English — all these par- 
ticulars — together with the Patent granted by Charles the 
Second to William Penn, and with an agreement between 
New York and Connecticut that was confirmed by King 
William in Council, but which did not touch territory west 
of the Delaware River — are described and commented upon 
with great force.* 

He concludes his elaborate document — in summary of the 
whole — with stating, first, that the lands west of New York 
remained in possession of the original Indian proprietors 
until they conveyed them to the Susquehannah, and other 
companies, under Connecticut — second, that under her Patent 
and Charter, Connecticut continued to claim the lands in con- 
troversy, and had settled the same as fast as the nature of 
things would admit — and third, that whereas Pennsylvania 
was still urging her claim, under color of a Patent that was 
granted nineteen years after that of Connecticut, and under 
the allegation that Connecticut was estopped by the settle- 
ment of New York, therefore, to end the dispute, the three 

* " With great labor and researches," says Trumbull himself, in a memorial of 
his own. 

12 



134 CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 1170—1775. 

following questions should be propounded to legal gentlemen 
in England, viz : — 

1. Do the words " actually possessed and occupied," in the 
old Patent, extend to lands west of the Dutch settlements ? 

2. Has the Colony of Connecticut a right of pre-emption 
and title, within the bounds of their Patent, west of New 
York, notwithstanding the agreement with New York as to 
boundaries, and the Charter of Pennsylvania ? 

3. What course of proceeding is it legal and expedient for 
Connecticut to pursue ? 

The answers by the law counsellors of England to the 
questions thus proposed, avouched the excellence of the doc- 
ument prepared by Trumbull. To the first they answered, 
that the words in question did not extend to lands west of the 
Dutch settlements — to the second, that the settlement with 
New York had no effect on other claims, nor could the grant 
to Pennsylvania affect what had been granted previously to 
Connecticut, but that an actual settlement by Pennsylvania 
might create a doubt — and to the third, that an amicable 
agreement with the proprietors of Pennsylvania was the 
proper recourse — or, if this was refused, an appeal to the 
King. 

Neither of these resources were of avail, however, to settle 
the difficulty. The Kevolutionary War cut off the last. 
Governor Penn — though appeal was frequently made to him, 
through special Commissioners appointed by Connecticut, and 
also by Governor Trumbull* — refused all negotiation on the 
subject. So Connecticut went on and extended her jurisdic- 
tion to the settlers on the contested lands — and incorporated 
them into a township as a part of Litchfield County, by the 
name of Westmoreland — and the contest remained in sus- 
pense for many years. But the assertion of title, made in the 

* " It is the duty of our Governor and Company," wrote Trumbull to him, 
March 24th, 1774, "in faithfulness to the trust reposed in them, to assert and sup- 
port the rights of this government and its inhabitants. They do not look upon 
themselves as chargeable with any fault for the exercise of jurisdiction over the 
people who inhabit land they have good reason to think themselves entitled to 
by legal purchase from the aboriginal true proprietors thereof, and hold the 
primary possession under the right of pre-emption, for the benefit and within 
the limits of this government." 



1770—1775. CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 136 

manner we have described — and chiefly by Trumbull him- 
self — was indeed " a happy circumstance." For it resulted at 
last — save in regard to a small strip of territory at present 
included in Pennsylvania — in an acknowledgment by Con- 
gress, after the Revolution, of that title which rescued for 
old Connecticut that fine tract of country in Ohio known as 
New Connecticut — known also, in honorable baptism, as Trum- 
hull County — and it secured the means, in consequence, as has 
been already suggested, for the establishment of her magnifi- 
cent School Fund. Education in this State, it is obvious, 
owes much — very much — under this aspect, to the exertions 
of Governor Trumbull. 

It is a striking and pleasing feature in his connection with 
the controversy under consideration, that — though deeply 
involved in it, from duty, study, and conviction — though his 
pride as an investigator, as a logician, as a lawyer, and as the 
Chief Magistrate of Connecticut, was all thoroughly enlisted 
in educing a result that should conform to his own opinion — 
yet — the moment the great struggle for American Independ- 
ence commenced — for the sake of harmony among the Colo- 
nies at large — he desired anxiously to waive the controversy 
for the time — to hold it in abeyance for some future fitting 
period. 

"Do not hasten the case," he wrote in March 1775, to Thomas Life, 
the EngHsh agent for Connecticut in the matter — to whom previously he 
had been communicating instructions witli great regularity, and from 
whom he had received Office Copies, exemplified in England, of various 
patents bearing on the subject — " do not hasten the case, most important 
though it be, in a day of so much difficulty and increasing distress as the 
present between the two countries, which every wise and good man 
wishes to have speedily terminated." 

" I lament," he wrote the President of the American Congress, in No- 
vember of the same year — requesting the special interposition of Con- 
gress to put a stop to the altercations then existing between Pennsylva- 
nia and Connecticut — " 1 lament that interested individuals, joined with 
the enemies of the rights of the Colonies, have at this time such an han- 
dle to cause division and mischief on that head. It is far from our de- 
sign to take any advantage in the case from the present unhapp)'^ divis- 
ion with Great Britain. Our desire is that no advantage be taken on 
either side; but at a proper time, and before competent judges, to have 
the different claims to these lands litigated, settled, and determined ; in 



136 CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 1110—1115. 

the mean time to have this lie dormant, until the other all-important con- 
troversy is brought to a close. The wisdom of the Congress, I trust, 
will find means to put a stop to all altercations between this Colony and 
Mr. Penn, and the settlers under each, until a calm and peaceable day. 
The gun and bayonet are not the constitutional instruments to adjust and 
settle real claims, neither will insidious methods turn to account for such 
as make them their pursuit." 

How praiseworthy the course thus pursued ! Trumbull's 
patriotism would permit no inter-colonial controversy — no 
matter how profound the interests involved — to interfere 
while the great dispute with the Mother-Country remained 
unsettled. Peace at home, at all events, was his anxious 
wish, in the day when discord reigned abroad. The quiver 
for American defence, in his view, should not contain one 
arrow to poison American harmony, or wound American 
strength. 



CHAPTER XII. 



Trumbull and the Mohegan Controversy. The origin of thia contro- 
versy. Claim of Connecticut Claim of and for the Mohegans. At- 
tempted settlements of the case. Its naanagement, just hefore and 
after he became Governor, devolved chiefly on Trumhull. Hia fitness 
for the task, frona long experience in Indian affairs, and with those of 
the Mohegana particularly. In 1769 one of a Committee appointed by 
the General Assembly to visit these Indiana, and examine and report 
upon their condition. The naanner in which he performed hia task 
described by himself in a letter to Wm. Samuel Johnson. His exer- 
tions roused attention to the appeal of 1766 on the Mohegan Case, 
and caused it, in January 1770, to receive a fresh hearing before the 
Lords in Council. A motion to dismiss it made and refused — and an- 
other hearing ordered. A dark hour for Connecticut on the case. 
Trumbull, however, makes preparation for it, and presses the General 
Assembly to fresh effort. He accumulates all the resources of de- 
fence, and sends them over to England. The chances of the trial are 
still against Connecticut — ^but it terminates favorably to the Colony 
The elder Winthrop'a Journal in this connection. Trumbull copies it, 
and causes it, for the first time, to be printed. And here his care 
generally of valuable papers and public documents. The Trumbull 
Papers in the Historical Society at Boston. His interest in sta- 
tistical inquiries. He replies to the Queries of the British Board of 
Trade. 

At the same time with the Susquehannah Case, Trumbull 
had on his hands another important territorial controversy — 
which, "founded in disaflfection, and matured in resentment," 
for upwards of seventy years, more or less vexed the repose 
of Connecticut, and exacted at times her strictest care. Orig- 
inating in a difference between the Mohegan Indians and the 
Colony touching title to certain tracts of land in New Lon- 
don, Windham, and Tolland counties, which comprehended 
in all not far from eight hundred square miles — and industri- 
ously fanned, so far as the Indians are concerned, by the de- 
scendants of Major John Mason, who claimed the guardian- 
ship of these Eed Men — and by Daniel Clark, Nicholas 
Hallam, Major Palms, Major Fitch, and a few other white 
settlers, who had conceived the project of obtaining large 

tracts of territory from the Indians for themselves — it kept 
12* 



138 CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL. 

the Colony at times at enormous expense,* and in a state of 
almost perpetual anxiety and suspense. 

Connecticut claimed the lands in dispute on many 
grounds — by conquest from the Pequots — by virtue of a 
deed from Uncas in 1640 — of another, in 1660, from Major 
John Mason, her own commissioned agent — by numerous 
agreements and concessions of the Indians themselves — by 
two general acquittances or releases to the Colony, from all 
charges, by Sachem Ben Uncas — by long possession, admin- 
istration, and use — and particularly, by grants from the 
Colony, as of acknowledged right, to numerous purchasers, 
six or seven hundred even in number, some of whom had 
settled whole townships, and whose ejection would cause 
infinite suffering. 

The Mohegans, on the other hand — those of the Mason 
party, who had been stimulated by white men interested in 
prosecuting the title against the Colony — claimed that there 
were no considerations, or but trifling or fraudulent ones, for 
the deeds and settlements in favor of the Colony. They 
claimed that they had never sold their lands in mass to the 
Colony — that Connecticut had been unjust and cruel towards 
them in depriving them of their favorite Hunting-Grounds — 
that Major Mason's surrendry to the General Court merely 
gave up the "jurisdictional right," and not the title to the 
soil — that the lands in fact had been "trusted" to Mason and 
his descendants for the sake of their guardianship of the 
rights of the Indians — and, in short, that they were a free 
people, entitled as such to all the rights of ownership, use, 
and sovereignty, within the disputed territory. 

Commissions appointed by the Crown, sitting now at Ston- 
ington, and now at Norwich, Courts of Eeview, and Colonial 
Committees, at various times decided on these rival claims — 
once in 1704, through Dudley's Court, and by an outrageous 
ex parte proceeding, against the Colony — again in 1721, in 
1738, and in 1743 particularly, in its favor — but with con- 

* " What I at present most regret is the enormous expense that attends it [the 
case,] which is greatly enhanced by these unfortimate delays, and exceeds even 
all I could have imagined." — W, S. Johnson to Trumbull^ from, London^ Jun* 
28<A, 1770. 



CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL. 139 

stant appeals to the Crown, on both sides — the Masons and 
their white and red confederates in this cause generally lead- 
ing the way^ and for the reason, quite apparent, that upon 
almost every trial of their claims, decisions had been ren- 
dered against them. 

An appeal of this sort, made by the Mason party against 
the judgment of 1743, to the King's Council, and freshly 
brought before the Lord's Commissioners for Plantations in 
1766, was still pending when Trumbull, late in 1769, was 
advanced to the gubernatorial chair. Upon him, therefore, 
principally, as the Chief Executive of the Colony, devolved 
the duty of managing the case in its behalf — of collecting 
evidence concerning it — of instructing agents both at home 
and abroad — of providing funds for its prosecution — of sooth- 
ing discontented opponents within the Colony, and defeat- 
ing their machinations, in connection with the controversy, 
with enemies of Connecticut outside of its limits — of quiet- 
ing grantees of the disputed lands — and of conciliating the 
Mohegans themselves. Upon him also farther devolved the 
duty of defending these Indians in the possession of such 
territory as, by reservation, was clearly their own — and of 
checking their quarrels with each other, and their feuds also 
now with the white settlers of New London, now of Lyme, 
now of Norwich, and now particularly with those of their favor- 
ite IIunting-Grounds, the town of Colchester — whose proprie- 
tors, the Indians alleged, had obtained them for the paltry con- 
sideration of five or six shillings only, and when their Sachem 
who parted with them, the heedless Oweneco, was drunk. 

Governor Trumbull was remarkably well fitted for this 
task — both for the argument, and for the conciliation which 
it required. He was already familiar with the case, and with 
Indian affairs generally. In 1766, when it lay by appeal be- 
fore the Lord's Commissioners for Plantations in England — 
with Jabez Huntington for a colleague — he had then been 
specially employed by the General Assembly to "inquire into 
it, and consider what was best to be done," either by the 
Colony, or by those who possessed the disputed lands — sixty- 
four landholders in the North Parish of New London, one 
hundred and twelve in Colchester, and twenty-nine in Ne- 



140 CHAP. XII.— TRUMBULL. 

hantic, being then included as defendants, in the appeal of the 
Mason party to the King. And he then gave the case close 
attention — visited the Mohegan Indians in person — examined 
their claims — strove to soothe their discontents — collected 
testimony — and reported the appointment of a special Agent, 
with a Committee of the General Assembly to assist him, 
who should be sent to England for the purpose of aiding the 
regular agent of the Colony there, Eichard Jackson, "in 
preparing, soliciting, and managing" the case. And Wm. 
Samuel Johnson was accordingly appointed. 

In service quite similar, seventeen years before, in 1749, 
he had been employed by the Colony with the Stonington 
Indians — to determine a claim to controverted lands. And 
in this case, perceiving that advantage had been taken of the 
ignorance and poverty of the Indians, by one Isaac Wheeler 
and family, to do them wrong, he reported that the former 
had good cause for complaint. They had just right, he af- 
firmed, to use and improve, and keep their stock upon that 
reservation of two hundred and eighty acres which had been 
assigned to them — and a guardian, he added, ought to be ap- 
pointed over them to see that they had the liberty of such 
improvements, and that justice should be done them. 

So again — in May of that same year in which he was ap- 
pointed, as we have just seen, to review and report upon 
the Mohegan Case — he was also appointed to inquire into the 
condition of the Indians of Groton, and report upon griev- 
ances and claims which they also had presented to the Gen- 
eral Assembly. And in this case too he found the Indians, 
mainly, in the right — and reported to this effect — that they 
suffered unjustly — that their lands were intruded upon — that 
they were without suitable provision for schools and religious 
instruction — and that a special Committee, with money in their 
hands from the Treasury, ought to be established to go among 
them, and provide for their relief, and for their christianization. 

So again, in 1769 — renewedly upon the Mohegan Case — 
Trumbull was appointed, with others, to visit the Indians of 
this tribe, at a time when the succession to their sachemdom 
was in dispute. He was to acquaint them then with the de- 
cision of the General Assembly in favor of Isaiah Uncas for 



CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL. 141 

their sagamore, and with all that the Colony had done for the 
first Uncas and his successors. He was to inform them of 
the state of the suit then prosecuting in England by John 
Mason, and with the releases in favor of the Colony which 
had been extended by the first Ben Uncas and his people. 
He was to soothe the differences which agitated the tribe — 
procure a division of the lands — and "search for, procure, 
and send " to England, accompanied with such suggestions as 
himself and the Committee should deem proper, all papers re- 
lating to the great controversy then pending. 

How he executed this task will be manifest from the 
following letter, which, he addressed to Wm. Samuel 
Johnson, the special agent for the Colony, in London, upon 
the case. 

" On Monday last," he writes — " Jabez Hamlin, and William Hillhouse 
Esq"^ ., with myself, attended at Mohegan by direction of the General 
Assembly, to inform the Indians of the transactions between the Gov- 
ernor and Company of Connecticut, and the principal Sachems of the 
Mohegan Indians ; for which purpose I drew up the inclosed statement 
of the same, with the transactions with Major Mason, and with others 
relative to Colchester, Lyme, and the land lying between New London 
and Norwich — thereby to show them that justice and kindness done by 
the Colony to them, from the first coming of the English here to the 
present time ; to mention to them Uncas's genealogical account of him- 
self, by which it appears that he and they are really of Pequot-blood, the 
whole land conquered, and Uncas's whole right conveyed to the English 
Sep. 28"', 1640, and notwithstanding that, purchased over again from 
Uncas and his successors — a sufBciency of planting ground being re- 
served for them — much more than they do, or even can at present im- 
prove — so that a considerable quantity is leased out for the benefit of the 
Sachem Family, which, if they were able to improve it themselves, they 
might have. 

" They seemed to think they had been long enough under Guardians, 
and that it might be more to their advantage to have the whole divided 
among them, and they set at liberty to transact for themselves. We told 
them, on the Government way of transacting with them, it might be done 
on application to the Assembly ; but on the principles they were mo.st of 
them pursuing, by the instrumentality and guardianship of Mason, it 
could never be done — for that by the Deed of Sequestration and Entail- 
ment from Major Mason of 9th of May 1671, the same was conveyed to 
Uncas, Oweneco, and Attawanhood, and their heirs and successors for- 
ever in an inalienable form, one-half the herbage being reserved to Ma- 



142 CHAP, XII. — TRUMBULL. 

son, and if that took place, the right was wholly in their Sachem and 
heirs. 

" [We told them also] that Isaiah is heir in the line from Uncas through 
his son Oweneco, as well as his other son Major Ben, and that they were 
contending and endeavoring to establish that which would operate quite 
differently from their inclinations and desires. We let them know the 
Assembly looked on Isaiah as the now right heir — that as for making him 
Sachem, or as they called it, Government Sachem for the Mohegan Indi- 
ans, there was no such intention — that we looked on them as subjects of 
the Crown of Great Britain, as well as the other inhabitants of the Colo- 
ny — that if they had any custom of their own which they chose to keep 
up among themselves, the Government did not mean to hinder them, but 
that at the same time the Assembly must treat Isaiah as the legal heir 
and descendant from the Sachems. 

" We advised Isaiah to behave in a decent and becoming manner, to 
avoid all evil and vicious company, promote religion, learning, and indus- 
try, avoid the common failure of Indians in drinking to excess, be kind 
to, and provide well for his aged grandmother, his mother-in-law, and the 
whole family, and do that which is praiseworthy, as the eyes of the Eng- 
lish, as well as of his own people the Indians, would be more especially 
upon him. 

" We spent all Tuesday, and the greatest part of Wednesday, upon 
the matter, attended by Isaiah, and his Council, Zachary Johnson, Simon 
Choyehoy, and Noah Uncas, who are near all the men who adhere to his 
interest. There is, however, a more considerable number of squaws and 
young persons that are his adherents. On the other side the Indians ap- 
pointed Samson Occum, Harvey Quaquet, and Tuntoquegan, a Committee 
to attend us ; who appear warmly engaged in the Mason cause, with 
their prejudices firmly riveted. Samson said our proceedings were not 
well-timed — that five or six years ago he was indifferent, and would have 
examined the state of the case on the part of the Colony, but that then 
it was not thought fit to bring the same to him. Mason had brought his 
papers, and left them with him, [he said,] and he had examined them, 
and judged the cause as exhibited by him to be right, and justice to lay 
on that side, and he intended to promote it. It was therefore now out 
of season to come there to say anything upon it. 

" It was answered that he was not known, and considered as a person 
of so much consequence, as that the Colony must look up to him, and 
deliver him their papers for consideration, and that if he was minded to 
know the whole case, and judge impartially upon it, for the benefit of 
himself and the Indians, it was his duty to have asked the Assembly to 
give him a knowledge of the case. However we came to inform such as 
were willing to hear, we said, but that it did not answer our intentions 
to be heard only by two or three, who were zealously engaged in the in- 
terest of Mason. We meant to have all hear and judge for themselves — 



CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL. 143 

that, if the case was finally determined against their inclinations, they 
should have no reason to blame the Assembly for neglecting a thing par- 
ticularly requested by Uncas, which was that his successors might be 
informed, and have these things mentioned to them — a fit time for doing 
which was now, on the death of their late Sachem, and the coming for- 
ward of a young heir. The influence it may have on the Indians, who 
were generally present, is uncertain. It will serve to enlighten the peo- 
ple present, who before did not know the case. I believe more than a 
thousand people attended on Tuesday, many out of curiosity and amuse- 
ment — many desirous to understand the cause — and many of the friends 
to Mason to prevent any impressions [the interview] might have on the 
Indians. Occum exerted himself to the utmost of his ability. I think 
'tis his intention to raise himself to be King and High-Priest among 
them. 

" The inclosed will bring to remembrance things fully known to you. 
The Genealogical Draught may amuse. The territory belonging to Un- 
cas, the petty Sachem of Mohegan, lying principally in the town of Nor- 
wich, hath not been mentioned. The Pequot country was all conquered. 
Uncas was a Pequot. His territory at Mohegan was included in the con- 
quest. He by his deed of Sep. 28th, 1640, gives and grants all his 
rights, save only to his then planted ground. Do transactions afterwards 
done, tending to establish the English claim, absorb and destroy such 
clear and absolute rights before obtained ? 

" Fear and covetousness in some laid the foundation for, and insidious 
and dark designs in others continue to support and keep alive this troub- 
lesome and tedious litigation. Oweneco, in 1707, did revoke and disan- 
nul his power to Capt. John Mason — says he was deceived by him — that 
he did allow no one but himself to interpret — and manifests an uneasi- 
ness with Mason for contending with the Colony — and had the same pub- 
lished at Norwich and Stonington. This paper, with Oweneco's Original 
Complaint, is in the hands of Mr. Rich'' Palmes, a descendant of Major 
Palmes, who was one of the Commissioners with Gov. Dudley. He en- 
couraged the giving the same into the hands of the Government ; but 
now asks £500 Lawful Money for them — an enormous price — and I do 
not see any great service they can be of at this time." 

This letter sliows that Trumbull was fully conversant with 
the Mohegan case, and had been employed upon it, before 
he came into office as Governor. He was, therefore, prepared 
to prosecute it now with understanding and with zeal. His 
own opinion upon its merits, long formed, was one, we see, 
which — while it conceded every reasonable and humane at- 
tention to the wants and wishes of the Indians themselves — 
yet — upon all the grounds that had been long taken and 



144 CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL. 

maintained by the Colony — vindicated its territorial claim 
against all adversaries in the case, whether white men or 
red. 

The Appeal of 1766, from one cause and another — from 
indolence, indifference, neglect, or disinclination on the part 
of the Council in England that was to try it — or from 
changes and ferments in the British Administration — or 
from a hope that the parties themselves would be wearied 
out with the contest, and abandon it — spite of all the most 
assiduous efforts of Jackson and Johnson to procure a hear- 
ing, had been postponed from time to time, until — upon that 
fresh movement in 1769 on the part of Trumbull and a 
Committee of the General Assembly, to which we have just 
alluded — it was at last, in January, 1770, seriously enter- 
tained by the Lords in Council — but with a result, upon this 
trial, by no means favorable to Connecticut. It came before 
the Lords upon a motion to dismiss the cause — upon the 
ground of previous judgments, long past and fairly pro- 
cured, in favor of the Colony — of long acquiescence in the 
judgment particularly of 1743 — of neglect on the part of 
the Appellants duly to prosecute — of settlements made in 
good faith upon the dispxited lands, which it would be most 
unjust to disturb — and on the ground also of much adversary 
management that was extraordinary, abusive, and fraudulent. 

" The motion for dismission of the Mohegan case," wrote 
Johnson to Governor Trumbull, describing the result — " was 
heard a few days ago, and decided against us. The Lords 
were of opinion that they would not dismiss it on motion, 
but have determined to hear it at large upon its merits, as 
soon as possible. We have nothing to rely upon but the 
justice of the cause, and I wish it may have fair play. If it 
has, I am persuaded it will be decided in our favor." 

For this farther hearing of the case, upon its merits, Trum- 
bull — neither appalled or disheartened by the untoward re- 
sult just mentioned — set himself and the Colony diligently 
to work. He at once commenced a more active correspond- 
ence about it than ever before, with both the Colonial Agents 
in England — stimulating their zeal anew, encouraging their 
hopes, and sending them funds. He collected fresh evidence, 



CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL. 146 

and sent it over.* Upon hearing from Jackson, in June, 
that a new trial — postponed already once in April preceding 
because of want of preparation on the part of one of the 
Counsel for the Appellants — was again postponed on account 
of the sickness of the Attorney -General of England, the 
leading Counsel for the Colony — he at once communicated 
the fact to the General Assembly, upon its first subsequent 
session in October, and renewedly instigated their co-opera- 
tion in procuring additional testimony for the cause, and in 
pressing the trial on to a successful close. 

" The last [letter] from Mr. Agent Jackson," he proceeds, addressing 
the Legislature — "informs that, unfortunately for him, and expensively 
for the Colony, the Appeal of the Cause of the Mohegan Indians against 
the Colony and Terre-Tenants on the Controverted Lands, was opened 
on the part of the Appellants. The Attorney-General was next to enter 
on the defence, but most unhappily before the day appointed for it ar- 
rived, was taken ill with the gout — and continued to grow worse, and it 
being concluded neither reasonable nor safe to proceed without him, 'tis 
most probable it will not be heard till after the long Vacation, which will 
most likely bring it into the winter." 

And the Governor goes on to urge an " early considera- 
tion " by the General Assembly of " several things " that 
appear to him "material" in the case — especially the prepa- 
ration and transmission to London, " without delay," of new 
letters and documents, of which, he says, the Colonial Agents 
are not possessed — and many of which, he adds — " not easily 
found" — in his own "search and inquiry" into the cause he 
had himself secured — particularly among the papers left by 
"the late Honorable Governor Wolcott." And in this con- 
nection he takes occasion to press the Assembly to provide 
that not only these documents, but that "all papers and files 
belonging to the Colony," should be " collected, sorted, and 
deposited, in a proper manner, in one place " — as " necessary 
for the Government, and for use on all future occasions." 

* " Should we be driven to trial on the merits [of the Mohegan Case,] good 
use, I think, may be made of the Idea of Conquest which you have so often and 
BO advantageously mentioned. 

"I observe what you say of the original of the Mohegan Cause, and shall en- 
deavor to make some good use of that hint." — Johnson to Trumbull. 
13 



146 CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL. 

Thus, witli diligence and zeal, did Trumbull, at a dark 
moment in the progress of the Mohegan Controversy, accu- 
mulate resources of defence for the Counsel in England — four 
of them in number, two for the Colony, and two for the 
Terre-Tenants — who, besides the regular agents of the Col- 
ony, were also employed, at very great expense, to manage 
the case. Johnson's letters to the Governor at this time con- 
stantly acknowledge the receipt from his hands of papers 
most valuable to the cause — down even to a day or two only 
before the new trial came on — and when, on account of the 
lateness of their arrival, he regretfully expresses a doubt 
whether he shall be able to introduce them into the cause. 
The chances of the trial, in the judgment of Johnson, were 
against the Colony, though his own faith in the justice of its 
title was ever full and firm. 

Our enemies are a host, he frequently wrote to Trumbull. 
They are "in general, in a greater or less degree, all those 
who are enemies to the liberties of America, and to the priv- 
ileges of the Colony of Connecticut in particular — a long, a 
formidable, and," he adds, " a d-t-s-ble set." The strength 
of our adversaries, he continues, "seems to be in their 
clamors upon the ignorance, the poverty, and the misery of 
the Indians, on the one hand, and on the power, policy, cun- 
ning, fraud, and impositions, of the Colony and Landholders, 
on the other. They have not been wanting to declaim 
loudly on these topics, and, as I have said, to add to them 
much misrepresentation and abuse.* Our Counsel are pre- 
pared, however, to state the matter in a very different light, 
and, though there is ground enough of fear, I do not despair 
of a favorable issue." 

That "favorable issue" came. The long night of sus- 
pense, which for now seventy years, had clouded the title of 
Connecticut to near eight hundred square miles of territory 
within its own colonial limits, was at last dissolved. Day 

* Describing to Trumbull, June 28th, the course of the opposing counsel upon 
the motion for a dismissal of the case, Johnson says their arguments "were long 
and labored, replete with the most illiberal and ill-founded abuse and misrepre- 
sentation both of the Colony and the Landholders, whom they represented as a 
Bet of the greatest cheats, and hypocrites, and deceivers, that the world ever 
8aw." 



CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL. 147 

broke with its sunliglit upon the cause. "I have now to ac- 
quaint you," wrote Johnson to Trumbull, January twelfth, 
1771 — " that the hearing of the Mohegan cause ended yes- 
terday," It was joyful news. The result was a triumph for 
the Colony — and a triumph particularly for that Governor 
whose zeal in the cause had been unremitting, and whose 
industry indefatigable.* "To his knowledge and instruc- 
tions," said a writer of the day, in a public journalf — in 
just compliment to his services, and echoing the united voice 
of the people of Connecticut — " we are greatly indebted for 
the successful issue of the long, perplexing, and expensive 
Mason or Mohegan Case." 

In preparing the two important causes upon which we 
have now dwelt — the Susquehannah and the Mohegan — 
Trumbull consulted very closely, upon old Colonial history, 
the Journal of Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts, as well 
as many other ancient records — which leads us to speak here 
farther of his connection not only with this invaluable work 
by the Father of the Old Bay Colony, but with documentary 
history generally. 

Here he was emphatically a pioneer, and more than any 
man of his day contributed to the preservation of valuable 
records. The first two books Of Winthrop's Journal — the 
only ones then discovered, and which he had borrowed from 
the elder branch of the Winthrop family — he proceeded him- 
self, with the assistance of his Secretary, carefully to copy — 
and subsequently — after the War — the work was first pub- 
lished to the world, from this copy, in Hartford, Connecticut, 
by Elisha Babcock — under the supervision of Noah Web- 
ster — in one octavo volume of three hundred and seventy 
pages. In his Message of 1770, we have seen him calling on 
the General Assembly to provide, particularly, for the safe 
keeping of the public documents. In 1771, he was specially 
authorized by the General Assembly himself to collect all 

* " I had very particular occasion to observe everything that occurred in this 
case," said Dr. Johnson, writing William Williams, November first, 1769 — and 
Trumbull certainly " discovered great extent of knowledge and exact attention. 
I am very certain the Colony and the Proprietors of the land are much indebted 
to him for his good service." 

t The Connecticut Courant. 



148 CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL. 

tbose which might thereafter in any way affect the interests 
of the Colony, and " have the same bound together " that 
they might be preserved.* This task he proceeded to exe- 
cute — and then it was that he began that collection, which, 
with the addition subsequently of most important Revolu- 
tionary Papers, particularly of his own correspondence with 
Congress, and General Washington, is now preserved — chro- 
nologically arranged, well-bound, and furnished with con- 
venient indexes, in a mass of twenty-one volumes — in the 
Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. As has 
been justly remarked, these volumes — known as the " Trum- 
bull Papers " — " constitute an invaluable treasure for history, 
and show, most conclusively, the high estimation in which 
the old Governor of Connecticut was held for ability, patriot- 
ism, and incorruptible integrity." 

In addition to what has now been stated, and by way of 
illustrating his interest in statistical inquiry, it should be 
mentioned here, that in 1773, he undertook himself, and ac- 
complished the task of replying, in detail, to the customary 
queries of the British Board of Trade in regard to the re- 
sources, population, institutions, and whole public economy of 

* Silas Deane was one among the citizens of Connecticut who warmly encour- 
aged this preservation of State records. In August, 1774, writing to Trumbull 
for the loan of his extracts from Winthrop's Diary, and Custom House statistics, 
for use in Congress, he says : "Before I dismiss this subject, on which you must 
excuse my freedom, give me leave to suggest to your Honor whether it may not 
be a seasonable step to lay before the next Assembly the propriety and even ne- 
cessity of preserving accounts, and the history of transactions of this kind, in 
some public office, for our own as well as the information of posterity. The 
Office Letters to and from the Governor, and the Journal of the House, are of 
more importance in my view, and will hereafter be more relied on when a refer- 
ence is made to the sense of former times on any subject, than all the other rec- 
ords put together ; yet neither of these are preserved in any office, nor indeed 
anywhere else that I can find ; at least, they are in private cabinets ; but much 
the greater part have been long since used for wrappers ; and several important 
letters to and from the late Governor Saltonstall, have been sent me by the fam- 
ily round garden seeds, and the like ; letters that would not only do honor to 
him, but prove of service to the Colony were they preserved ; and surely we, as 
well as our posterity, have a right to these letters and journals. We have, as I 
may say, a property in them, being written by persons in our employment, and 
on our account." 

"At your request," wrote Trumbull in reply — "I have enclosed my Extracts 
from Gov. Winthrop's Manuscript History. The sense of our predecessors ap- 
pears fully from many things I send. It is matter of regret that so many useful 
papers are lost." 



CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL. 149 

Connecticut — a task which he executed with great accuracy, 
and the result of which, in six hundred printed copies, was by 
order of the General Assembly distributed to the various 
towns in the Colony. In after years again — in 1778 particu- 
larly — he rendered cheerful and important aid to Mr. Haz- 
ard in collecting his valuable State Papers in relation to the 
origin and progress of the various European settlements in 
North America, and to the rise of the Revolutionary War. 
Investigations such as those now described were always pe- 
culiarly pleasing to Trumbull — and of course contributed 
much towards storing his mind with knowledge, and fashion- 
ing it to that exactitude for which it was ever remarkable. 



13* 



CHAPTER XIII. 
1770—1775. 

A CRISIS in the issues "between Great Britain and the Colonies. Trum- 
hull, in consequence, proclaima a day of Fasting and Prayer, and 
doubles the military stores of the Colony. Correspondence befween 
Gen. Gage and Trumbull in reference to one Thomas Green, a Boston 
tory, -who had been severely handled in Connecticut. Cases of other 
disaffected persons, Abijah Willard, Dr. Beebe, and two Ridgfield 
tories, in connection with Trumbull. Trunabull and the first Conti- 
nental Congress. His zeal in fostering it. His opinion of its measures 
He diligently prepares his own people for the emergency of w^ar. He 
issues a Proclamation against riotous demonstrations. The famous 
Peters riot, as oflScially described by the Governor. Such disturb- 
ances not as yet common in Connecticut. Episcopalians not under the 
ban of public opinion, as sometimes charged. Trumbull a tolera- 
tionist. His Christian character described The non-importation 
scheme, and his activity in promoting it. His son John in revolution- 
ary and educational connection with the parent. The father's taste 
and views with regard to the art of painting. Both sire and son are 
ready for the Revolutionary Future. 

With the exception of Trumbull's ordinary Proclamations 
for Fasts — which were in general well composed, and in a 
strain, usually, highly devotional — we find nothing farther 
to note particularly* in his public career until we reach the 
spring of 1774, at which period his connection with Eevolu- 
tionary matters again begins — and to this period, therefore, 
we now turn the attention of our Readers. 

By this time the issues between Great Britain and her Col- 
onies had reached a crisis. The obnoxious tea had been 
thrown into Boston harbor. British vengeance, in conse- 
quence, had concocted the Boston Port Bill — had struck, by 
legislative Act, at the Charter and Government of Massachu- 
setts — had provided by another Act for the trial, in a foreign 
venue, of all supporters of the American Revenue System, 
whose arraignment might happen in the Colonies — and had 
erected a dangerous co-terminous tyranny in the Province of 

* Save, perhaps, a Proclamation, in the third year of his guhematorial duty, 
prohibiting, on account of great scarcity, the exportation from the Colony, for 
twelve months, of all grains. 



1774—1775. CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 151 

Quebec. These fatal contrivaiices were now all impending 
over America — but over America, fortunately, prepared in 
good degree for the danger. For by this time Samuel Adams, 
in Massachusetts, had systemized the Revolution, through 
Committees for all the towns — and the Old Dominion, through 
its Committee for Correspondence, began to do the same for 
the continent. Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Hamp- 
shire, followed the precedent — so that all New England and 
Virginia "were now one political body, with an organization 
inchoate, yet so perfect, that, on the first emergency, they 
could convene a Congress " — and " every other Colony was 
sure to follow the example." 

The first recorded evidence on the part of Connecticut, 
that indicated the general peril, was a proclamation by Gov- 
ernor Trumbull in May, 1774 — which— after reciting "the 
threatening aspect of Divine Providence on the Liberties of 
the People, and the dangers they were menaced with " — en- 
joined a day of public Fasting and Prayer. 

This Proclamation was soon followed by an order to all 
the towns to double the quantity of their powder, balls, and 
flints — and also by a series of Resolutions, on the part of 
Connecticut — which, after rehearsing the measures of the 
British Parliament that bore on America, denounced them as 
usurpations that placed life, liberty, and property, in every 
English Colony, at utter hazard — and proclaimed it as the 
indispensable duty, and unalterable determination of the Col- 
onists to maintain and transmit their rights entire and invio- 
late to the latest generation. These Resolutions — of which 
there is some reason to believe Trumbull himself was the 
author, but which, nevertheless, met with his hearty sup- 
port — form, in the year 1774 — together with the Proclama- 
tion to which we have just referred, and the Order doubling 
colonial defence — his fitting introduction at this time upon 
the stage of Revolutionary action.* 

We next hear of him, particularly, in connection with 
General Gage — who, in May 1774, sent him a formal notifi- 
cation of his own appointment to the gubernatorial chair of 

* See these Eesolutions at the end of this chapter. 



152 CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 1774—1775. 

Massachusetts, and expressed his readiness to co-operate with 
the Governor of Connecticut "for the good of his Majesty's 
service." Upon this co-operation Gage, it appears, made an 
immediate requisition — by urging Trumbull to apprehend 
and bring to trial certain persons in Windham and Norwich, 
Connecticut, who, it seems, had pelted and driven from their 
towns — with threats of " exaltation on a cart "* — one Francis 
Green of Boston, a somewhat noted merchant of that city, 
but a highly obnoxious loyalist — "one of that insidious 
crew," as the Journals of the day express it, " who fabricated 
and signed the adulatory address to strengthen the hands of 
that parricidal tool of despotism," Thomas Hutchinson. 
General Gage transmitted long affidavits — particularizing the 
offence. I have inquired into Mr. Green's complaint, wrote 
Trumbull in reply — and " find that others put a very differ- 
ent face on the transaction. Full provision is made hy law 
for such offences, and Mr. Green may there obtain the satis- 
faction his cause may merit." And this was all the consola- 
tion that Gage received in the case from the unsympathizing, 
and, as he doubtless thought, disloyal Governor of Con- 
necticut. 

It was no moment just then, as it happened, for Trumbull 
to interfere in a transaction like that described — for at this 
time the fatal First of June arrived — day when the Boston 
Port Bill was to take effect — and the bells of the Governor's 
own native town — in tones strangely unfitted to attune either 
the sense of loyalty to his Majesty the King, or the duty of 
co-operation with one of his minions — began early to toll a 
solemn peal — and so continued the whole day. The door of 
the Town House was hung with black, and thereto the Port 
Bill was affixed. The shops in the village were all shut and 
silent. Their windows were covered with black, and with 
other ensignia of distress — and gathering from every quar- 
ter — "upon short notice" — the freeholders of Lebanon list- 
ened to the reading of the noted Bill — and in spirited Eeso- 

* A horse and cart with high scaftblding, did in fact make their appearance at 
Norwich, before the eyes of the astounded Mr. Green. On his return to Boston, 
he offered one hundred dollars reward for the apprehension " of any of the ruffi- 
ans who had forced him to leave Windham and Norwich." 



i 



1774—1775. CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 163 

lutions, denounced it as an outrageous invasion of human 
liberty. Trumbull's eye was thus on proceedings different 
far from those which would tend to nurture the thought of 
giving satisfaction either to Mr. Green — or to any other 
known defender of tyranny. 

Another such an one — to whose case Trumbull's attention 
was called — soon came, it seems, into Connecticut — like 
Green, to fulfil some important private business of his own. 
It was one Colonel Abijah Willard — a Massachusetts tory, 
and a member of General Gage's new Council. Two of his 
attorneys, who lived at Windham, met him at Union — and, 
looking upon him as a traitor, refused any longer to act in 
his service — and the people of that region, one night, rose — • 
seized and confined him for awhile — and then carried him 
over to Brimfield in Massachusetts. There "the Provincial 
People " — four hundred in number, who had assembled upon 
news of his arrest — called a Council — decided that he should 
be imprisoned in Newgate, at Simsbury in Connecticut — and 
set off to conduct him thither. But after they had proceeded 
six miles on their way — upon his asking forgiveness of "all 
honest, worthy gentlemen " for the offence he had commit- 
ted, and taking an oath that he would never sit in Gage's 
Council, and would maintain the Charter rights and liberties 
of Massachusetts, they consented to dismiss him. Trumbull's 
interposition in this affair was solicited — but, if it came at 
all — as does not appear to have been the case — it came alto- 
gether too late to save the captive from the fate which he 
experienced. 

Nor did Dr. Beebe, an obnoxious tory of East Haddam, 
Connecticut, fare any better — not indeed so well — for certain 
inhabitants of this town, after calling upon the Doctor, and 
being refused any satisfaction whatever of their demands, 
proceeded to give him what they styled " a new fashionable 
dress " — a complete coat of tar and feathers. The indignant 
Doctor, naturally enough, thirsted to prosecute his assail- 
ants — and at once, therefore, applied to Trumbull for his 
advice, and for a precept in the case. "I believe if you 
grant one," wrote General Joseph Spencer to the Governor 
at the time — " it will not be executed to any advantage with- 



154 CHAP. XIII, — TRUMBULL. 1774— 1775. 

out force from abroad to govern our people ; for althougli 
the rough measures, lately taken place with us, are contrary 
to my mind, yet I am not able to prevent it at present." 
The particular satisfaction, therefore, which Beebe desired, 
seems not to have been obtained. 

Nor again, did two tory inhabitants of Ridgefield, Con- 
necticut, who at Wethersfield denounced the doings of the 
Continental Congress, and were in consequence drummed 
out of the town, fare any better than the British adherents 
already mentioned, in the way of securing Trumbull's inter- 
position, or satisfaction from the State. They used language, 
it appears, in a public house at Wethersfield, which was con- 
sidered by " a party of gentlemen " who heard it, as " a di- 
rect breach of the Association of the said Congress " — and 
consequently, "properly escorted," were "set off, at nine 
o'clock, the way from which they came" — amidst the groans 
and hisses of "a respectable concourse of people," who fol- 
lowed them out of town, beating a dead march. That " all 
honest and true men to their country might know and avoid" 
these offenders, proper persons were appointed to attend 
them as far as Farmington on their return, and there " ac- 
quaint the inhabitants with their behaviour," says the orig- 
inal account of the transaction, "and leave them to their 
further transportation, as is usual, and as by law is provided 
in cases of strolling ideots, lunatics^ c&c." — "As no one of 
their principles," exclaimed the people of Wethersfield upon 
this occasion, " is supposed to be an inhabitant of this Town, 
it shall be our care and attention that no such shall be here- 
after tolerated within it ! " 

It was not possible for the Governor, just at this juncture 
of ferment — when public sentiment against tories ran so 
high — to stay entirely the "rough measures" against them 
that were adopted, everywhere almost over Connecticut — 
though he disapproved of violence and riot, and so expressed 
himself— and though, moved at last by the frequent recur- 
rence of scenes like those we have described, he charged the 
magistrates and civil officers of the Colony — through a 
Proclamation issued for the purpose — "to respectively use 
their authority, and influence, to preserve peace and good 



mi— 1775. CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 155 

order, and to promote a reformation of every evil, that the 
good end proposed in the laws might be attained." It is no 
small testimony to the depth and enthusiasm of patriotic 
feeling in Connecticut at this period, that it overflowed, not 
unfrequently, with severity, upon all those who attempted to 
withstand its course — and defied restraint, even when its 
waywardness seemed to require it, from the arm of the Chief 
Magistrate of the State. 

While thus engaged in preserving the good order of the 
Colony, Trumbull was also busy in another important direc- 
tion — in fostering the Continental Congress. With the prog- 
ress and results of that first Convention — in September, 
1774 — of all the Colonies, to take into solemn consideration 
American rights and grievances — none, save some of its 
members, and a few leading patriots, perhaps, in Massachu- 
setts and Virginia, had more to do than himself He cher- 
ished it as a project which the exigencies of the country ab- 
solutely demanded — as one that no fears of parliamentary or 
ministerial resentment or prohibition ought to prevent, or 
should afTect — as one, he hoped and prayed most fervently, 
that might lead to a reconciliation of difficulties, and, by the 
force of a wise, earnest, combined, and entire American 
movement, might curb the grasping temper of Great Britain, 
and stay her hand of violence. 

With its members from Connecticut — Dyer, Sherman, and 
Deane — he was personally intimate — and both with them, 
and with the President of the Congress, and with many 
other members whom he knew, kept up an active corres- 
pondence during the whole time that the National Body was 
in session. He informed them of the state of public feeling, 
particularly in Connecticut. He warned them against any 
hesitation or delicacy in affirming the public rights. He 
suggested sentiments and measures for the general defence. 
He furnished facts and documents for consideration. He 
stimulated fervent appeals to the British Throne, the British 
People, and to the Colonies at home, both those within and 
those without the American combination — and, in general, 
counselled a course of manly and patriotic resistance to 
British aggression. 



156 CHAP. XIII. — ^TRUMBULL. 1774— 1775. 

Many a fragment among his own Papers — many references 
among the papers of others — show that such was Trumbull's 
course. They show also that after the First Congress had 
achieved its purposes, and given to the world those docu- 
ments which have immortalized its session,* no man in the 
country received them with more gratification, or took them 
more profoundly to his head and heart. To the appeals 
therein made — by men who "for solidity of reasoning, force 
of sagacity, wisdom of conclusion, manly spirit, sublime sen- 
timents " — who "for everything respectable and honora- 
ble" — are pronounced by the great Earl of Chatham himself 
as "shining unrivalled" — Trumbull gave every circulation 
in his power. He commended them to universal attention. 
He sustained them by correspondence and by conversation, 
and in this way aided materially to infuse their patriotic 
spirit, and their resistless reasoning, into the souls of his 
countrymen. 

How far he believed in their eventual efficacy — or rather, 
whether like many other leading men of the day — like 
Richard Henry Lee, and even George Washington, for ex- 
ample — he had confidence that they would operate as a per- 
fect remedy — is matter of some uncertainty. That he relied 
much upon them, however, is obvious. His strong hope, if 
nothing else, begat such a reliance. Yet from many little 
hints with which we are furnished, we are inclined to believe 
that if ever in the case, in any degree, he was over-san- 
guine — and events proved that all who surely trusted in 
reconciliation were so — he early abandoned the feeling. 
With John Adams and Patrick Henry — men who never 
were convinced that the measures of the Congress would 
succeed — he soon began to think "the die was cast, the Ru- 
bicon passed," and that the contest must be decided by force. 
With the foreboding Quincy, he soon "looked to his coun- 
trymen with the feelings of one who verily believed that 
they must yet seal their faith and constancy to their liberties 
with blood." 

* The Declaration of Eiglits — the Address to the Throne — the Address to the 
People of Great Britain — that to the Inhabitants of the Colonies — and that to the 
Inhabitants of Quebec. 



1774—1775. CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 157 

Certain it is that at this very time, he was exceedingly 
busy in doubling munitions of war for the Colony, and in 
procuring — in conjunction with his son Joseph — "early as 
possible" — a supply of ammunition. Certain it is that at 
this time he was doing all in his power — by discouraging 
every disorder in the Colony, and promoting a sober frame 
of mind — to fit the people with that moral force of convic- 
tion which would enable them to meet the public exigency 
in a manner the most resolute — was striving to impart to 
them even a devotional exaltation of purpose — such almost 
as characterized the old soldiers of Cromwell in the Common- 
wealth days of England — that they might go forth to bat- 
tle — if go they must — panoplied by the God of Armies. 

" "Whereas," he says, under the influence of this spirit and 
purpose — in a Proclamation issued by him in December 
1774, for suppressing vice, immorality, and all riotous dem- 
onstrations — "whereas the threatening aspect of Divine 
Providence on the rights and liberties of the People, and the 
dangers impending over us, are solemn warnings and admo- 
nitions to reform all the many sins and iniquities found 
among us, which are highly provoking to God, and reproach- 
ful to a people" — let the authority of magistrates, therefore, 
he proceeds to enjoin, and the example and influence of all, 
be directed to preserve good order and peace, and to promote 
a speedy reformation of every evil. After this manner did 
Trumbull stimulate his people to conduct that should be ex- 
emplary, and arm them with the victorious sense of religious 
duty. 

Among the "riotous demonstrations" to which, in the 
Proclamation now cited, he more particularly refers, were 
those which at this time occurred in connection with the fa- 
mous case of Rev. Mr. Peters — a loyalist Episcopal Clergy- 
man of Hebron, Connecticut — whose house and person, on 
account of his obnoxious political conduct, had been attacked, 
and treated somewhat roughly. Of this case Trumbull, by 
special resolution of the General Assembly, was soon desired 
to prepare a statement, in order to obviate any misrepresent- 
ations concerning it that Peters might make in England, to 

the prejudice of Connecticut. This statement, in the hand- 
14 



158 CHAP. XIII. — TKUMBULL. 1774— 17T5. 

writing of the Governor, we have found among his Papers — 
and we here subjoin it, both on account of the source from 
which it emanates, and of its intrinsic interest. It is dated 
Lebanon, December twenty-sixth, 1774, and though without 
address on the face of the Paper, was doubtless designed for 
the Agent of Connecticut in England. 

" I am desired by our General Assembly," proceeds the Governor — " to 
prepare a general State of the Transactions relative to the Rev. Samuel 
Peters, of his application to me, and what passed between us upon that 
occasion ; and to transmit the same to you, to be used as you shall find 
expedient, to obviate any misrepresentations that the said Peters may 
make or exhibit to the prejudice of the Colony, and to acquaint you that 
the intelligence transmitted to you, may and will be supported by affi- 
davits and full proof, if there should be occasion for it. 

" In pursuance thereof I have prepared and send you the following 
general state of the transactions, his application to me, and what passed 
between us, which you will use accordingly, to obviate and prevent the 
mischievous operation of any misrepresentations or accusations that the 
said Peters may make or exhibit to the prejudice of the Colony. These 
facts, if there is occasion for it, will be fully supported by affidavits and 
undoubted proof 

" Capt. John Peters of Hebron, brother to the Rev. Samuel Peters of 
the same town, did report in the hearing of sundry persons, that his 
brother, the said Samuel, had wrote at sundry times, and then had let- 
ters prepared to be sent home to England, by the way of New York, big 
with reflections on this Colony, and an account of the measures this and 
the neighboring Colonies were taking to obtain a redress for their griev- 
ances, occasioned by the present sj'stem of Colony administration, and 
some late acts of the British Parliament. 

" This report spread in Hebron and the neighboring towns — which 
moved near three hundred persons, who met, without any arms, early on 
the 15th day of August last, and went to Mr. Peters' house, civilly to en- 
quire of him concerning the matter reported of him. They made choice 
of a number of their company to wait upon him at his door, and inform 
him of the reason of their coming, and to enquire of him on that sub- 
ject, the residue remaining in the street. Those who were chosen went 
to his door. He asked them to walk in. When they entered, they in- 
formed him of their appointment and business with him. Mr. Peters ap- 
peared very frank, and free to inform them concerning the rise and mat- 
ter of said report, and solemnly declared he neither had nor ever would 
write home to any person in England touching the present di.sputes and 
differences between Great Britain and the Colonies. This declaration 
and his engagement was at that time satisfactory to all present. Not the 



1774—1775. CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 159 

least aflfront or injury was oflfered or done to his person or property. On 
parting he tendered them his thanks for their kind treatment. 

"Mr. Peters continued after the close conference to use his endeavors 
to instil and propagate sentiments subversive of the civil constitutional 
rights of this Colony, and to stir up contention and discord among the 
people. On the sixth of September last, near three hundred persons, 
without arms, met near his house to treat with him on these practices. 

"When they came to Mr. Peters' house, they found it fhll of persons 
said to be armed. One Capt. Marsh came out and said Mr. Peters de- 
sired the people to choose a committee to converse with him — which was 
done, and about ten persons chosen for that end went into his house, and 
informed him of their business, and enquired if the people with him were 
furnished with arms, Mr. Peters declared there were no arms in his 
house except one or two old guns out of repair. 

" A conversation ensued between him and the Committee. Mr. Peters 
endeavored to show there was no duty laid, without our consent, on the 
article of tea, because, he said, no man was obliged to buy, and when 
any one bought it, he consented to pay the tax, and no duty could be 
had, if no man purchased it. 

" After the Committee had conversed with him some time, without re- 
ceiving any satisfaction, they desired him to go out to the men who were 
in the street — perhaps he could convince them that he was in the right. 
On his request they gave him an assurance that he should return into his 
house safe, without abuse. Upon which Mr. Peters went out, and was 
advantageously placed in the centre of the men who had convened. In 
a short time a gun was discharged in the house — which much alarmed 
and exasperated the men around present. Eight or ten were immedi- 
ately sent into the house, to find the reason, and whether any arms or 
weapons of death were there. They found several guns and pistols, 
loaded with powder and ball, some swords, and about two dozen heavy 
sticks or clubs — and that the gun, charged with two balls, was said by 
the men in the house to be discharged by accident. They soon cleared 
the house of all the men found therein, and set men at each door to pre- 
vent danger and damage. Upon this Mr. Peters finished his discourse- - 
which gave no satisfaction. 

" The Committee were desired to return with him into his house, they 
to draw an acknowledgment for him to subscribe and make, and he to 
draw up such as would suit himself. 

" When this was done, on the like assurance as above, Mr. Peters and 
the Committee went out to the people. He read what he had written, 
which was unanimously rejected ; then that drawn by the Committee 
was read, and approved. Mr. Peters refused to sign and acknowledge it. 
He was safely returned into his house. Many persuasions were then 
used with him to induce him to make the acknowledgment proposed, till 
the men abroad grew impatient and weary of delay, rushed into the 



160 CHAP. XIII. — TKUMBULL. 1774—1775. 

house, broke some squares in the lower part of one window, overturned 
a table, and broke a bowl and glass on it. They laid hold of Mr. Peters, 
and in this scuffle his gown and shirt were somewhat rent, and they 
brought him out at the door, placed him on a saddle horse, and went 
with him about three-quarters of a mile to the usual place of parade in 
Hebron. After some further conversation on the subject, Mr. Peters read 
what was drawn for his acknowledgment, with an audible voice, in the 
hearing of the company, and signed it. Three cheers were then given, 
and all dispersed. 

" The persons chosen to confer with Mr. Peters, to the utmost of their 
power calmed and moderated the minds of the people present, who were 
greatly distressed and irritated by the discharge of the gun, the prepara- 
tion of arms and clubs, and his other conduct so grievous to them. 

" Mr. Peters' religious sentiments, his being a member of the Church 
of England, and a clergyman, were not the reasons of these transactions. 
Some men who were present were of the same denomination, and dis- 
satisfied with him as well as the others. Had he been of any other de- 
nomination in religious sentiments, his treatment would doubtless have 
been the same." 

Disturbance peculiar as that of which Trumbull thus gives 
an authentic account, was as yet rare in Connecticut, The 
time had not come for Captain Sears to parade the destined 
first Episcopal bishop of the United States, escorted by a 
rough and fierce-looking crowd, through the streets of New- 
haven.* ' Nor yet, for " wishing well to the mother country," 
had a Committee of Inspection "put on the limits" the first 
Episcopal clergyman of ancient "Woodbury.f Nor had the 
compassionate Trumbull yet occasion to extend the charity 
of a permit to relieve Fairfield's Episcopal rector — the Rev. 
John Sayre — from imprisonment and a guard at New Britain. 
Nor — though a few instances of severity towards the minis- 
ters of the Church of England, striking from the position 
and character of the suifering parties, occurred in Connecti- 
cut, after the case of Peters — was Episcopacy ever, in fact, 
exposed, as has been sometimes wrongfully asserted, to a 
general trial and condemnation at the bar of a patriotic pub- 
lic opinion. The testimony of Governor Trumbull himself 
on this point — that the sentiments and profession of Mr. 

Peters as a member of the Church of England had nothing 

j . 

* Bishop Seabury. + Rev. John R. Marshall. 



1774—1775. CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 161 

to do with his treatment on the occasion described — that men 
were present aiding and abetting who were of the same de- 
nomination with the preacher— and that his treatment would 
have been the same had he been of any other persuasion — is 
here of great weight. 

Certainly, so far as the Governor himself is concerned, his 
own views on the great matter of religious toleration, were 
highly liberal. Though an exact Congregationalist, and a 
singularly devout Puritan — and though his convictions in 
favor of his own particular faith were most profound, and his 
pious observances most punctual and exact — he was ever 
charitable towards the " Mother-Church," and in no respect 
did he interfere to resist its worship, or aid in its opprobrium, 
by countenancing force.* Though he could not bear the 
idea — somewhat prevalent in his day — of civil obedience and 
submission to the King of Great Britain, as resulting from an 
acknowledgment of his spiritual supremacy, yet his instincts 
of freedom, civil and religious, were such — so strong, so con- 
sistent, and so enlarged — that he gave latitude to all con- 
sciences in the matter of ecclesiastical faith and practice, save 
to that faith, which, as in the case of Adamites and Roger- 
enes, led inevitably to the disturbance of the public peace. 
Beneath an exterior, which, to the eye of some observers, at 
times wore an air of devotional sternness, he bore a heart full 
of liberality. His own, more than that of most Puritans of 
his day, was the broad and beautiful Christian charity of that 
first noble patron of the new churches in America — the elder 
Governor John Winthrop. 

During the month in which he reported the popular dem- 
onstrations against Peters, he was engaged in another duty 
which deserves mention here, and which closes, for the year 
1774, his public career. He was engaged in enforcing that 
celebrated ^^ Association''^ which was organized by the first 
Continental Congress, for the defence, in a commercial form, 
of American rights — and which, so far as its non-importation 

* His family Bible — still extant, and in the possession of Hon. Joseph Trum- 
bull of Hartford — contains in full the "Book of Common Prayer." It was 
printed at Oxford, England, in 1752, and was purchased by Trumbull the year 
after its publication. 

14* 



162 CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 1774—1775. 

feature is concerned, was to take effect on the first of Decem- 
ber of the year now under consideration. 

By far the largest portion of the citizens of Connecticut, it 
is true, were prepared for this measure — nay entered into it 
heartily — and made its enforcement the special duty of their 
Committees of Inspection, The people who at the beginning 
of the previous September — upon a bare report that British 
ships were cannonading Boston, and British soldiers slaugh- 
tering its inhabitants — started forth, twenty thousand strong, 
for the doomed city — simultaneously as if some gigantic 
warder had blown a " war-note, long and loud," that reached 
at once from the shores of Long Island to the Hills of Berk- 
shire — a people, thus alert for freedom, were not those to 
withstand any plan for self-defence submitted to them by the 
patriot counsellors convened at Philadelphia. But yet the 
plan was to be first circulated and understood. It was to be 
made palatable to some few who in Connecticut as elsewhere, 
from motives of loyalty to the King, or of fear, did not 
warmly espouse the American cause. A thorough organiza- 
tion was required for its enforcement, and some towns had 
not yet appointed their Committees of Inspection. Appeal 
was to be made to instincts of hope and patriotism for its 
rigid observance. 

To effect these purposes, Trumbull was active — both be- 
cause of his position as Chief Magistrate, and because, at the 
outset, he had warmly concurred with the American Con- 
gress in recommending the non-importation scheme — not so 
much on account of any overweening confidence, however, 
in its efficacy, as in consequence of his conviction that every 
peaceable measure for redress of grievances should be tried, 
ere resort was had to that last terrible trial which stakes 
men's lives. 

So passed with the Governor of Connecticut, the last 
month of that last year, which, in the great Eevolutionary 
Struggle preceded the clash of arms. 

And now, ere we lift the black curtain of War — for we 
stand close upon the blood-stained Green of Lexington — let 
us turn, in Trumbull's private life, to contemplate a peaceful 
scene. A son of his own — his youngest — whose experience 



1774—1715. CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 163 

■within the period now under consideration in many points 
illustrates the sire — is about, in his company, to step out, a 
youthful hero, upon the stage of Revolutionary action. Let 
us glance then here at a few points in his preliminary career. 

We left him joining Harvard College, a remarkable profi- 
cient, in the middle of the third or Junior year. It was 
against his own wish, however, at the time, that he joined — 
not that he loved College less, but because he loved art 
more — that art of which he describes himself as catching the 
contagion from the pictures in oil of his sister Faith, and 
which he practiced first in the sand on the floor of his moth- 
er's parlor. He wished to study painting under the instruc- 
tion of Mr. Copley, who then lived at Boston, and was of 
high reputation as an artist. The expense of his support 
there, he told his father, would be no greater than at College, 
and would be attended with the advantage of his possessing 
a profession at the end of his apprenticeship, and the means 
not only of supporting himself, but perhaps of assisting the 
family, at least of aiding his sisters. " The argument," he 
says, " seemed to me not bad ; but my father had not the same 
veneration for the fine arts that I had^ and hoped to see me a 
distinguished member of one of the learned professions, di- 
vinity in preference. I was overruled." 

So to College John went — and from thence — having stud- 
ied, meanwhile, Hogarth's "Analysis of Beauty," and Brook 
Taylor's " Prospective made easy," almost as much as the 
regular academical horn-books, and having devoured Cop- 
ley's pictures and the engravings in the College Library, 
copying many — he returned to the family mansion. 

" Not long after," he says, " a letter came by the post, and was first 
put into the hands of my father. He brought it to me, and said, ' John, 
here is a letter which I cannot read ; I suppose it must be for you ; what 
language is it ? ' — ' Oh yes, Sir, it is from my friend Robichaud — it is 
French, Sir.' — ' What, do you understand French! How did you learn 
it? I did not know that it was taught in college.' — 'It is not, Sir, but I 
learned it in this gentleman's family.' — 'And how did you pay the ex- 
pense? You never asked me for extra allowance.' — ' No, Sir ; I pinched 
my other expenses, and paid this out of my pocket money.' My father 
was very much pleased, and soon after proposed to me to study Spanish." 



164 CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 1774— I-IVS, 

The son suggests, it will be observed, that his father " had 
not the same veneration" with himself "for the fine arts." 
This is true, but chiefly under one aspect only — that of their 
availability, in his day, as a means of support. Under other 
aspects — as a source of pleasure — often of instruction — as 
often conveying solid meanings to the understanding, and 
rich moral lessons to the heart — he estimated them highly. 
He was, for example, one among the very first to subscribe 
for those early first prints illustrating the Battle of Bunker 
Hill, and the Death of Montgomery. — And afterwards, when 
his son had gone abroad to perfect himself in his art, he 
wrote him words of earnest encouragement — solicited in his 
favor the friendship of influential men in England, and re- 
joiced over his ultimate success. But at this early period in 
his son's career, when the public had, comparatively speak- 
ing, no taste for the arts, and there was no market at home 
for the products either of the painter's easel, or the sculptor's 
chisel — when Connecticut, as he afterwards remarked, was 
" wo^ Athens " — he did not think it good policy for his son to 
cherish a pursuit, which, as it seemed to him, did not bid fair 
to be remunerative. 

" I find he has a natural genius and disposition for lim- 
ning," wrote President Kneeland of Harvard College, in re- 
gard to the son, who was then at Cambridge. "As a knowl- 
edge of that art will probably be of no iise to him, I submit 
to your consideration whether it would not be best to en- 
deavor to give him a turn to the study of perspective, a 
branch of mathematics, the knowledge of which will be at 
least a genteel accomplishment, and may be greatly useful in 
future life." — " I am sensible of his natural genius and inclin- 
ation for limning," said Trumbull in reply — " an art which 
I have frequently told him will be of no use to him. I have 
mentioned to him the study of the mathematics, and among 
other branches, that of perspective, hoping to bring on a new 
habit and turn ot his mind. I direct him to diligence in his 
studies, and application to the various branches of learning 
taught in college. Please to afford him your advice and 
assistance on every needful occasion." 

All was of no avail. Genius — that "Light Divine" — was 



1774—1775. CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 165 

in the younger Trumbull, and no libation of cool advice 
could quench it. The kingdom of this Western World, 
within his own domain of art, was destined " to fall in his 
lap," Eeturning home from College, he postponed, but 
never surrendered his purpose of training himself as a paint- 
er. He postponed it because, first, his warm attachment to 
his "excellent friend, Master Tisdale," prompted him for 
awhile — when the latter was entirely disabled by a stroke of 
paralysis — to take his place as teacher — and next because 
the swelling difficulties between Great Britain and the Colo- 
nies warmed his imagination with the thought of becoming 
a soldier. 

As the angry discussions increased, " I caught the growing enthusi- 
asm," he writes. "The characters of Brutus, of Paulus Emihus, of the 
two Scipios, were fresh in my remembrance, and their devoted patriotism 
always before my eye ; besides, my father was now governor of the col- 
ony, and a patriot — of course surrounded by patriots, to whose ardent 
conversation I listened daily — it would have been strange if all this had 
failed to produce its natural etFect. I sought for military information ; 
acquired what knowledge I could, soon formed a small company from 
among the young men of the school and the village, taught them, or 
more properly we taught each other, to use the musket and to march, 
and military exercises and studies became the favorite occupation of the 
day." 

Thus side by side — the spirit of the younger kindled by 
sparks caught from the central fire of patriotism in the 
bosom of the elder — and by concentring flames from the 
hearts of co-patriots rendered daily more and more glow- 
ing—thus father and son ripened for the battle-fields of the 
American Revolution. 

NOTE. 

The Eesolutions to whicli reference is made on page 151, are as follows — from 
the eleventh volume, page 284-o, of the Colony Eecords : — 

" By the House of Representatives of the English Colony of Connecticut, held 
on the second Thursday of May, 1774. 

" This House, taking into consideration sundry acts of the British Parliament, 
in which the power and right to impose duties and taxes upon his Majesty's sub- 
jects in the British colonies and plantations in America, for the purjiose of rais- 
ing a revenue only, are declared, attempted to be exercised, and in various ways 
enforced and carried into execution, and especially a very late act in which pains 
and penalties are inflicted on the Capital of a neighboring province ; a precedent 
alarming to every British colony in America and which, being admitted and es- 



166 CHAP. XIII. — TEUMBULL. 1174—1775. 

tablishcd, their lives, liberties and property are at the mercy of a tribunal where 
innocence may be punished, upon the accusation and evidence of wicked men, 
without defence, and without knowing its accusers ; a precedent calculated to 
terrify them into silence and submission, whilst they are stripped of their inval- 
uable rights and liberties — do think it expedient, and their duty at this time, to 
renew their claim to the rights, privileges and immunities of free-born English- 
men, to which they are justly entitled, by the laws of nature, by the royal grant 
and charter of his late Majesty King Charles the Second, and by long and unin- 
terrupted possession — and thereupon — 

" Do Declare and Resolve as follows, to wit : — In the first place. We do most 
expressly declare, recognize and acknowledge his Majesty king George the Third 
to be the lawful and rightful king of Great Britain, and all other his dominions 
and countries ; and that it is the indispensable duty of the people of this coun- 
try, as being f)art of his Majesty's dominion, always to bear faithful and true al- 
legiance to his Majesty, and him to defend to the utmost of their power against 
all attempts upon his person, crown and dignity. 

" 2d. That the subjects of his Majesty in this colony ever have had, and of 
right ought to have and enjoy all the liberties, immunities, and privileges of free 
and natural born subjects within any of the dominions of our said king, his 
heirs and successors, to all intents, constructions and purposes whatsoever, as 
fully and amply as if they and every one of them were born within the realm of 
England ; tliat they have a property in their own estates, and are to be taxed by 
their own consent only, given in person or by their representatives, and are not 
to be disseized of their liberties or free customs, sentenced or condemned, but 
by lawful judgment of their peers, and that the said rights and immunities are 
recognized and confirmed to the inhabitants of this colony by the royal grant and 
charter aforesaid, and are their undoubted right to all intents, constructions and 
purposes whatsoever. 

"3d. That the only lawful representatives of the freemen of this colony, are 
the persons they elect to serve as members of the General Assembly thereof. 

"4th. That it is the just right and privilege of his Majesty's liege subjects of 
this colony to be governed by their General Assembly in the article of taxing 
and internal policy, agreeable to the powers and privileges recognized and con- 
firmed in the royal charter aforesaid, which they have enjoyed for more than a 
century past, and have neither forfeited, nor surrendered, but the same have 
been constantly recognized by the king and Parliament of Great Britain. 

" 5th. That the erecting new and annual courts of admiralty, and vesting them 
with extraordinary powers, above and not subject to the common law courts of 
this colony, to judge and determine in suits relating to the duties and f irfeitures 
contained in said acts, foreign to the accustomed and established jurisdiction of 
the former courts of admiralty in America, is, in the opinion of this House, 
higlily dangerous to the liberties of his Majesty's American subjects, contrary to 
the great cliarter of English liberty, and destructive of one of their most darling 
rights — that of trial by jury — which is justly esteemed one chief excellence of the 
British constitution, and a principal landmark of English liberty. 

" 6th. That the apprehending and carrying persons beyond the sea to be tried 
for any crime alleged to be committed within this colony, or subjecting them to 
be tried by commissioners, or any court constituted by act of Parliament or oth- 
erwise within this colony, in a summary manner without a jury, is unconstitu- 
tional and subversive of the liberties and rights of the free subjects of this colony. 

" 7th. That any harbor or port duly opened and constituted, cannot be shut up 
and discharged but by an act of the Legislature of the province or colony in 
which such port or harbor is situated, without subverting the rights and liberties 
and destroying the property of his Majesty's subjects. 



17Y4— mS. CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 167 

" 8th. That the late act of Parliament inflicting pains and penalties on the 
town of Boston, by blocking up their harbor, is a precedent justly alarming to 
the British colonies in America, and wholly inconsistent with, and subversive of, 
their constitutional rights and privileges. 

" 9th. That whenever his Majesty's service shall require the aid of the inhab- 
itants of this colony, the same fixed principles of loyalty, as well as self-preserva- 
tion, which have hitherto induced us fully to comply with his Majesty's requisi- 
tions, together with the deep sense we have of its being our indispensable duty, 
in the opinion of this House, will ever hold us under the strongest obligations 
which can be given or desired, most cheerfully to grant his Majesty, from time 
to time, our further proportion of men and money for the defence, protection, se- 
curity and other services of the British American dominions. 

" 10th. That we look upon the well-being and greatest security of this colony 
to depend (under God) on our connexion with Great Britain, which, it is ardently 
hoped, may continue to the latest posterity. And that it is the humble opinion 
of this House that the constitution of this colony being understood and practiced 
upon, as it has ever since it existed until very lately, is the secret bond of union, 
contidence and mutual prosperity of our mother-country and us, and the best 
foundation on which to build the good of the whole, whether considered in a 
civil, military, or mercantile light, and of the truth of this opinion we are the 
more confident, as it is not founded on speculation only, but has been verified in 
fact, and by long experience found to produce, according to our extent and other 
circumstances, as many loyal, virtuous and well-governed subjects as any part 
of his Majesty's dominions, and as truly zealous, and as warmly engaged to pro- 
mote the best good and real glory of the grand whole which constitutes the 
British empire. 

" 11th. That it is an indispensable duty which we owe to our king, our coun- 
try, ourselves, and our posterity, by all lawful ways and means in our power, to 
maintain, defend, and preserve these our rights and liberties, and to transmit 
them entire and inviolate to the latest generation — and that it is our fixed deter- 
mination and unalterable resolution faithfully to discharge this our duty. 

" In the Lower Iloiise — 

" The foregoing Resolutions being read distinctly three sever.al times and 
considered, were voted and passed with great unanimity. — And it is further 
voted and requested by the House, that the same be entered on the Eecords, and 
remain in the File of the General Assembly of this Colony. 

" Test^v - William Williams, Clerk H. R. 

" In the Upper House — 

" The consideration of the request of the Lower House, that the aforesaid 
Resolutions should be entered on the Records of the Assembly, &c., is referred 
to the General Assembly to be holden at New-Haven, on the second Thursday 
of October next. 

" Test, Geoege Wyllts, Secretary. 

'' General Assembly, on the second Thursday of October, A. D. 1774. 

" In the Upper House — 

"On further consideration, &c., it is agreed and consented to that the 
foregoing Resolutions, according to the request of the Lower House, be entered 
on the Record, and remain on the File of the General Assembly of this colony, 
" Test, George Wyllts, Secretary." 



CHAPTER XIV. 
1775. 

State of putlic affairs in the -winter and spring of 1775 The Earl of 
Dartmouth's Circular to the Colonies, forbidding a second American 
Congress. Trumbull long on terms of friendly and useful correspond- 
ence with the Earl. He strongly advocates the forbidden Congress. 
A letter from his pen to the Earl of Dartmouth, on the grievances of 
Connecticut, Massachusetts, and of the Colonies in general. He re- 
peats the sentiments of this letter in another to Thomas Life, Agent 
for Connecticut in England. At Norwich he first hears of the Battle 
of Lexington. His conduct in consequence. Upon receiving a circum- 
stantial account, he transmits the same to Congress, and communi- 
cates it to the General Assenably of Connecticut. The duty, in con- 
sequence, devolved on him. By order of the Assembly, he addresses 
Gen Gage. His letter. Gage's reply. The Massachusetts Provincial 
Congress is alarmed at this correspondence, and remonstrates. No 
ground for this alarm.. It is soon, through Trumbull and others, 
dissipated 

The year 1775 — the first of the War — shows Trumbull 
in all those striking lights in which we fain would view him 
— as workman, patriot, counsellor, and guide. We shall 
dwell upon it, therefore, with particularity. 

The winter and spring of this year, as is familiar, brought 
no relief to the oppressed American Colonies, but, on the 
other hand, more and more darkened their prospects. In 
vain did the great Earl of Chatham plead for the removal of 
the troops from Boston, and for the trial of the Ameri- 
can cause " in the spirit, and by the laws of freedom and fair 
enquiry, and not by codes of blood" — in vain press his 
favorite bill for rescinding all the obnoxious measures against 
the Colonies, and for restoring them to their ancient liberties. 
In vain the unexpected Conciliatory Bill of Lord North — 
that "infallible touchstone," as he called it, "to try the sin- 
cerity of the Americans." In vain the promising plans of 
reconciliation presented to the House of Commons by Mr. 
Burke and Mr. Hartley. In vain the long and secret negoti- 
ations of the British Ministry — through Barclay, and Dr. 



1775. CHAP. XIV. — TRUMBULL. 169 

Fotliergill, and Lord Howe, with Dr. Franklin — for a settle- 
ment of differences. In vain the petitions of the City of 
London, and other commercial towns in England, in favor of 
America — in vain all the humble supplications of three mil- 
lions of American people. The die with England was cast. 
Obduracy ruled. 

Every measure for reconciliation, except on terms of 
slavery, -was thrust aside. A joint address to the King on 
American afiiiirs, assured his Majesty of the determination of 
Parliament never to relinquish its sovereign authority over 
the Colonies — urged him to take the most effectual measures 
for enforcing it — promised him ample support, at the hazard 
of life and property — pronounced Massachusetts in a state of 
rebellion — declared the Americans generally, incapable of 
military disciplme or exertion — and engaged, with but a 
trifling armament, to bring them back at once to their allegi- 
ance and their duty. 

Accordingly, King and Parliament went on increasing 
their forces by sea and land — and prohibited — first refractory 
New England — and then all the Colonies — from the use of 
the ocean fisheries, and bound their trade, within narrowest 
limits, down to themselves — expecting in this way to starve 
them into obedience and submission. And one of his Maj- 
esty's principal Secretaries of State fulminated a Circular to 
the Governors of all the Colonies, commanding them each, in 
the King's name, to stop the choice of Deputies to a second 
American Congress, and "exhort all persons to desist from 
such unwarrantable proceedings." 

How now did Trumbull receive this notification ? This 
question brings us directly on his track. 

He received it, as might be expected — civilly — for the Earl 
of Dartmouth, Secretary for America, and himself, upon all 
matters save those which involved the fundamental interests 
of the Colonies, were friends. Like Joseph Eeed, President 
of Pennsylvania — and with similar good judgment, good 
temper, and fidelity of statement — Trumbull, in a confiden- 
tial intercourse that was long continued, wrote the Secretary 
frequently, pleading for his country, and warning against the 
consequences of the ministerial policy. He disclosed to him 



170 CHAP. XIV. — TRUMBULL. 



1775. 



the actual condition and spirit of the Colonies. He coun- 
selled the removal of commercial restrictions. He guarded 
against false intelligence and hastj conclusions — and urged 
the justice and expediency of conciliatory measures.* And 
on the point to which particular reference has now been 
made — the right of the Colonies to choose Delegates Md)o 
should assemble and deliberate on public grievances, and 
concert measures for their relief — Trumbull never entertained 
a doubt. It was proper, in his opinion — it was just — it was 
necessary. And so, "highly displease the King" — as Dart- 
mouth wrote him such an assemblage would — or not — Trum- 
bull promoted it — sanctioned the choice of Delegates from 
Connecticut — and when the second National Congress met, 
gave to its proceedings, as to those of the first, all the weight 
of his good name and influence. 

It became his duty soon — when the General Assembly of 
his own Colony met in March — to address the Earl of Dart- 
mouth in behalf of Coimecticut — to lay before him its con- 
dition, and that also of Massachusetts, and to ask his serious 
attention to the distresses of all the Colonies. How be 
accomplished this task, the Eeader shall see for himself 

"Newhaven, March, 1775. My Lord: I duly received your Lordship's 
letter of the 10th of December last, enclosing his Most Gracious Majesty's 
Speech to his Parliament, and the Addresses in answer thereto, which I 
have taken the earliest opportunity to lay before the General Assembly 
of the Colony ; and am now to return you their thanks' for this commu- 
nication. 

" It is, my Lord, with the deepest concern and anxiety, that we con- 
template the unhappy dissensions which have taken place between the 
Colonics and Great Britain, which must be attended with the most fatal 
consequences to both, unless speedily terminated. We consider the 
interests of the two countries as inseparable, and are shocked at the idea 
of any disunion between them. We wish for nothing so much as a 
speedy and happy settlement upon constitutional grounds, and cannot 
apprehend why it might not be effected, if proper steps were taken. It 
is certainly an object of that importance as to merit the attention of every 

* Eeed, through his father in law De Berdt of London, carried on his own confi- 
dential correspondence with Dartmouth. "This country will be deluged with 
blood, before it will submit to taxation by any other power than its own legisla- 
ture" — was the last solemn warning M'ith which, two months only before the 
Battle of Lexington, he closed his correspondence with the noble Earl. 



1775. CHAP. XIV. — TRUMBULL. 171 

wise and good man, and the accomplishment of it would add lustre to the 
first character on earth. 

"The origin and progress of these unhappy disputes, we need not 
point out to you ; they are perfectly known to your Lordship. From 
apprehensions on one side, and jealousies, fears, and distresses on the 
other, fomented and increased by the representations of artful and design- 
ing men, unfriendly to the liberties of America, they have risen to the 
alarming height at which we now see them, threatening the most essen- 
tial prejudice, if not entire ruin, to the whole Empire. On the one hand, 
we do assure your Lordship that we do not wish to weaken or impair the 
authority of the British Parliament in any matter essential to the welfare 
and happiness of the whole Empire. On the other, it will be admitted 
that it is our duty, and that we should be even highly culpable, if we 
should not claim and maintain the constitutional rights and liberties de- 
nied to us as men and Englishmen ; as the descendants of Britons, and 
members of an Empire whose fundamental principle is the liberty and 
security of the subject. British supremacy and American liberty are not 
incompatible with each other. They have been seen to exist and to 
flourish together for more than a century. Or, if anything further be 
necessary to ascertain the one or limit the other, why may it not be ami*- 
cably adjusted, every occasion and ground for future controversy be re- 
moved, and all that has unfortunately passed, be buried in perpetual 
oblivion. 

" The good people of this Colony, my Lord, are unfeignedly loyal, and 
firmly attached to his Majesty's person, family, and Government. They 
are willing and ready, freely as they have formerly most cheerfully done 
upon every requisition made to them, to contribute to the support of his 
Majesty's Government, and to devote their lives and fortunes to his ser- 
vice ; and, in the last war, did actually expend in his Majesty's service 
more than Four Hundred Thousand Pounds Sterling beyond what they 
received any compensation for. But the unlimited powers lately claimed 
by the British Parliament drove them to the borders of despair. These 
powers, carried into execution, will deprive them of all property, and are 
incompatible with every idea of civil liberty. They must hold all that 
they possess at the will of others, and will have no property which they 
can, voluntarily and as freemen, lay at the foot of the Throne as a mark 
of their affection and of their devotion to his Majesty's service. 

" Why, my Lord, should his Majesty's subjects in Great Britain alone 
enjoy the high honor and satisfaction of presenting their free gifts to 
their Sovereign ? Or, if this be a distinction in which they will permit 
none to participate with them, yet, in point of honor, it should be found- 
ed on the gift of their own property, and not of that of their fellow sub- 
jects in the more distant parts of the Empire. 

" It is with particular concern and anxiety that we see the unhappy 
situation of our fellow subjects in the Town of Boston, in the Province 



172 CHAP. XIV. — TRUMBULL. 



1115. 



of the Massachusetts Bay, where we behold many thousands of his Maj. 
esty's virtuous and loyal subjects reduced to the utmost distress by the 
operation of the Port Act, and the whole Province thrown into a state of 
anarchy and confusion, by the Act for changing the Constitution of the 
Province, and depriving them of some of their Charter-Rights. We are 
at a loss to conceive how the destruction of the East India Company's 
Tea could be a just or reasonable ground for punishing so severely thou- 
sands of innocent people who had no hand in that transaction, and that 
even without giving them an opportunity to be heard in their own 
defence. 

" Give us leave to recommend to your Lordship's most serious and 
candid attention the unhappy case of that distressed people, and in effect 
of all the Colonies, whose fate seems to be involved in theirs, and who 
are therefore most anxiously distressed for them. Permit us to hope, 
that, by your Lordship's kind and benevolent interposition, some 
wise and happy plan will be devised which may relieve us from our pres- 
ent anxieties, and restore that harmony between Great Britain and the 
Colonies, which we all most ardently wish for, and which alone can ren- 
der us truly happy. 

" I am, my Lord, in behalf of the Governor and Company of Con- 
necticut, my Lord, your Lordship's most obedient and most humble 
servant." 

In a letter dated March twenty-fourth, 1775, to Thomas 
Life, Esquire — an influential agent for Connecticut in Eng- 
land — Trumbull again earnestly, and with comment that is 
sharper, repeats the sentiments expressed in his admirable 
letter to the Earl of Dartmouth now given. For the sake 
of harmony, that the Colonies might put forth their united 
strength against oppression — he instructs Life to stay all pro- 
ceedings in the Susquehannah Controversy — although Con- 
necticut had therein the deepest interest. He pleads to have 
his country placed on the basis that preceded the Peace of 
Paris. He recapitulates her present wrongs — hopes for their 
" happy termination " — and wishes to be kept accurately in- 
formed of all proceedings abroad that materially affected the 
interests of Connecticut. 

" If the port of Boston," he concludes, " may be blocked up, many 
thousands of his Majesty's virtuous and loyal subjects reduced to the ut- 
most distress, the many that are innocent punished with the few who 
may be deemed guilty of a trespass, the Constitution of the whole Prov- 
ince be changed, some of their charter rights be taken from them without 



1775. CHAP. XIV. — TRUMBULL. 173 

any opportunity to be heard in their own defence — if Boston may be 
made a garrison in the heart of our country, and the Province of Que- 
bec be put into a situation, under the influence of their Roman Catholic 
principles and prejudices, to become a check on all the Colonies — no one 
can wonder their fears, distresses, and jealousies should be excited there- 
by. They look upon their own fate as involved in the unhappy case of 
their distressed fellow subjects in Boston, their safety to be in the bless- 
ing of heaven, the favor of the king, and in their own union in religion 
and virtue ; and hope in the pursuit and practice thereof to obtain re- 
lief from their distresses, redress of their grievances, and to live quiet 
and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty. I heartily join with 
you in wishing that all matters may be happily terminated and settled to 
the satisfaction of all parties. 

" During the continuance of this hazardous contest, which God grant 
may not be long, you are desired to give your attention to everything 
that passes relative thereto, and give me early intelligence of what you 
think material for our government." 

In such manner, through correspondence in the most influ- 
ential quarters — was Trumbull busy in attempting to prevent 
an armed collision between Great Britain and her Colonies, 
when Lexington, April Nineteenth — from Maine to Greorgia — 
from the Atlantic to the great Eiver of the West — rung her 
terrible alarm. 

He was at Norwich when the news of that first deadly fire 
upon the Green of this Massachusetts village, arrived. The 
General Assembly of Connecticut had but a few days before 
adjourned. Trumbull at once, therefore, applied to his Coun- 
cil — to decide whether it should not be immediately reassem- 
bled, to take measures suited to the emergency. It was de- 
termined, however — upon consideration that the news was 
as yet imperfect — not to convene the Assembly at once, but 
to wait for farther and reliable intelligence. To secure this, 
Trumbull promptly directed some of the Connecticut Com- 
mittee of Correspondence to address its brother Committee 
at Boston. An answer was returned confirming all the ac- 
counts previously received — and at the same time there came 
also to Trumbull a letter from General Gage himself — dated 
the very day of the bloodshed — April Nineteenth — and ac- 
companied with a circumstantial account of the transactions 
upon this occasion — all of which the Governor subsequently 

communicated to the Congress at Philadelphia. 
15* 



174 CHAP. XIV. — TRUMBULL. 



1775. 



Thousands and thousands of men — as in the alarm of the 
preceding September — upon the first reception of the news, 
had started from exery part of Connecticut for the scene of 
action. Many and many a furrow, besides that of General 
Putnam's at Pomfret, was suddenly, by brave militia men, 
forsaken for the battle field. And now careful provision was 
to be made for these volunteers. They were to be organized 
anew for farther and special service. They were to be offi- 
cered. They were to be equipped. They were to be furn- 
ished with ammunition and stores. Blood had run in Mas- 
sachusetts. Connecticut itself was therefore now in imminent 
peril. All the Colonies were in peril. The crisis had come. 
It was to be met. 

And met it was by Trumbull — manfully — as we shall see. 
He communicated his intelligence, all of it, to the General 
Assembly, soon as in April it again convened — and incited 
its action. One quarter of the militia of the Colony, conse- 
quently — to be distributed into companies of one hundred 
men each, and formed into six regiments — was to be pre- 
pared for immediate service. The Governor was to sign and 
deliver orders to the respective officers to push forward the 
enlistments. He was to direct the four regiments command- 
ed by Spencer, Putnam, Hinman, and Parsons, or such part 
of them as he should judge necessary, " forthwith to be in 
readiness to march to Boston, or to some place contiguous." 
But farther — and particularly — he was to address General 
Gage, upon his late fearful proceedings, a letter — in behalf 
of the Colony — of grief, remonstrance, and reproof How 
he accomplished this last duty, the letter itself will show. 
It is dated Hartford, April twenty-eighth, 1775, and pi-oceeds 
as follows : — 

"Sir. The alarming situation of public affairs in this country, and 
the late unfortunate transactions in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, 
have induced the General Assembly of this Colony, now sitting in this 
place, to appoint a committee of their body to wait upon your Excel- 
lency, and to desire me, in their name, to write to you relative to those 
very interesting matters. 

"The inhabitants of this Colony are intimately connected with the 
people of your province, and esteem themselves bound, by the strongest 



1776. CHAP. XIV. — TRUMBULL. 175 

ties of friendship as well as of common interest, to regard with interest 
whatever concerns them. You will not therefore be surprised that your 
first arrival at Boston with a body of his Majesty's troops, for the de- 
clared purpose of carrying into execution certain acts of Parliament, 
which in their apprehension were unconstitutional and oppressive, 
should have given the good people of this Colony a very just and general 
alarm. Your subsequent proceedings, in fortifying the town of Boston, 
and other military preparations, greatly increased these apprehensions 
for the safety of their friends and brethren ; they could not be uncon- 
cerned spectators of their sufferings, in that which is esteemed the com- 
mon cause of this country : but the late hostile and secret inroads of 
some of the troops under your command, into the heart of the country, 
and the violences they have committed, have driven them almost into a 
state of desperation. They feel now, not only for their friends, but for 
themselves, and for their dearest interests and connexions. We wish not 
to exaggerate, we are not sure of every part of our information, but by 
the best intelligence that we have yet been able to obtain, the late trans- 
action was a most unprovoked attack upon the lives and property of his 
Majesty's subjects, and it is represented to us that such outrages have 
been committed as would disgrace even barbarians, and much more 
Britons, so highly famed for humanity as well as bravery. 

" It is feared, therefore, that we are devoted to destruction, and that 
you have it in command and intention to ravage and desolate the coun- 
try. If this is not the case, permit us to ask, why have these outrages 
been committed ? Why is the town of Boston now shut up ? To what 
end are all the hostile preparations that are daily making ? And why do 
we continually hear of fresh destinations of troops for this country ? 
The people of this Colony, you may rely upon it, abhor the idea of tak- 
ing arms against the troops of their sovereign, and dread nothing so 
much as the horrors of civil war. But, at the same time, we beg leave 
to assure your Excellency, that as they apprehend themselves justified 
by the principles of self-defence, so they are most firmly resolved to de- 
fend their rights and privileges to the last extremity ; nor will they be 
restrained from giving aid to their brethren, if any unjustifiable attack 
is made upon them. Be so good, therefore, as to explain yourself upon 
this most important subject, as far as is consistent with your duty to our 
common sovereign. Is there no way to prevent this unhappy dispute 
from coming to extremities? Is there no alternative but absolute sub- 
mission, or the desolations of war? By that humanity which constitutes 
so amiable a part of your character, for the honor of our sovereign, and 
by the glory of the British Empire, we entreat you to prevent it, if it be 
possible. Surely it is to be hoped that the temperate wisdom of the Em- 
pire might even yet find expedients to restore peace, that so all parts of 
the empire may enjoy their particular rights, honors, and immunities. 
Certainly this is an event most devoutly to be wished for. And will it 



176 CHAP. XIV. — TRUMBULL. 1775. 

not be consistent with your duty to suspend the operations of war on 
your part, and enable us on ours to quiet the minds of the people, at 
least till the result of some further deliberations may be known ? The 
importance of the occasion will, we doubt not, sufficiently apologize for 
the earnestness with which we address you, and any seeming impropri- 
ety which may attend it, as well as induce you to give us the most ex- 
plicit, and favorable answer in your power. 

" I am, with great esteem and respect, 

" in behalf of the General Assembly, 

" Sir, your most obedient, humble servant, 

"Jonathan Tkumbull." 

Dr. Johnson and Oliver Wolcott were tlie committee ap- 
pointed on the part of the General Assembly to bear this 
Letter to Massachusetts — and thither they repaired. So far 
as Gage is concerned, his reply was what might have been 
expected. He justified his own conduct — repelled the charge 
of any outrages committed by his troops on the Nineteenth 
of April — and commended them as having acted "with great 
tenderness, both to the young and old." He had found no 
instance of their cruelty and barbarity, he said, and for him- 
self disavowed any intention of ravaging and desolating the 
country. 

But strangely — so far as the Massachusetts Provincial Con- 
gress and Committee of Safety are concerned — upon being 
made acquainted with this correspondence, they became 
alarmed. Thej looked upon it in the light of a mediation — 
uncalled for, and inopportune. In their view it "squinted" 
too much towards reconciliation with the Mother-Country. 
And so the Congress of Massachusetts formally remonstrated 
against any separate negotiations, and voted Gage, renewedly, 
a public enemy — an instrument in the hands of tyrants, they 
said, whom there was no further obligation to obey — and, 
addressing the Deputation from Connecticut, drew a picture 
of consequences — fatal, as they apprehended — that might 
follow — "upon any one Colony's undertaking to negotiate 
separately either with Parliament, Ministry, or their agent 
here." 

A grave delusion all this ! One would think that Trum- 
bull's letter itself — so full of pointed remonstrance against 
the proceedings of Gage — so expressive of the sympathy of 



1775. 



CHAP. XIV. — TRUMBULL. 177 



Connecticut for her suffering brethren of the old Bay Colony, 
and of her determination to support them in their career of 
opposition — and withal, on the point of reconciliation, saying 
nothing more than what, at this period, was the hope, and, 
everywhere, the publicly expressed desire of united Amer- 
ica — one would think that such a communication might have 
saved itself from the possibility of misconstruction! So it 
did, after a very short time, and after a few re-assurances 
from Connecticut. 

"No ill-consequences, it is hoped" — wrote Trumbull immediately to 
Dr. Joseph Warren, will attend the embassy to Gage. " Connecticut 
will be cautious of trusting promises which it may be in the power of any 
to evade. Our General Assembly will pursue with firmness, delibera- 
tion, and unanimity, the measures which may appear best for our com- 
mon defence and safety." 

" We hope good consequences will attend the embassy," wrote also the 
House of Assembly to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety. " It is 
yet possible things may not of necessity proceed to further extremity — 
and although there is a great probability that they will, yet we conceive 
that you, and we, might get more advantage by gaining time, and col- 
lecting all our forces, and those of other colonies, on a regular plan and 
establishment."* 

Such representations as these soon dissipated any unfavor- 
able impressions in Massachusetts. The correspondence on 
the subject was all communicated by Governor Trumbull to 
the National Congress — was read before that Body — and 
elicited from it not a word of disapprobation. Trumbull's 
Letter is in fact a memorial of noble interposition. Massa- 
chusetts, from her peculiar situation — unlike other Colonies, 
"galled from without and vexed within" — had some reason, 
perhaps, for her peculiar sensitiveness. At other stages of 
the Revolutionary Struggle, there were those — as the patriot 

* " The idea," wrote also Jonathan Trumbull, Junior, at this time, to his 
brother Joseph, who was then at Cambridge — "the idea" in this procedure "held 
out with us, and what governed almost every one, was that we should make some 
categorical demand upon Gage as to his intentions and designs, and at tlie same 
time be arming ourselves to treat sword in hand. You may depend upon this, 
that no preparation has been in the least relaxed. There is a noble firmness with 
us, and no thought of deserting the cause, and we shall from this event be 
strengthened to encounter any evasive or delusive propositions from Gage by our 
ambassadors." 



178 CHAP. XIV. — TRUMBULL. 1775. 

John Dickinson, for example, who remonstrated with 
Quincy on the point — to whom this Province seemed at 
times to "break the line" of colonial opposition, by 
"advancing too hastily." — "Though not to be justified, 
may not her fault be considered venial," wrote Quincy in 
reply. 



C HAPT E R XV. 
1775. 

Trumbull's activity, at Lebanon, in furnishing troops and supplies for 
the army at Boston, immediately after the Battle of Lexington His 
War Office, and Dwelling-House, and their associations. On request 
from the New York Revolutionary Committee, he strives to intercept 
despatches from England for Gen Gage. He receives from Massachu- 
setts an urgent demand for more troops — vrith which he complies. 
His connections with the expedition to Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 
and with military affairs generally at the North, at this period. 

After the manner now described, as regards official cor- 
respondence with important parties, did the opening scenes 
of the American Revolution engage at once the services of 
Grovernor Trumbull. We proceed to view these services now 
under other aspects. 

A remarkable feature of his zeal at this juncture is shown 
in the foct, that, when the Lexington news first arrived, his 
own store at Lebanon became the point from which all the 
soldiers in his own vicinity who marched for the relief 
of Boston, were supplied — and Trumbull was personally 
present, and a laborer in all the work of preparation.* There 
he was, himself, his sons, and his son-in-law Williams — in 
the midst of a crowd of neighbors and friends — aiding with 
his own hands to collect the needed stores, of all kinds — in 
the midst of barrels and boxes, horses, oxen, and carts, him- 
self weighing, measuring, packing, and starting off teams — 
dealing out powder and balls — and everywhere instilling, by 
his own example as well as by words, a generous activity 
among all who were present. Pleasing fact! The Chief 
Magistrate of Connecticut, it is plain, could worh as well as 
write and talk — could condescend for his country — could 
yield dignity to humble, but patriotic manual toil. 

And here is a view of the store in which he worked upon 

* A Lebanon Town acoount of services and supplies upon this occasion — made 
out subsequently, as in all the towns of Connecticut, for settlement at the Colo- 
nial Treasury — awards Trumbull, for his own personal labor at this time, the sum 
of two pounds and sixteen shillings. 



180 



CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL. 



1775. 



this occasion — and of his dwelling-house also, just adjacent 
on the right — the former memorable not alone as his mercan- 
tile depot, but as containing the office also in which he trans- 
acted the great bulk of his public business during the Revo- 
lution — familiarly known as his "War Office." They are 
each worth contemplating for a moment, ere we proceed with 
the great facts of his biography, associated as they are so 
closely with himself, and with his public labors. 





The Dwelling Uoube aud War OJice ol Gov. Trumtun. 



Witlun that house — which is still standing, a little removed 
from its ancient site — he not only lived himself, but enter- 
tained many of the most conspicuous characters of the Revo- 
lution — among others, General Washington, General Knox, 
General Sullivan, General Putnam, Doctor Franklin, Samuel 
Adams, John Adams, John Jay, Jefferson, Count Rocham- 
beau. Admiral Tiernay, La Fayette, the Duke de Lauzun, 
and Marquis de Chastellux — all of whom are believed to 
have lodged within its walls. Within the same walls also, 
his son, the eminent painter — Colonel John Trumbull — was 
born, and, we believe, the rest of his distinguished children. 



1115. CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL. 181 

Around that house also patrolled — night after night — guards 
that were set, in times of startling danger, expressly to pro- 
tect his person from seizure, and his house from plunder — a 
precaution, which, as we shall have occasion hereafter to see, 
was not without its utility. 

Within that " TT'ar Office'''' also, with its old-fashioned 
"hipped" roof, and central chimney stack, he met his Coun- 
cil of Safety during almost the entire period of the War. 
Here he received Commissaries and sub-Commissaries, many 
in number, to devise and talk over the means of supply for 
our armies. From hence started, from time to time during 
the War, besides those teams to which we have just alluded, 
numerous other long trains of wagons, loaded with provisions 
for our forces at the East, the West, the North, and the 
South — and around this spot — from the fields and farm yards 
of agricultural Lebanon and its vicinity — was begun the col- 
lection of many a herd of fat cattle, that were driven even 
to the far North around Lake George and Lake Champlain, 
and to the distant banks of the Delaware and the Schuyl- 
kill, as well as to neighboring Massachusetts, and the banks 
of the Hudson. 

Here was the point of arrival and departure for number- 
less messengers and expresses that shot, in every direction, to 
and from the scenes of Eevolutionary strife. Narragansett 
ponies, of extraordinary fleetness, and astonishing endur- 
ance — worthy such governmental post-riders as the tireless 
Jesse Brown, the "alert Samuel Hunt,''^ and the "flying Fes- 
senden,'''"^ as the latter was called — stood hitched, we have 
heard, at the posts and palings around, or by the Governor's 
house, or at the dwelling of his son-in-law Williams — ready, 
on any emergency of danger, to fly with advices, in any de- 
sired direction, on the wings of the wind. The marks of the 
spurs of the horsemen thus employed, were, but a few years 
back, visible, within the building — all along upon the sides 
of the counters upon which they sat, waiting to receive the 
Governor's orders.f 

* Among other faithful post-riders were Jonathan Strong, Samuel Johnson, 
Joshua Hempstead, Charles Kellogg, and Theodore Skinner. Jesse Brown es- 
tablished the second line of stages in Connecticut. 

t A section of the counter thus marked, from the old War Office, is in the pos- 
16 



182 CHAP, XV, — TRUMBULL, 1775. 

Within this building too came many and many an officer 
of the land troops of Connecticut, to consult with the Gov- 
ernor about the organization, the support, the distribution, 
and the destination of forces — and around it mustered many 
and many a little band of soldiers, waiting to be scanned by 
the eye of the Captain General of the State, and receive his 
encouragement and advice ere they marched for the battle 
field. Five hundred men from the town of Lebanon alone — 
in remarkable demonstration of its patriotic character — were 
in the Army of the Eevolution at one and the same time* — ■ 
and around this spot it was chiefly, that they gathered for 
their march. 

Thither repaired too, from time to time, many a naval offi- 
cer of the State — the gallant Harding, the adventurous 
Smedley, the brave Niles, Coit, Stanton, Tinker, McLane, 
and numerous others who bore the flag of Connecticut upon 
the deep — here to receive their commissions, and sailing or- 
ders — or here to report the movements on the water of the 
enemy they had watched, or the pi'izes it had been their good 
fortune to take. 

Hither came also — in order to secure the Governor's over- 
sight and direction— many an engineer, with his plan for a 
work of defence — many a naval architect, with his model for 
a barge, a galley, or a ship of war: — at times a mechanician, 

session of the Connecticut Historical Society. It is also marked by measures for 
a yard. 

* Among these, particularly distinguished, were Col. James Clarh, who com- 
manded a company on Bunker Hill, and who was present at the laying of the 
corner stone of the Monument, just fifty years subsequent to the battle, and 
Capt. Andrew Fitch, who also served as a lieutenant at Bunker Hill, and con- 
tinued in service to the close of the war. The former was buried with military 
honors, and the following striking inscription is upon his tomb : — 
" To the memory of 
Col. James Clark 
who died on the 29th of Dec. 1826 
aged 96 years and 5 mos. 
He was a Soldier of the Revolution, and dared 
to lead where any dared to follow. The 
Battles of Bunker's Hill, Harlem Heights 
and White Plains, witnessed his personal 
bravery, & his devotion to the cause of his 
Country. 
He here in death rests from his labors. 
For "there [ia] no discharge iu that war," 



1775. CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL. 188 

with his screw for lifting vessels from the water — at times an 
inventor, with his torpedo, or other ingenious device for 
blowing up hostile vessels — and agents and contractors with- 
out number — with specimens of their lead, their sulphur, 
their saltpetre, their guns, their gunlocks, or other articles 
upon which the State had given a bount}^ — to submit them 
to the Governor's personal inspection, and procure, if possi- 
ble, his approbation, and claim the promised reward. 

Upon the sill of this old War Office too has pressed the 
foot of many a soldier from the Duke de Lauzun's famous 
Legion of Hussars, as a portion of it, for a whole winter, lay 
quartered in Lebanon, ere it took up its march to join Wash- 
ington on the banks of the Hudson. Indeed the old build- 
ing is crowded with associations of the deepest interest, and 
may well for a moment arrest the eye of the Header, ere he 
moves with us on in the path of proceedings which here, 
chiefly, took their rise. It had not, in the times of which we 
speak, the portico now seen in the plate — this is a modern ad- 
dition. But within, it was divided, as seen but a few years 
ago, into two apartments—one of which, that on the north, 
was strictly the office-room of the Governor, where he ma- 
tured his counsels — and the other of which, that on the 
south, was his store room, and the apartment also in which 
his messengers and expresses were usually received. 

From the views now given, we turn to resume the main 
thread of Trumbull's life. 

We left him busy at his store providing supplies for the 
army just after the Battle of Lexington. While thus en- 
gaged, he received notice from the Revolutionary Committee 
of New York that despatches for General Gage had just ar- 
rived in a packet from England, and was urged to take im- 
mediate measures for their interception. All the roads lead- 
ing to Boston, they said, ought to be guarded. An express 
should be sent with the intelligence on as far as Providence 
and Newport. Every caution ought to be taken in the mat- 
ter, they wrote, which "prudence can dictate, or your own 
zeal prompt you to think of^for it may save the lives of 
thousands, by enabling the friends of this bleeding land to 
defeat the designs of its implacable and merciless enemies." 



184 CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL. 17T5. 

Trumbull at once carried the request of the New York Com- 
mittee into effect, though he was not fortunate enough, as it 
resulted, to secure the despatches to which so much import- 
ance was attached. 

A few days subsequent to this affair, he received by ex- 
press another important despatch — but this time from Mas- 
sachusetts — from the Committee of Safety at Cambridge — 
entreating him to send them on immediately three or four 
thousand men, to enable them to fortify a pass of the utmost 
importance to the common interest — which, they said. Gen- 
eral Gage, unless "prevented" then, would secure for himself, 
soon as his reenforcements should arrive. To this request 
also Trumbull gave prompt attention,* and troops were soon 
ordered to the East. 

But the measure that about this time especially absorbed 
his zeal, was that first aggressive act of the American Kevo- 
lution — the Expedition against Ticonderoga and Crown Point. 
With this project, which resulted. May Tenth, in the capture 
of the fortresses — those keys of Canada — at both these plac- 
es, and in the command consequently of Lake George and 
Lake Champlain — he was intimately connected. Of this 
connection we shall speak here — and for the sake of conti- 
nuity, shall describe generally his relations with military af- 
fairs at the North during the whole of the year now under 
consideration — returning afterwards to his labors and respons- 
ibilities, during the same year, in other spheres of the War. 

Deane, Wooster, Parsons, Wyllys, Hoot, and a few others, 
who first projected the capture of Ticonderoga and Crown 
Point, and borrowed funds from the Treasury of Connecticut 
for the purpose, consulted, in the first instance, closely with 
Governor Trumbull, and received his secret cooperation — se- 
cret, because there was danger of discovery, and so of dis- 

* "We have the fullest confidence," wrote the Massachusetts Congress at this 
time, June 25th, "that your Honor's zeal and ardour for the salvation of our 
country, and the preservation of our inestimable rights, will render every impor- 
tunity unnecessary to induce you to take all the necessary steps to effect the pro- 
posed augmentation, for wliich we are most solicitous." 

" Tliis morning," answered Trumbull, June '27th — "received your pressing in- 
stance for an immediate augmentation of Troops from our Colony. In conse- 
quence expresses are gone forth to call our Assembly to meet at Hartford on Sat- 
urday next." 



1775. CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL. 185 

appointment, if there had been any promulgation of the 
plan, or any delay in waiting for the sanction of Congress. 
He cheerfully assented to the loan for the enterprise from the 
State Treasury, on the individual credit of its projectors — and 
as cheerfully, subsequently, approved the Act of the Gen- 
eral Assembly which cancelled their pecuniary obligations. 
Carried so successfully as it was into effect, it inspired new 
and strong confidence, quite universally, in the power of 
American Arms — and to Trumbull — even though his taste, 
perhaps, might have been somewhat offended by Ethan Al- 
len's rather wild demand of surrender "in the name of the 
Great Jehovah and the Continental Congress" — it proved a 
source of high and peculiar gratification. 

" As this advantage," he says — writing the Massachusetts Congress, 
fifteen days after the event, and communicating the intermediate action 
of Connecticut thereupon — " was gained by the united enterprise and 
counsels of a number of private gentlemen in your Province, New Hamp- 
shire, New York, and this Colony, prompted only by a zeal for their 
country, without public authority, (to our knowledge^) and is of great and 
general importance to the United Colonies, it was thought best to take 
the advice of the Continental Congress upon the manner of treating it in 
future, both by the General Assembly of this Colon}'-, and the Committee 
of New York, as well as by you. Despatches were accordingly sent to 
Philadelphia, and the intention of the Continental Congress thereupon 
hath been this day received by express, with a letter from the Commit- 
the of New York, copies of which enclosed are herewith sent you. By 
them you will see that the present custod}^ of that fortress is committed 
to the Province of New York, with the assistance of the New England 
Colonies, if needed. 

" The necessity of secrecy, and maintaining the posts on the lakes, 
becomes daily more evident from the iterated intelligence we receive of 
the plan framed by our enemies to distress us by inroads of Canadians 
and savages, from the Province of Quebec, upon the adjacent settlements. 
The enclosed copy of a letter from our Delegates attending at New York 
to concert measures with the Provincial Congress in that City, throws 
an additional light on this subject, and is thought worthy to be communi- 
cated to you ; and whilst the designs of our enemies against us fill us 
with concern, we cannot omit to observe the smiles of Providence upon 
us in revealing their wicked plans, and hitherto prospering the attempts 
of the Colonies to prostrate them. With a humble reliance on the con- 
tinuance of divine favor and protection in a cause of the justice of which 
a doubt cannot be entertained, the General Assembly of this Colony are 
16^ 



186 CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL. 1775. 

ready to cooperate with the other Colonies in every exertion for their 
common defence, and to contribute their proportion of men and other 
necessaries for maintaining the posts on the frontiers, or defending 
or repelhng invasions in any other quarter, agreable to the advice of the 
Continental Congress." 

New York — to which State, as Trumbull in this letter 
states, the custody of Ticonderoga and Crown Point — prop- 
erly as falling within their territory — was committed — at 
once ordered the cannon and stores to be removed from 
thence to the south end of Lake George — but not being able 
herself, at that time, to protect the new acquisitions, her Pro- 
vincial Congress wrote to Trumbull, expressing special grat- 
ification in the fact that he would undertake their protec- 
tion — as an immediate attack upon them, for their recapture, 
was threatened from Quebec* Our National Congress, then 
in session at Philadelphia, made a similar request. By a spe- 
cial resolution — transmitted to Trumbull by President Han- 
cock — this Body asked him immediately to send a strong 
reenforcement to the captured fortresses, and to appoint a per- 
son in whom he could confide to command the forces. Yet 
before this direction was received — such was Trumbull's anx- 
iety for the security of these posts — such his apprehension 
of threatened attack upon them, and of an incursion upon 
the Colonies from Canada — that he had ordered Colonel Ilin- 
man, with four hundred men — soon by order of the General 
Assembly augmented to a force of one thousand — to march 
thither for their defence. He had borrowed five hundred 
pounds of powder from the town stocks of Connecticut for 
this officer's use — had applied money from the Treasury of 
the Colony to pay for its transportation, and for the immedi- 
ate support also of the fortresses at the North — and had sent 
Samuel Mott, a skilful engineer, to put these fortresses in re- 

*"I have certain intelligence," wrote Arnold at this time — "that on the 19th 
there were four hundred regulars at St. Johns, making all possible preparation to 
cross the lake, and expecting to be joined by u body of Indians, with a design of 
retaking Crown Point and Ticonderoga." 

" We shall be happy to hear that you have placed a part of your forces in these 
posts, with intent to defend them, until thej' shall be relieved by troops from this 
Colony " — wrote the Provincial Congress of New York to Trumbull, May 25th, 
1775. 



1775, CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL. 187 

pair. Of all this he gave due information to Congress, to 
Massachusetts and New York, and specially urged the latter 
province forthwith to forward provisions, and send on tents 
for the troops — as had been directed by Congress.* 

" We beg leave to present our unfeigned thanks," wrote to Trumbull 
the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, recognizing these his serv- 
ices — " for your most friendly and seasonable reenforcement, from the 
burden of which we shall, without loss of time, endeavor, in pursuance 
of further directions from the Continental Congress, to relieve our breth- 
ren of Connecticut ; and should your stock of ammunition permit the 
increase of that supply which you have generously destined for that 
service, we shall exert ourselves in replacing it as soon as we shall have 
it in our power." 

"AVe are far," renewedly wrote the New-York Congress to Trumbull, 
speaking again of the arrangements made by him for defending the for- 
tresses territorially their own — " we are far from considering them as an 
invasion of this colony, or an intermeddling with the service entrusted 
to it, as you may collect from our former letter on this subject; but 
rather esteem them as a most friendly interposition for the safety of our 
frontiers, and as the wise improvement of j^our early intelligence, and 
your state of readiness to provide against immediate danger." 

So passed the month of May with the Governor, in con- 
nection with affairs at the North. 

Early in June, he was earnestly solicited by New- York to 
send powder on to this quarter, the supply of that State 
being so insufficient that they could not contribute the 
least — as her Provincial Congress wrote Trumbull at the 
time. "Be assured, Sir," they add, "that we are most grate- 

* "It is matter of doubt with us," he says in his letter to Massachusetts at this 
time, speaking of the force under Hinman — "whether the above mentioned de- 
tachment of troops, ordered by this Colony, will be sufficient for the import- 
ant purpose for which they are destined; but we recollect that Col. Arnold is 
now on tlie spot, with a commission (as we understand) to raise a regiment in the 
pay of your Province. We are not informed how far he has proceeded in that 
design. If he meets with success, we flatter ourselves that his Eegiment, joined 
•with the troops we have sent, will be able to maintain their ground, and keep 
possession of those important posts. 

" We take the liberty to recommend to your consideration the furnishing such 
additional supply of powder, from you, as you shall think necessary to be sent 
forward for the supply of those northern posts. I am very sorry to have it to 
say, that we are credibly informed there are not SOOlbs. of powder in the City of 
New York ; but at the same time are advised that means are taking to supply 
them with that very important article." 



188 CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL. 1775. 

fully sensible of tlie cheerfulness with which the Government 
of Connecticut has exerted itself to support the important 
posts of Crown Point and Ticonderoga, until our abilities 
may enable us to execute that trust which the Continental 
Congress, on the subject, has thought proper to repose in us." 
Later in June, Schuyler — then in command at the North — 
appealed to him for money and ammunition. Colonel Mott 
wrote him from Fort George, asking him to commission Cap- 
tain Niles, of Norwich, a bold and able sea captain, to take 
command of one of the vessels on the lake. With all these 
requests Trumbull promptly complied — and in a letter to 
Arnold, June nineteenth, urged the invasion of Canada — not 
as an undertaking by New-England specially — for the Brit- 
ish army at Boston, and the prospect of the arrival of another 
at New-York, he thought, forbade this course — but as an un- 
dertaking which the Continental Congress ought to move — 
and he communicated his thoughts, and the despatclies which 
he was constantly receiving from the North, to Massachusetts, 
for counsel and co-operation. 

And to Massachusetts also, particularly, he communicated 
an interview held this month with a Deputation from the 
Oneida Indians — an interview which afterwards was re- 
newed — and which, through the happy management of the 
Governor — especially by his securing the influence in the 
matter of President Wheelock of Dartmouth College, and 
of the Indian School there — was rendered fruitful of good 
results to the American Cause, by withdrawing the tribe 
from the malign influence of Sir Guy Johnson, and other 
noted adherents of Great Britain.* 

* The correspondence between Trumbull and Dr. Wheelock, at this time, was 
very active. Wheelock had kept his first Indian School at Lebanon, Ct., and 
was on intimate terms with the Governor. " Several of the Indian children," ho 
wrote him early in the spring of this year, from Dartmouth — "from some of the 
most respectable tribes, are now at the Seminary, and may be considered host- 
ages; Mr. Dean [who had been sent among the Indians at the West by Dr. 
Wheelock, to preserve peace in the frontier settlements, and influence them to 
join the Colonies] will probably bring more ; this connection is our surest bul- 
wark against invasion." — "The abilities and influence of Mr. Dean," replied 
Trumbull, " to attach the Six Nations to the interests of these Colonies, is an 
instance of Divine favor. If the Indian scholars are called from you in a manner 
that shows a design of hostilities, please to give the earliest intelligence of it. You 
may depend on my care to do nothing that may tend to injure you or your cause." 



1775. CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL. 189 

June twenty -seventh, lie received a Speech and belt from 
the chiefs and warriors of these Oneida Indians, and by order 
of tlie General Assembly, made them " a kind and friendly 
answer."* He also procured for their Deputation a belt of 
wampum — and besides, much to the gratification of the In- 
dians, sent them on in a wagon, at the expense of the State, 
to view the Camp near Boston. Of all these proceedings he 
gave full information to the Authorities of New-England, 
and sent them the Speech of the Indians. " May the Su- 
preme Director of all events," was his pious and patriotic 
wish in his letter to Massachusetts upon this occasion — "give 
wisdom, stability, and union to all our counsels, inspire our 
soldiers with courage, cover their heads in the day of battle 
and danger; and convince our enemies of their mistaken 
measures, and that all attempts to deprive us of our rights 
are injurious and vain!" 

In July, the Governor sent Schuyler fifteen thousand 
pounds in money, and forty and a half barrels of powder — 
all he could spare — and again appealed to Congress and New- 
York in regard to requisitions and supplies. " You may 
rely," he told New-York — while urging them to send on 
tents to Ticonderoga — that, if the expense of supporting the 
Northern Army "is not seasonably defrayed by the Conti- 
nental Congress, this Colony will not fail of doing so, altho' 
it has, without grudging, advanced near one hundred and 
fifty thousand pounds."f Despatches at this time reached 
him frequently from the North, and he was, almost con- 
stantly, employed in answering them. Ethan Allen gave 

* " The Oneida Indians met our Speech at German Flats, and expressed great 
satisfaction in it — promised an Answer in ten or twelve days." — Trumbull to his 
son Joseph, Sep. 4th, 1775. 

t " We were a little surprised," he wrote the Delegates in Congress from Con- 
necticut at this time — Dyer, Sherman, and Deane — July seventh — "that so large 
a requisition of money, especially, was made upon us in favor of Gen. Schuyler, 
when it is known how much we have cheerfully exhausted ourselves ; and we 
cannot but suspect but that the money might have been raised with equal ease in 
a short time, either in Philadelphia or New- York. However, that nothing in our 
power might be omitted to promote the service, the Assembly have agreed to 
advance him £15,000 pounds ; knowing the inability of other States with respect 
to the other article, [powder,] we should have very gladly complied with the full 
requisition, but it was impossible. We have done all that we could, and are only 
Borry that we could do no more." 



190 CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL. 1775. 

him particular notice, that, unless an army was marched into 
Canada — a plan peculiarly acceptable to the Governor — the 
Indians and Canadians, who in general were disposed to be 
neuter, or to assist the United Colonies, would be compelled 
to join against us.* "Now, Sir, it is time to carry Ca7iada" 
wrote to him Major John Brown. " It may be done with 
great ease and little cost, and I have no doubt but that the 
Canadians would join us. There is great defection among 
them." — " Is it not high time," responded Trumbull, address- 
ing both Schuyler and Congress — "to proceed into, and even 
hasten forward to secure the government of Quebec, and 
thereby the whole Indian strength and interest in our favor? 
Is there anything to expect from the present Administration 
that is favorable or kind? If needful, may not Col. Water- 
bury with his regiment be spared to the northward ? We 
are near the grand scene of action ; are anxious for the safety 
of our friends, the security of our rights, and to convince 
our enemies that we are in earnest, and that the object in 
view is American Liberty. The barrier of Virtue is to be 
defended and maintained even at the sacrifice of life." — "Be 
assured. Sir," replied Schuyler, "that every recommendation 
of yours will claim my particular attention." — " The critical 
hour seems to hasten," exclaimed Trumbull to his son, writ- 
ing him also at this time about affairs at the North — " May 
our eyes be on the Lord of Hosts ! The Lord reigns ! " 

But the promise of the moment began to turn dark. Prep- 
arations are making by General Carleton to invade the Colo- 
nies, wrote Samuel Mott from the North to the Governor of 
Connecticut, on the third of August. General Schuyler 

*" Yonr letter of the eighth ultimo," writes Allen, among other things, in 
rej>ly to Trumbull — "gave me to understand that mj' painful services in behalf 
of my country were noted by your Honor. My letters having received your 
patronage, were received by the Honorable Congress with that additional lustre 
they needed. * * Your Honor's inviolable attachment, and unshaken relig- 
ious perseverance in support of the liberties of America, manifested from the era 
of the detestable Stamp Act, have not only entitled, but gained you the love and 
esteem of every friend to his country, of whatever rank, or denomination. That 
your Honor may long live, and sway your respectable Colony in the way of vir- 
tue and liberty, and after this transitory life receive the unspeakable reward of 
social virtue, is the sincere desire of him who is, with the greatest respect, your 
Honor's devoted, most obedient, and humble servant, 

Ethan Allen." 



1775. CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL. 191 

"drives on things fast as he can, considering the hindrance 
he has ; but what can be done in the war with but few men, 
and less provision and ammunition — and not a tent to en- 
camp the men in." — The troops "sicken alarmingly fast," 
wrote Schuyler to Trumbull the same day — "and without 
tents, they must suffer incredibly."* Intelligence of the 
same sort reached him from Ethan Allen, and Colonel 
Hinman. 

Here then was fresh business for his hands. To the New- 
York Congress, therefore, he wrote, pressing them again to 
send on tents for Hinman's regiment. To Mr. Renssellaer, a 
purveyor of New-York, he at once gave a permit to pur- 
chase, for the Northern army, four hundred barrels of pork — 
in Connecticut — and this although there was then a great 
scarcity of the article in this Colony, That arms might be 
in good condition, he sent to Schuyler for all the old gun- 
barrels, and gun-locks, at Ticonderoga and Crown Point — • 
that they might be transported to him, to be repaired for use. 
"Our enemies," he at the same time wrote Schuyler — re-as- 
suring him for the Northern advance — " are the ministerial 
troops in Canada, while the Canadians are our friends, and 
will join us at a time when they are able, and not forced to 
the contrary by our enemies. The Indians will join the 
Canadians, and it will save both blood and treasure to make 
our approach while our enemies are few and everything 
looks promising. There are at least seven hundred and fifty 
men who may possibly be spared, who are yet in this Col- 
ony, to assist in the enterprise. Surely it is not the intention 
of the Continental Congress to prevent your going forward." 

At the beginning of September he was informed, in confi- 
dence, by General "Washington, that the latter was about to 
detach ten or twelve hundred men on an expedition into 
Canada by way of the Kennebec River — that the detachment 
would march in two days — and that new troops, whom 
Trumbull was requested particularly to supply, would be 
wanted to take the places of the troops about to leave. 

* Fifteen thousand pounds in money are wanted, he added, and "all the am- 
munition you can spare, for it cannot be had in New-York, even in the smallest 
quantity." 



192 CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULT,. 1775. 

With this call Trumbull immediately complied — and per- 
haps the more cheerfully, inasmuch as his own feelings, about 
this time, were very much gratified by the appointment of 
his son Jonathan to the post of Paymaster General for the 
Northern Army. " I take the liberty to recommend him," 
he upon this occasion wrote to General Schuyler — "to your 
kind assistance and countenance. I trust he will discharge 
his duties so as to meet your approbation, and merit your 
recommendation to the Honorable General Congress of the 
United Colonies in America, that he may meet a fit reward 
for his fatigue, risk, expense, and service." 

Hearing about this time that some jealousies had arisen 
between the New York and Connecticut troops — and receiv- 
ing letters which complained of General Schuyler, and even 
of the generalship, to some extent, of Montgomery — Trum- 
bull interposed, and with good success, to restore harmony. 
He replied, in soothing strains, to the remonstrants. " It is 
unhappy," he wrote to Congress, and to Washington — " that 
jealousies should be excited, or disputes of any sort be liti- 
gated between any of the Colonies, to disunite them at a time 
when our liberty, our property, and our all is at stake. * * 
If our enemies prevail, which can happen only by our dis- 
union, our jealousies will appear then altogether groundless, 
and all our disputed claims of no value to either side." 

But the information which now most disquieted the Gov- 
ernor, was that which related to sickness among the troops at 
the North. It was indeed distressing. Their treatment, he 
heard from Dr. Young, was "not what it should be," and his 
particular instructions on this matter were sought. " Let the 
sick be placed where they will find good water," he re- 
sponded — "let them be supplied with good milk. More 
tents will soon reach them from New York. I will send 
them on more beeves. I doubt not it will recover many of 
them, to find they are going into action ! " Special relief 
having been voted by Connecticut, both for the soldiers sick 
at Ticonderoga and vicinity, and for those who were on the 
road home — to be paid for by this State, if not met from the 
purse of the United Colonies— Trumbull looked to its appli- 
cation. He had every direction enforced. It was but the 



1775. CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL. 193 

beginning of humane attention on his part towards suffering 
soldiers of the Kevolutionary Army — as we shall have occa- 
sion hereafter fully to observe. 

Hearing from Schuyler in November that affairs then 
looked promising at the North, he wrote him a characteristic 
letter. 

" It is matter for an abundant rejoicing," he says — " that the Govern- 
ment is in the hands of Him who is possessed of all perfection, and doth 
all things right; and while his judgments are abroad in this land, may 
his people be instructed and learn righteousness. While the United 
Colonies do sincerely lament the unhappy necessity of taking up arms, 
they at the same time may rejoice with thanksgiving for the success of 
those arms ; which, if they do, is an argument to support our hope of 
future prosperity. I do therefore reecho my hearty congratulations on 
your kind favor of the 7th instant — and am in hope of securing and de- 
fending the province of Quebec in their own and our interest, and there- 
by to circumvent the mischievous design of rendering that, and the sav- 
ages under its influence, a scourge and ruin to the present rightful pos- 
sessors of these Colonies." 

November seventeenth, he received, by special express, the 
news that " on Friday, the third instant, the strong fortress 
of St. John was surrendered to the American arms." It was 
followed soon by a letter from Schuyler, informing him of the 
taking of Montreal. Glorious news was this indeed to him 
who had so earnestly toiled for the invasion of Canada! 
"The events announced," he wrote to Congress then — "are 
arguments of praise to the Supreme Director of all events ! " 

17 



C HAPT E R XVI. 
1775. 

Trumbull supplies the Camp at Boston Tvith. fresh, troops and stores. 
Some of the powder he sent told at Banker Hill. His daughter Faith 
an eye-witness of this battle. Its fatal effect upon her. Trumbull's 
conduct upon her death. He sends forces, under Gen. Wooster, and 
supplies, to New York. His difficulty at this time in procuring supplies 
He proclaims an embargo. He recommends Congress to appoint a 
National Fast — which is done. He objects to their renewed Petition 
to the King, but on other points harmonizes with their action. Con- 
gress highly commends his course He congratulates Washington 
upon his appointment as Commander in chief. Washington's reply. A 
difficulty among Connecticut officers on Putnam's promotion to the 
post of Brigadier General. Spencer resigns. Trumbull's prudent 
management of the case. His letter to Congress on the subject. His 
letter to Spencer. Its soothing effect. Spencer returns again to the 
Army. 

We turn to contemplate Trumbull now, during the year 
1775, in other departments of the "War. 

The Battle of Lexington, as we have shown, roused him to 
great activity in providing for the relief of Boston. This 
relief he continued to afford. To the troops from Connecti- 
cut already in camp under Putnam and Spencer, he soon 
added most of the regiment under Parsons — which he ordered 
on from New London, and supplied with ammunition from 
the Colony stores — besides sending to Cambridge " with the 
greatest possible secrecy and despatch," sixty barrels of 
powder — all that could possibly then be spared from Con- 
necticut — together with a small quantity obtained from 
New Jersey. He sent cloth also to Putnam for forty 
tents. 

Some of that powder told in June at Bunker Hill — in that 
deadly fire of small arms which twice totally broke the Brit- 
ish lines, and precipitated them back to their landing place, 
with more than one thousand of their dead left on the field 
of strife — a majestic and tremendous scene, with its blaze of 
more than five hundred houses in Charlestown, added to the 



1775, CHAP. XVI. — TRUMBULL. 195 

continual blaze and roar of artillery — a scene whose havoc, 
in full view from the heights of Boston and its neighborhood, 
was witnessed by thousands of intensely agitated spectators — 
and among the rest, particularly, by the eldest daughter of 
Governor Trumbull himself To her, as we have heretofore 
intimated, the spectacle proved fatal. 

"About noon of that day" — the day of the battle — writes Colonel 
John Trumbull — " I had a momentary interview with my favorite sister, 
the wife of Colonel, afterwards Gen. Huntington, whose regiment was on 
its march to join the army. The novelty of military scenes excited great 
curiosity throughout the country, and my sister was one of a party of 
young friends who were attracted to visit the Army before Boston. She 
was a woman of deep and affectionate sensibility, and the moment of her 
visit was most unfortunate. She found herself surrounded, not by " the 
pomp and circumstance of glorious war," but in the midst of all its hor- 
rible realities. She saw too clearly the life of danger and hardship upon 
which her husband and her favorite brother had entered, and it overcame 
her strong, but too sensitive mind. She became deranged, and died the 
following November at Dedham.* 

A sad event indeed — sad to all her friends — but especially 
so to her husband, her brother, and to her doating father — 
to all of whom it gave the most poignant grief — for she was 
a lady whose " benevolence, obligingness, and affection," in 
their estimation — as was expressed by her husband subse- 
quently, in a letter to his brother-in-law Joseph — were 
"without a parallel." — "You have seen," he adds, "the 
thousand agreeable and tender scenes in which I have passed 
with the dear partner of my soul, your lovely sister. The 
law of kindness was ever on her tongue and heart — but she 
is gone — and gone, I trust, to scenes of uninterrupted bliss. 
My tears must and will flow."* 

*The following is Gov. Trumbull's entry, in his own Family Bible, of liis 
daughter Faith's death : — 

'■'■Faith d. at Ded. Friday Morning, 2Uh Nov. 1775." 

*"I thank the God of all mercies," he continues, "that I have hope in my 
mourning. Your darling sister I all along pleased myself would be restored. If 
it could have been convenient for my dear sont to have taken a last parting look 
at his dear mother, I should have been glad — his presence might have soothed 
me — but it could not well be." 

+ Col. Jabez Huntington — only child left on the decease of the mother, and at 
this time at Lebanon with his Grandfather. He died at Norwich, Ct., not many 
years ago — in high estimation for his worth. 



196 CHAP. XVI. — TRUMBULL. 1775. 

But though the joy which the Battle of Bunker Hill uni- 
versally inspired in the American heart, was in the bosom of 
Governor Trumbull somewhat clouded by the melancholy 
association of that contest with the loss of a beloved daugh- 
ter, yet, in the great cause in which he was engaged, this loss 
did not lead him in the least "to temporize with his affection." 
He seems to have anticipated the bereavement. Early in 
October he had written for his daughter's husband to leave 
the army, if possible, and visit her at Norwich, where she 
then was. " She is very low in her spirits, and unwell," he 
said. " I am really much concerned for her." But, though 
sorely afflicted, he wiped " the honorable dew " from off his 
cheeks. He gave Christian allayment to his grief — and kept 
steadily on in the discharge of his public duties — in which 
sphere we turn again to view him. 

We have seen him raising forces and supplies for the East. 
We find him at the same time, doing the same thing for an 
opposite quarter — for New- York — where, owing to the in- 
trigues of Governor Tryon, disaffection to the American 
cause began openly to appear — where the avowal of a deter- 
mination to join the King's standard was made, it was re- 
ported, with impunity — and where four British regiments — 
to take advantage of the disaffection, secure the city, and 
possess themselves of the Hudson river — were daily ex- 
pected. Trumbull, therefore, in June, sent thither a body 
of seventeen hundred troops under General Wooster, that 
had already been raised for the defence of Connecticut, and 
stationed at Greenwich, Stamford, and elsewhere along the 
coast of Long Island Sound. 

The Provincial Congress of New- York had applied to him 
for this force. Wooster had informed him of his readiness 
to march, and solicited orders. But a New- York Commit- 
tee — though grateflil for his " kindness," they said, " in send- 
ing troops for their assistance " — yet requested him to direct 
their encampment on the frontiers of Connecticut. Trumbull, 
however, did not heed a caution which he deemed somewhat 
timorous, but sent the divisions on to Harlem, where they 
served a most valuable end in overawing the enemies of the 
American cause, and in strengthening the hands of its friends. 



1775. CHAP. XVI. — TRUMBULL. 197 

A part of them — four liundred and fifty men, with Wooster 
in person — passed over to Long Island — and there, while 
aiding to guard exposed points from the cruisers of the en- 
emy, and to assist defenceless inhabitants in removing their 
cattle and crops to places of security, were carefully supplied 
by Trumbull himself, to the extent of his means, with the 
vital article of powder.* 

This supply, as well as that of provisions, clothing, and 
refreshments, both for the entire force of Wooster and for 
the Connecticut Line near Boston — as well for present as in 
anticipation of future military operations — gave Governor 
Trumbull much anxiety. 

Provisions of every kind, on account of the demands that 
had already been made for the army, were just at this time 
very scarce — and by order of the General Assembly, there- 
fore, he proclaimed an embargo on wheat, rye, Indian corn, 
pork, beef, live cattle, peas, beans, butter, cheese, bread, flour, 
and every kind of meal, except necessary stores for vessels 
bound to sea. This embargo, the Governor was to see en- 
forced — and one of its features, particularly, which shows 
the confidence reposed in his judgment, added much to his 
labor. By act of Assembly, the power and privilege was 
reserved to himself of giving permits for exportation, such 
as he should judge necessary and expedient, in case of the 
public service — a power and discretion, which, as we might 
cite numerous examples to prove, he exercised with com- 
mendable prudence, care, and benevolence. 

Meantime, while Trumbull was thus busy with public 

*"Same day, at eleven o'clock," he wrote Washington, August eleventh — 
" I received a letter from Brigadier General Wooster, dated the 9th, at the Oyster 
Pcmds, on Long Island. He had with him four hundred and fifty men, besides 
militia, designing to preserve the stock at that place. The people on the Island 
had left it. He applied to me for three hundred pounds of powder, before I had 
made my answer and order for the powder — which I gave, notwithstanding our 
exhausted condition. On receipt of yours, I inserted an extract from it, for his 
observation. 

"I am informed a quantity of powder for the camp is to be at Hartford this 
evening, and more to follow soon. We have more lately arrived, which is daily 
expected. I request your direction, that of the next quantity that comes to 
Hartford, there may be l9dged there so much as you shall judge expedient. Of 
what is expected to arrive in the meantime, I shall have no occasion to use your 
allowance." 

17* 



198 CHAP. XVI. — TRUMBULL. 1775. 

duties, the National Congress was in session, and Washing- 
ton was appointed Commander-in-chief of the American 
Army. To Congress, therefore, he transmitted full informa- 
tion of the transactions in Connecticut, and, as he had done 
at their former session, gave much useful counsel, and stimu- 
lated patriotic action. Among other things he recommended 
to this Body the appointment of a Fast — "throughout all 
the distressed American Colonies" — and his recommendation 
was adopted. " On that solemn day," he wrote, therefore, to 
President Hancock — "in which you have called the Inhab- 
itants of all the English Colonies on this Continent, to hu- 
miliation, fasting and prayer, may the Almighty and most 
merciful Governor of the World hear the voice of his People, 
and His ears be attentive to the voice of their supplications — 
redeem them from all their iniquities; — grant an answer of 
Peace ; and convince our enemies of their mistaken meas- 
ures, and of their injurious and vain attempts to deprive us 
and unborn millions of that inestimable Heavenly Gift of 
Freedom and Liberty I " 

To all the proceedings of the National Congress Trumbull 
gave his unqualified assent, save to their renewed Petition to 
the King. This seemed to his independent heart too humble 
in its tone. " Were all the political heads joined in framing 
it?" — he inquired of Eliphalet Dyer, one of the Delegates 
then in Congress. "Doth it not express supererogatory love 
for the dignity and welfare of the Mother Country ? Does it 
not show a love to our brethren more than to ourselves, and 
that the more we are beaten,, the better we shall be ? It may 
be received very graciously, but cannot constitutionally 
reach the royal ear." This was the only instance, however, 
of disagreement between Trumbull and the Congress of his 
countrymen at Philadelphia. Upon other points their senti- 
ments were in closest harmony — and of Trumbull's manage- 
ment of the War, here at its outbreak, so far as his own serv- 
ices were concerned. Congress entertained the most exalted 
opinion — and took pains to express it. 

"We are happy" wrote him from Philadelphia, June 
twenty-sixth, the Delegates from Connecticut— " we are 
happy to find that every measure within your power for the 



1775. CHAP. XVI. — TRUMBULL. 199 

public good has been uniformly pursued by you, and tbat 
the advice from the Congress has been rather as approving 
than as directing your conduct. You will by this express 
receive a letter from the President, informing you of the ap- 
pointment of General Washington and other General Offi- 
cers, and hy unanimous order of the Congress expressing the 
high sense they have of your important services to the United Col- 
onies at this important crisis f^^ 

" I have to express," wrote Trumbull to President Han- 
cock, in response to his flattering communication — " the great 
pleasure and satisfaction it gives me to find that my endeav- 
ors to serve the common cause of our bleeding country in 
this day of unnatural Darkness, meets the approbation of the 
Honorable General Congress of these United Colonies. I 
am sensible that care and zeal for the defence of American 
Liberty, attract the attention and regard of the Honorable 
Members of that august Body, whose wisdom and prudence, 
patience, time and labours, are exercised and employed for 
its security. I do most sincerely thank them for their kind 
wishes. Who of us wish to live in a land where Virtue may 
not dwell? — The prosperity and happiness of our country 
justly deserve the utmost exertion of all my abilities." 

The appointment of Washington, in June, to the chief 
command, was received by Trumbull with unalloyed satisfac- 
tion. " It will answer great and salutary purposes, such is his 
character" — he said. And he immediately wrote him a con- 
gratulatory letter — which, filled with the prevailing spirit of 
the day, and tinged with the writer's religious cast of mind, 
warmly wishes him every success, and invokes Providence 
on his side. 

"Suffer me," he proceeds, "to join in congratulating you on your ap- 
pointment to be General and Commander-in-chief of the troops raised, 
or to be raised, for the defence of American Liberty. Men who have 
tasted freedom, and who have felt their personal rights, are not easily 
taught to bear with encroachments on either, or brought to submit 
to oppression. Virtue ought always to be made the object of govern- 
ment ; justice is firm and permanent." * * 

" The Honorable Congress have proclaimed a Fast to be observed by 
the inhabitants of all the English Colonies on this continent, to stand be- 



200 CHAP. XVI. — TRUMBULL. 1775. 

fore the Lord in one day, with public humiliation, fasting, and prayer, to 
deplore our many sins, to offer up our joint supplications to God, for 
forgiveness, and for his merciful interposition for us in this day of un- 
natural darkness and distress. 

" They have, with one united voice, appointed you to the high station 
you possess. The supreme Director of all events has caused a wonder- 
ful union of hearts and counsels to subsist amongst us. 

*' Now therefore, be strong and very courageous. May the God of the 
armies of Israel shower down the blessings of his divine providence on 
you, give you wisdom and fortitude, cover your head in the day of bat- 
tle and danger, add success, convince our enemies of their mistaken 
measures, and that all their attempts to deprive these colonies of their 
inestimable constitutional rights and liberties are injurious and vain." 

"Allow me, Sir," wrote Washington in reply, "to return you my sin- 
cere thanks for the kind wishes and favorable sentiments expressed in 
yours of the thirteenth instant. As the cause of our common country 
calls us both to an active and dangerous duty, I trust that Divine Provi- 
dence, which wisely orders the affairs of men, will enable us to discharge 
it with fidelity and success. The uncorrupted choice of a brave and free 
people has raised you to deserved eminence. That the blessings of 
health, and the still greater blessing of long continuing to govern such a 
people, may be yours, is the sincere wish, Sir, of yours, &c." 

Thus beautifully did the two patriots — Trumbull and 
Washington — at the very outset of our War for Independ- 
ence, commence an intercourse, which, as the emergencies of 
the struggle brought them more and more together, cement- 
ed soon into the closest friendship and correspondence. 
Upon Trumbull — " one of the firmest patriots and best men 
that his country has produced," says Sparks — "General 
Washington relied as one of his main pillars of support." 
A remark signally true ! Upon no one, we think it can most 
safely be affirmed, was the Father of his Country destined to 
lean so much, for aid and counsel, as on the Governor of 
Connecticut. The voices of both, as if they " had been in- 
corporate," were to sound ever on one glorious key of patri- 
otism. Emphatically, their " double bosoms " were " to seem 
to wear one heart." 

At the same time with congratulation to Washington upon 
his appointment to the chief command, Trumbull had an op- 
posite duty — one of condolence and conciliation — to perform 
towards other distinguished ofl&cers in the American Army. 



1775. 



CHAP. XVI. — TRUMBULL. 201 



Under the new establishment by Congress, General Spencer 
and General Wooster of Connecticut had been both super- 
seded in rank by the promotion of Israel Putnam — their 
inferior in grade in the Colonial service — to the post of Briga- 
dier-General. 

This procedure touched military pride in its most sensi- 
tive point, and led Spencer, among others, to quit the army 
in disgust. A warm remonstrance in his favor, from about 
forty-five officers, followed his resignation — in which they 
deprecated, " as injurious to the morals, good order, and dis- 
cipline of the troops," that alteration in rank by which the 
first in command of the Connecticut forces at Roxbury — who 
was "respected by his officers, and loved by his soldiers" — 
was "degraded," they said, from his position. And they 
called on the General Assembl}'- of Connecticut to interfere 
for their own and for the satisfaction of their affronted Gen- 
eral. The Assembly at once instructed Trumbull to urge 
Spencer to return to the Army, and to acquaint Congress 
with the circumstances. He was to express to this Body the 
high esteem in which they held both Spencer and Wooster — 
to state their dissatisfaction at the injustice in appointments 
done to those officers, but to testify at the same time to " tbe 
singular merit" of General Putnam — and to request Con- 
gress, if practicable, "to devise some method of obviating 
the probable inconveniences that might ensue." 

This delicate duty Trumbull discharged with fidelity. 

" I am desired by the Assembly," he wrote the Delegates in Congress 
from Connecticut, July seventh — "to acquaint you that Gen'" Wooster 
and Spencer are held in great estimation by them, and by the officers 
and troops under their command. And from the intelligence lately re- 
ceived from the army, they are under some apprehensions that great 
inconvenience will be the consequence of the alteration made by the Con- 
gress, in the rank and station of those generals. At the same time they 
have the highest sense of Gen. Putnam's singular merit and services, 
and request, if it be practicable, that some method may be devised to 
obviate the difficulties that are apprehended." We wish the order 
already adopted with our generals, he further said — "had been pre- 
ferred, and fear Generals Wooster and Spencer will think they have rea- 
son to complain. Indeed we should rather have expected that a matter 
of so much delicacy would have been first submitted to the approbation 



202 CHAP. XVr. — TRUMBULL. IT'JS. 

of the Assembly, before it was finally fixed. However, we will do the 
best we can to prevent its being any prejudice to the service." 

While tlius using his influence with Congress in favor of 
Spencer, and to satisfy his troops, Trumbull also dealt di- 
rectly and earnestly with the General himself. He wrote to 
him. He had a long conference with him at his own house 
at Lebanon. " By the love of his native land," he conjured 
him — as the General Assembly requested — "to call to mind 
the signal affection of his country towards him, so often test- 
ified," and " not precipitately to resign his command." 
Such a course, he assured him, would distress troops that 
were " attached to him by the warmest affection and duty," 
and would "give great dissatisfaction and anxiety to his 
country, which had placed, and continued to place high con- 
fidence in his wisdom, prudence, integrity, and military skill." 

This soothing treatment had its effect. General Spencer — 
bearing with him grateful letters from Trumbull to Wash- 
ington — was pursuaded to return to the army — a course — 
considering that he was now to serve under an officer whom 
he had himself formerly commanded — which was highly 
creditable to his patriotism, and which at the same time re- 
flected honor on the man who so pleasantly had conciliated 
his pride, vindicated his reputation, and ensured the continu- 
ance of his valuable services to his native land. 



C HAPTE R XVII. 
1775. 

A Council of Safety organized to aid Governor Trumtull. The sessions 
of this Council, and Trumbull's efficiency as its Head He continues 
active in furnishing troops and supplies. He is appointed hy Congress 
to confer -with Dr. Franklin, Mr. Harrison, and Mr. Lynch, about the 
army. A diflFerence between himself and Gen. Washington in regard 
to certain nevr levies. Correspondence concerning it It is happily 
reconciled. 

From the time of Washington's appointment to the chief 
command, on the close of the year 1775 — the main American 
Army lay encamped around Boston — hemming the British 
troops within the city by land, and strengthening itself, after 
the Battle of Bunker Hill, for further collision with the foe — 
and Trumbull, as before, continued to contribute all in his 
power towards furnishing it with troops and supplies. He 
had now — to unite with him in his arduous task — a Council 
of Safety^ as it was termed — which, at the May session of the 
General Assembly, had been appointed to aid the Governor, 
when the Legislature was not sitting, in directing the marches 
and stations of troops, and in supplying them " with every 
matter and thing that should be needful." The Governor 
was empowered to convene this Council on all important 
occasions — and five of them might form a quorum to do 
business in all cases where great dispatch was required.* 

Governeur Morris — writing of his own duties as Head of 
Committees in the Continental Congress — remarks, that " the 
Chairman received and answered all letters and other appli- 
cations, took every step which he deemed essential, prepared 
reports, gave orders, and the like, and merely took the mem- 
bers of a Committee into a chamber, and for the form's sake 
made the needful communications, and received their appro- 

* Its first members were Matthew Griswold, William Pitkin, Eoger Sherman, 
Abraham Davenport, William Williams, Titus Ilosmer, Benjamin Payne, Gen. 
James Wadsworth, Benjamin Huntington, William Ilillhouse, Thaddeus Burr, 
Nathaniel Wales Jr., Daniel Sherman, and Andrew Adams — fourteen in all. 



204 CHAP. XVII. — TRUMBULL. 1775. 

bation, wliich was given of course. Necessity," he adds, 
" preserving the democratical forms, assumed the monarchical 
substance of business." This description applies, in good 
degree, to Trumbull's post as Chairman of the Connecticut 
Council of Safety. He convened them often during the 
War — in fact, for their Body, a prodigious number of times — 
nine hundred and thirteen days in all — upon each one of which 
days he loas himself personally present! He consulted with 
them carefully. They were men, undoubtedly, of weight 
and wisdom. But he was emphatically their leading spirit. 
He was the organ of their resolves — upon him the great bulk 
of duty devolved. 

So we find him, during the period now under considera- 
tion, executing in person the business of furnishing troops, 
and of procuring and forwarding supplies — now flour, par- 
ticularly from Norwich* — now, from various quarters, beef 
and pork — now blankets — now arms — but especially, at all 
times, whenever and wherever he could procure it, powder — 
the manufacture of which vital commodity he stimulated 
through committees appointed to collect saltpetre, in every 
part of the State. "The necessities of the army are so great " 
for this article, wrote Washington to him almost constantly 
at this time — " that all that can be spared should be for- 
warded with the utmost expedition." — "Soon as your ex- 
pected supply of powder arrives," wrote his son in law Colo- 
nel Huntington from Cambridge, August fourteenth — "I 

*" There are," he wrote Washington, July seventeenth — "thirteen hundred 
and ninety-nine barrels of flour come to the care of Colonel Jedediah Hunting- 
ton, of Norwich, for the use of the army, which I have ordered forward. 
The busy season with the farmers renders its speedy transportation difficult. 
Please to advise of the need of hurry, and where it shall be ordered to bo 
delivered. 

" Our Assembly supplied Major-General Schuyler with fifteen thousand pounds 
in cash, and forty barrels of another necessary article. The brig Nancy, Thomas 
Davis, master, which arrived at Stonington with molasses, is removed to Nor- 
wich. She hath on board eigliteen or nineteen thousand gallons. The Commit- 
tee of Inspection and Correspondence, I trust, will take proper care respecting 
both vessel and cargo. 

" The road by my door being the nearest for post-riding from Cambridge to 
Pliiladclphia, I shall be obliged, whenever your Excellency has occasion to send 
to that city, if the rider may be directed this way, and call on me, for the con- 
venience of any despatches I may liave occasion to forward by him. Fessenden 
Las passed this way more than once." 



1775. CHAP. XVII. — TRUMBULL. 205 

imagine General Putnam will kick up a dust. He has got 
one floating battery launched, and another on the stocks." 
The powder was sent — at one time six large wagon loads — 
and at the same time two more for New York, on account 
of an expected attack in that direction.* " Our medicine 
chests will soon be exhausted," wrote Huntington at tlie same 
time. The medicine chests were replenished. And before 
September, Trumbull had so completely drained his own 
State of the materials for war, that he was obliged to write 
Washington, and inform him that he could not then afford 
any more. 

As regards troops, in July he sent to the Camp at Cam- 
bridge two companies of Wooster's regiment that had been 
stationed at New London — ordered the Colonels of the 
seventh and eighth regiments of the Colony to march their 
respective forces to the same point — and was closely occupied 
also in giving commissions, and taking measures for raising 
a further body of fourteen hundred men that had been 
ordered by the General Assembly, and was to be formed into 
two regiments of ten companies each, and be equipped for 
the special defence of the Colony.f 

* " The capital object of powder," wrote Kichard Henry Lee from Philadelphia 
to Washington, August first, "we [Congress] have attended to as far as we could 
by sending you the other day six tons, and to-morrow we shall propose sending 
six or eight tons more, which, with the sujijjlies you may get from Connecticut, 
and such further ones from here as future expected importations may furnish, 
will, I hope, enable you to do all that tliis powerful article can in good hands 
accomplish." 

+ "0n tlic 1st instant," he wrote Gen. Washington from Lebanon, July seven- 
teentli — " I met the Honorable Assembly of this Colony, to deliberate on the 
urgent and pressing reasons sent us from tlie Massachusetts for an immediate 
augmentation of troops from this Colony. Our Assembly agreed to augment 
with two regiments of seven liundrcd men each, who are now raising to join the 
Continental Army. It was wished that we could have the advice and direction 
of the Congress, or yotir Excellency, before we took this step, but thought the 
present critical situation of our affairs would not admit the delay of obtaining it. 
Since your arrival at Camp before Boston, views and considerations of their situ- 
ation and circumstances I shall gladly be advised of, and bliall attend your re- 
quest for the hastening and marching the men." % 

JTwo days after the letter from which we have just quoted was written, a 
" direction of the Congress," which Trumbull was anticipating, passed that Body. 
But it was needless as regards his action, as the following passage from a letter 
by him to Washington, dated July thirty-first, shows. 

" By the resolve of Congress of the 19th instant," he says, " it is recommended 
18 



206 CHAP. XVII. — TRUMBULL. 1175. 

In September, lie sent to Washington another body of new 
levies that had been stationed to defend the sea-coast of the 
Colony — and in December was again engaged in raising and 
forming into regiments, still another body of troops — to con- 
sist of one-fourth part of the militia of the Colony, together 
with such able-bodied persons, not included in any militia 
roll, as should be inclined to enlist — and to be in readiness, 
all "as Minute-Men''^ — for the defence of Connecticut, and of 
the United Colonies. For the support of the troops now 
mentioned, Trumbull was also engaged in providing money — 
especially for those in the service of the Continent — whose 
accounts — to the amount in one instance of fifty, and in an- 
other of sixty thousand pounds — he transmitted, thoroughly 
prepared, to Congress for settlement — and at the same time he 
sent on to this Body two Frenchmen — Ferret and De Flic- 
cure — who were proposing to aid the American cause by 
furnishing military stores. 

Thus active was the Governor of Connecticut, the present 
year, for the Army around Boston. And he received from 
Congress signal proof of their confidence in his knowledge 
and experience by his own appointment, in October, together 
with a few others, to confer with a special committee raised 

to the New England Colonies to complete the deficiencies in the regiments be- 
longing to them respectively. 

" I have not been informed of any deficiencies in the number of troops sent 
from Connecticut. It is recommended also to this Colony to complete and send 
forward to the Camp before Boston, as soon as possible, the fourteen hun- 
dred men lately voted by our assembly. The 25th instant I sent orders to the 
Colonels of the last named regiments to march forthwith to the Camp be- 
fore Boston, by subdivisions, if all were not in readiness. I expect many of the 
companies will begin their march this day, and that the whole will move forward 
very soon." 

July seventh, in a letter to the Delegates in Congress from Connecticut, Trum- 
bull says — -"As the expense we are daily incurring is so very great, we should be 
extremely glad to find that the Continental currency is in such forwardness as to 
be applied to the purpose of equipping and furnishing these troops ; should this 
be the ease, you will be so good as to apply for the money, and forward it to me 
with all despatch. We estimate the present expense at £40,000. It will be so 
much more convenient and less expensive for our troops stationed at New York, 
by order of Congress, to be supplied with provisions &c., by New York, than 
from us, that we hope the Congress will direct the Convention of that province 
to furnish them during their residence there, in the same manner as tliis colony has 
agreed to do — less tlian we have engaged them, I need not tell you, will by no 
means give them satisfaction." 



1775. CHAP. XVII. — TRUMBULL. 207 

by Congress — Dr. Franklin, Mr. Harrison, and Mr. Lynch — 
"touching the most effectual method of continuing, support- 
ing, and regulating a Continental Army."* 

Among the troops sent b}^ Trumbull to the East, we have 
stated, were some new levies that had been stationed to defend 
the sea-coast of Connecticut. His retention of these troops 
for awhile, for this purpose, brought him into a correspond- 
ence with General Washington which was somewhat tart — 
and which— as the only instance of a difference between 
these remarkable men — deserves particular mention. 

On the fifth of September Trumbull wrote to Washington 
assigning the particular reasons for the detention of these 
troops. He informed him that the coasts of Connecticut were 
kept in continual alarm — that they were infested by ministe- 
rial troops and transports — that three ships of war, with 
thirteen other vessels, had been seen off Fisher's Island and 
in the Sound but the day before — that New London and 
Stonington were each in great fear of an attack — and that for 
the defence of these two places — as well as for that of some 
other points of the coast — as "absolutely necessary for their 
security at present" — he had stationed the new levies from 
Stonington on to Connecticut River, and four additional com- 
panies west of that river. He hoped, he wrote, that this use 
of the new levies, until the danger was over, would neither 
injure or hinder any of the operations around Boston, 

To the contents of tliis letter Washington paid no atten- 
tion, but by sending on, September eighth, a peremptoiy 
requisition for the levies, and informing Trumbull that bv a 
resolution of Congress, troops on the Continental Establish- 
ment were not to be employed for the defence of the coasts, 

* Hancock, the President of Congress, under date of Sept. 30, 1775, thus writes 
to him on this subject : "As there are sundry matters contained in your letters 
which are of great importaned, and on which the Congress, before they come to a 
final determination, are desirous to liave the advantage of your experience and 
knowledge, they have appointed three of their numbers, Mr. Lynch, Dr. Frank- 
lin, and Mr. Harrison, to wait on you, &c." 

Trumbull in his response, dated Oct. 0th, 1775, and addressed to General 
Washington, speaks of the Assembly of Connecticut as detaining him, and says— 
"Had the meeting been earlier, it would have afforded me satisfaction to have 
attended, given me the pleasure of waiting on you and the other gentlemen, 
besides gratifying my curiosity to see tlie works the army has made." 



208 CHAP. XVII. — TRUMBULL. 1775. 

or of any particular Province — the militia being deemed 
competent for that service. "Sir," he wrote from Cam- 
bridge — "upon the receipt of this you will please to give 
directions that all the new levies march immediately to this 
camp." 

Trumbull was touched by the General's neglect to notice 
the exigency which had instigated his own course with the 
troops, and with the somewhat unusual tone of positiveness in 
his letter. 

"I have received," he therefore wrote to "Washington, September 
fifteenth — " your Excellency's letter of the 8' ■• instant by the express, 
who was detained by sickness, and did not deliver it till the 12"', in the 
evening. * * Your peremptory requisition is fully complied with ; all 
our new levies will be at your camp with all convenient expedition. 

" At the time they were by your direction to remain in the Colony, on 
some reason to suspect a remove from Boston to New York, that they 
might be able to give them more speedy opposition, I ordered Colonel 
Webb of our seventh regiment, his men being raised in the western part 
of the Colony, to take his station, with three or four companies, at Green- 
wich, the nearest town of this Colony to New York ; his Lieutenant- 
Colonel and Company at New Haven ; the residue of his and Colonel 
Huntington's, who were forward in their march, one company in Norwich, 
and the rest to New London. Last week I sent orders to Colonel Webb 
to march the companies with him to Newhaven, to be on his way so 
much nearer to your camp. 

" I am surprised that mine of the 5' *> instant was not received, or not 
judged worthy of notice, as no mention is made of it. 

" Stonington," he proceeds in farther justification of his conduct, " has 
been attacked and severely cannonaded, and by Divine Providence 
marvellously protected. 

"New London and Norwich are still so menaced by the ministerial 
ships and troops, that the militia cannot be thought sufficient for their 
security, and it is necessary to throw up some intrenchments. We are 
obliged actually to raise more men for their security, and for the towns of 
Newhaven and Lyme. I hoped some of the new levies might have been 
left here till these dangers here were over, without any injury to your 
operations. I own that it must be left to your judgment. Yet it would 
have given me pleasure to have been acquainted that you did consider it. 

" I thank Divine Providence and you for this early warning to great 
care and watchfulness, that so the union of the Colonies may be settled 
on a permanent and happy basis. 

"I have before me your more acceptable letter of the 9"' instant. 
The necessities of the Colony to supply our two armed vessels, to furnish 



1775. CHAP. XVir. — TRUMBULL. 209 

the men necessarily raised for the defence of our seaports and coasts, and 
to raise the lead ore, which appears very promising, prevent our being able 
to spare more than half a ton, which is ordered forward with expedition. 
Before the necessity of raising more men appeared, we intended to send 
a ton. 

" You may depend on our utmost exertions for the defence and security 
of the constitutional rights and liberties of the Colonies, and of our own 
in particular. ,None has shown greater forwardness, and thereby rendered 
itself more the object of ministerial vengeance." 

In reply to tliis letter, General Washington, September 
twenty-first, expressed regret at any misconstruction of his 
purposes. He assured the Governor that nothing on his part 
"was intended that might be construed into disrespect." He 
said that he had " long been sensible that it would be impossi- 
ble to please, not individuals, but particular provinces, whose 
partial necessities would occasionally call for assistance " — and 
concluded with the remark that "the spirit and zeal of Con- 
necticut" were "unquestionable," and that he hoped it would 
not suffer from the alarm on the coast. 

" I have no disposition," was the happy response of Trum- 
bull to this epistle — "to increase the weight of your burdens, 
which, in the multiplicity of your business, must be suffi- 
ciently heavy, nor inclination to disturb the harmony so 
necessary to the happy success of our public operations. I 
am persuaded no such difficulty will any more happen. It 
is unhappy that jealousies should be excited, or disputes of 
any sort be litigated between any of the colonies, to disunite 
them at a time when our liberty, our property, our all is at 
stake. If our enemies prevail, which our disunion may occa- 
sion, our jealousies will then appear frivolous, and all our 
disputed claims of no value to either side." 

Thus — his feelings soothed by kind explanations from 
Washington — ^his discontent softened by the consideration of 
public harmony — thus magnanimously did Trumbull close 
the only painful correspondence he ever had with the Com- 
mander-in-chief of the American armies. That the course 
he took with the troops — though contrary to the established 
policy of Congress, as this Body took occasion subsequently 
to say — was yet — under all the circumstances of the case, 
18* 



210 CHAP. XVII. — TRUMBULL. 1115. 

under the pressing emergency of danger that then existed — 
warranted, we have not a doubt — especially so when we con- 
sider the fact that it was by Washington's own particular 
order that the new levies had been retained in Connecticut 
up to the time when he demanded their removal to Cam- 
bridge — having "had some reason," as he wrote, "to expect 
a remove from Boston to New York" — in which case these 
new troops would have been able "to give more speedy op- 
position to the enemy." But the difference between himself 
and the Governor of Connecticut was all closed, as we have 
seen, speedily, and in a manner highly creditable to both the 
parties concerned. Sweet peace ever after reigned in their 
counsellings. The friendships of Scipio and LeHus, or of 
Theseus and Pirithous, or of Orestes and Pylades — though 
they ran in different channels — never ran more fondly, or 
with a more perfect coincidence of interests, than those of the 
great Father of our Country and Trumbull, during the 
remainder of their lives. 



C HAPT E R XVI I I. 
1775. 

Trumbull in connection witli the sea coast defence of Connecticut The 
dangers upon the coast, from the enemy, hoth to property and per- 
son — what they were. Attempted seizure of Gov. Griswold, and of 
other leading whigs — as Gen. Washington — Gen. Schuyler — Gen. Silli- 
raan — Gov. Clinton — and Gov. Liviogston. Trumtull a special ohject 
of the enemy's vengeance. A Tory threat against him. A price vras 
set on his head. A special guard, therefore, appointed to protect him 
at Letanon. A suspicious stranger at his dwelling. Spirited conduct 
of his housekeeper, Mrs. Hyde, upon the occasion. He receives alarm- 
ing intelligence of an intended attack, ty a large British fleet, upon 
the shipping, and seaport towns of Connecticut. He is busy for their 
protection. He detains the Nancy — a suspected ship — and distributes 
her avails to the public use. He is applied to by Congress to furnish a 
large armed ship to intercept two store brigs from England. He grants 
permits for exportation — commissions privateers — and sends out spy 
vessels His oversight of prisoners of war. Many such sent to Con- 
necticut. Trumbull and the prisoners from Ticonderoga and Skenes- 
borough. His management, particularly, of the cases of the elder 
Skene and Lundy. His management also of the cases of Capt. De La 
Place — Major Frencb — and especi.ally of Dr. Benjamin Church, his old 
classmate m College His watchfulness against tories, suspicious wan- 
derers, and inimical persona generally. The Detective System of 
Connecticut at this time. 

The defence of the sea-coast of Connecticut, to wbich in 
our last chapter we alluded — and the oversight of prisoners — ■ 
were other great objects of Trumbull's attention during the 
year upon which we dwell — and we proceed to notice him 
now, particularly, in these important spheres of duty. 

British ships — especially the Eose, the Swan, and the 
Kingfisher* — were constantly cruising up and down Long Is- 
land Sound, sweeping it clear of American craft — firing at 
some vessels, and boarding others, and plundering all. Now 

* "The Eose, Swan, nnd Kingfisher, ships of war, with a small tender," wrote 
Trumbull to Washington, July thirty-first — "the 26th instant came into the har- 
bour of New London. On the 27th some men landed near the Ughthouse, broke 
off the nuts, and plugged up with old files three or four cannon. They sailed out 
again on Friday last. It is reported Mr. Collector Stuart is packing up his effects, 
in order to leave that port." 



212 CHAP. XVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1775. 

tliey made a descent upon Fisher's Island.* Now tliey can- 
nonaded Stonington, and now threatened New London, as 
we have seen. Now they chased vessels, as once the Lively, 
into Connecticut Kiver — now chased another ashore before 
the very door of Matthew Griswold at Lyme, and roused the 
good old Deputy Governor of the Colony to rally his neigh- 
bors, put himself at their head, and amid a shower of bullets 
drive the assailants away — and now they made descents on 
other parts of the coast, and seized goods, cattle, and effects 
of every description. 

Nor was this system of predatory warfare directed by the 
enemy against property alone, but also against persons. 
They frequently, and during every year of the war, concerted 
plans for the seizure of leading American Whigs. At one 
time they plotted to capture, and as was believed, even to 
assassinate Washington himself. At a later period in the war 
than that upon which we are now engaged, twenty of the 
foe, it will be recalled by readers of History, surrounded the 
house of General Schuyler at Albany — penetrated to the sa- 
loon leading to his bedroom — secured two of his men — 
wounded a third — and compelled a fourth to fly the house 
for safety — but fortunately missed the principal object of their 
search, the General himself. 

In the darkness of the night again, at his own house at 
Fairfield, a hostile party of eight men succeeded in seizing 
General Silliman — and with him his eldest sonf — and bore 
them both off in triumph to Long Island. Often it was 
planned to obtain possession of Governor Clinton of New 
York — but more often of the eminently patriotic Governor 
of New Jersey — William Livingston — who, at one time, for 
many months, was obliged in consequence to shift his quar- 

*"We are ag.ain alarmed," wrote Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., to his brother Jo- 
seph, July thirty -first — "with the appearance of three ships &c. off New Lon- 
don — discovered Sunday morning, standing into Fisher's Island Sound, and 
Bending their boats on the island. 'Tis conjectured they are taking the stock off 
that island. They will find poor picking, Mr. Mumford having, by particular 
advice, purchased all the fat cattle and sheep, and got them oflT the island the 
day before the ships appeared. I fear they have some further design. Three 
militia regiments (Saltonstall's, Coit's, and Abbot's) are ordered to muster forth- 
with, and to take measures to prevent any mischief." 

+ Gold Selleck Silliman. 



1775. CHAP. XVIII. — TRUMBULL. 213 

ters every day. Once a party of British troops, landing near 
Elizabethtown, did succeed in reaching his mansion — where 
they grasped some of his papers, and carried them off — but 
luckily missed the Governor himself — who, by mere acci- 
dent, though his family was at home, happened to be absent 
at the time, at the house of a friend a few miles distant. 

Governor Trumbull, in a similar manner, was a special ob- 
ject of the enemy's vengeance. A villainous tory of New- 
town once said, that he '■^woidd kill him quick as he would a 
ratdesmdce ! ''^ A price was set upon his head^ as he informs us 
himself* The facility with which the enemy — in the night 
season — in their little privateering craft— could shoot over 
from their countless lurking places upon Long Island to the 
Connecticut Main — make a descent — and suddenly retreat — 
rendered precautions, in Trumbull's case, particularly neces- 
sary. Accordingly a guard of about half a dozen men was 
established around his dwelling at Lebanon, to protect his 
person — a step which proved useful — for it prevented at- 
tempts that otherwise, in all probability, would have been 
made to seize this eminent and ever active Son of Liberty. 

Once circumstances indicated a special plot for this pur- 
pose. A traveller, in the garb of a mendicant — of exceed- 
ingly suspicious appearance — came into his house one eve- 
ning when he was unwell, and had retired to bed. The 
stranger, though denied the opportunity of seeing him, yet 
insisted upon an interview so pertinaciously, that at last the 
Governor's wary housekeeper — Mrs. Hyde — alarmed and dis- 
gusted at his conduct, seized the shovel and tongs from the 
fire-place, and drove him out of the house. At the same 
time she called loudly for the guard — but the intruder sud- 
denly disappeared, and though careful search was made, 
eluded pursuit, and never appeared in that quarter again. 

In May, 1775, news reached Trumbull from Cambridge, 
that General Gage intended seizing all the vessels on the 
Connecticut sea-coast, and attacking New-London — and 
shortly after, in October, he was informed by Washington 
that a British fleet had left Boston for this purpose. " They 

* In his Memorial to the General Assembly, May 24th, 1785. 



214 CHAP. XVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1775, 

cannonaded Bristol last Saturday" — it was then reported. 
In November again, alarming intelligence readied the Gov- 
ernor of fresh orders from England to destroy all the seaport 
towns of this Colony — and in December again, came fresh 
reports of a hostile embarcation at Boston, intended for Con- 
necticut. "We are infested by ministerial ships and trans- 
ports," wrote Trumbull this year from time to time. 

All this kept the seashore inhabitants, as a matter of 
course, in constant, and at times intense alarm. Much, 
therefore, was to be done for their protection. By acts of 
the General Assembly, three armed vessels, and four armed 
row-gallies, were to be built, equipped, and manned for the 
coast defence, under the care and direction of the Governor 
and Council. Brigantines were to be chartered, and fitted 
for the same purpose, under the same direction. All care 
was to be taken to prevent provisions near the water from 
falling into the hands of the enemy. The fort at New- 
London, particularly, was to be put in the best condition for 
use, and an engineer, and men, and tools — sledges and shov- 
els, crowbars and pickaxes, draught chains and log chains, 
oxen and carts — were all to be provided for the purpose. 
Batteries there, and at Groton, Stonington, Norwich, Lyme, 
Newhaven, Milford, Norwalk, and Stamford, were to be sup- 
plied with men and guns. Cannon were to be procured 
from New- York, and from Congress, and some were to be 
cast at Salisbury. Coast guards were to be stationed, and 
entrenchments made at all important points. Beacons were 
to be erected for the communication of intelligence. Ex- 
presses were to be established. And upon Trumbull, as the 
Chief Executive of the Colony, all this labor, mainly, de- 
volved. Into his ear the inhabitants of the coast, whenever 
attacked, or whenever startled by the rumor of approaching 
danger, poured their apprehensions. From his hand they 
sought relief — and from his hand, to the extent of his means, 
they received it. 

To him also, in July, Massachusetts applied for the deten- 
tion, in the port of Stonington, of a suspected ship belong- 
ing to Boston — the Nancy and her cargo — the disposition of 
which, by public sale, and the distribution of whose avails 



1775. CHAP. XVIII. — TRUMBULL. 215 

to public hospitals, and among the Commissaries of Sup- 
plies for the army, the Governor had subsequently to super- 
vise. 

To him too, in October, Congress applied to furnish the 
largest ship in the Connecticut service, to be sent out — with 
two armed vessels from Massachusetts- — in order to intercept 
and capture, if possible, two "nortli country -built brigs" 
from England, that were on their way — loaded with six 
thousand stand of arms, and a large quantity of powder and 
other stores — for Quebec, without convoy. 

To him also — as lying within his own peculiar power — 
owners of vessels in the Colony, during the period of embar- 
goes, were in the habit of applying for permits in case of 
exportation for particular purposes — as to the West Indies, 
particularly, for powder.* 

Here and there, too, Trumbull commissioned a few priva- 
teers, to commence a system of naval warfare upon the Brit- 
ish — which, in succeeding years, as we shall have occasion to 
observe, was greatly augmented, and met with wonderful 
success. Many a little spy vessel also he chartered, and sent 
out, from bay and inlet, to watch the motions of the enemy 
upon the water, and make report. Many a communication 
from the armed brig Minerva, and the schooner Spy, reached 
him through their commanders — Captain Hall and Captain 
Niles — giving news of their naval ventures, and solicit- 
ing fresh instructions, and fresh equipments for new enter- 
prises. 

But besides this defence of the long seashore of Connecti- 
cut — one which, in the year that follows, we shall find 
making greater and greater demands upon Trumbull's time, 
and attended with many interesting and highly important 
results — he was also charged, we have said, with the over- 
sight of prisoners. These he bad to receive — especially pris- 

* " The merchants of St. Eustatia are much our friends," he wrote in July to 
his son .Joseph — -"we shall soon have powder enough." Nathaniel Shaw, Jr., a 
highly enterprising merchant of New-London, and an ardent patriot, was at this 
time, as well as subsequently, closely connected with Trumbull in the importa- 
tion of powder from the West Indies. '■'■PurcJiase gunpowder^ and return soon^" 
was the frequent direction which he gave to the commanders of his vessels, 
loaded with flour, pipe-staves, and other commodities, for Hispaniola. 



216 CHAP. XVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1775. 

oners of war — to distribute into suitable places of confine- 
ment, and look to tbeir safe custody. 

Connecticut, for some reason or other — either because of 
the natural security and comparative compactness of many 
of her inland towns — or from the fact that she was the first 
to receive any large body of prisoners — or because of a gen- 
eral confidence in her superior watchfulness and patriotism — 
had, relatively, more charge of prisoners, during nearly the 
entire War of the Revolution, than any other one of the 
Thirteen Colonies. Massachusetts sent them to her in great 
numbers — New- York by crowds — New-Jersey quite numer- 
ously — the Continental Congress numerously. Such and so 
many were they, in fact, in the first year of the War — and 
so heavy was the attendant expense — that, in October, her 
General Assembly was obliged specially to desire the Gov- 
ernor to request Congress to direct what provision should be 
made for them, and how the costs incurred in their keeping 
should be defrayed — a duty which, November eleventh, he 
took particular pains to perform. 

Conspicuous among these prisoners were those surprised 
at Ticonderoga and Skenesborough, on the tenth of May of 
the present year, and those subsequently brought down from 
St. Johns, and from Chamblee in Canada. By order of Con- 
gress, and upon direction from the Governor of Connecticut, 
those from St. Johns were placed at Windham and Lebanon, 
and those from Chamblee, at Farmington — at which latter 
place, on account of the turbulence of many of the captives, 
and their attem})ts to escape, Trumbull was compelled to 
exercise unusual vigilance, and in several instances, at an 
extra expense, to increase their guards. 

But the prisoners from Ticonderoga and Skenesborough — ■ 
the first fruits, in their character, of the first aggressive act 
of the American Revolution — most exacted his attention. 
They consisted of forty-seven private soldiers of his Majes- 
ty's troops, of Governor Skene, Major Skene his son, Major 
French, Captain De La Place, Mr. Lundy, and quite a num- 
ber of women, children, and servants — all of whom were 
brought to Hartford. Trumbull immediately communicated 
their capture to Congress, and, under the direction of the 



1775. 



CHAP. XVIII, — TRUMBULL. 217 



General Assembly of Connecticut, provided for their due 
custody — with the exception of a few ladies of the party,* 
from Canada, who happened to have been taken at Skenes- 
borough, and who, with praiseworthy readiness, under the 
escort of Captain John Bigelow, were at once returned to 
their friends. The elder Skene and Lundy, however, were 
soon, by special resolutions of Congress, placed under Trum- 
bull's own immediate surveillance. He was to order them, 
under a guard, either to Wethersfield or Middletown. Pie 
was to confine them there on parole, within such limits as he 
should prescribe — and make such provision for their support, 
at the expense of the United Colonies, as he should think 
proper.f This duty he proceeded to execute — with strict- 
ness — more than was required, as it seemed to Silas Deane, 
then a Member of Congress, who had given Skene private 
assurances of a milder treatment than that which he in fact 
experienced, and wrote to Trumbull in his behalf. 

"You have no reason to blame yourself for any seeming 
harshness towards the captive," answered Trumbull. "Doth 
it not rather appear that Providence interposeth to prevent 
the operation of Skene's inimical purposes and designs 
against the constitutional rights and liberties of these Colo- 
nies? Truly as a prisoner of war he is entitled to the per- 
formance of the conditions on which he was made such — but 
I could learn of no other conditions than such as came to 
me authenticated from the minutes of Congress." Trumbull 
continued, therefore, in the course he had already adopted, 
and his judgment of Skene was fully confirmed by succeed- 
ing events — for at Hartford — at Mr. Hooker's house in the 

* Among these ladies were the aunt and two sisters of Andrew PJiilip Skene. 
To Skene also liberty was granted, under the direction of a Committee, " to ap- 
point and send a suitable man to take eharge of his farm and business" at 
Skenesborough — and the Commander from Connecticut at Ticonderoga and 
Crown Point, was directed to see that his estate " should rcceis'c no unnecessary 
damage from the troops under his charge." 

+ Gov. Skene, wrote Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., to his brother Joseph, July 24th, 
1775 — "has been very surly and turbulent — and is very much displeased with 
his destination in the town of Hartford — swore, before he left Philadelphia, that 
he would never come here — at least he would not come alive. Mr. Eoss, one of 
the Pennsylvania Delegates, told him they did not pretend to have power over 
his soul — but that if he disengaged soul and body, his body should go where it 
was ordered." 

19 



218 CHAP. XVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1775. 

West Division — to which place this leading captive was re- 
moved — he was believed to have been engaged plotting 
busily against the Colony — particularly, it was supposed, 
through the instrumentality of his servants. A special 
Committee, therefore, was raised to investigate and report 
upon his proceedings — and subsequently, after having been 
sent by Trumbull, as was arranged, to the care of Washing- 
ton — with his son and some other British officers — he perfid- 
iously broke his parole.* 

Captain De La Place — who had been commandant of the 
garrison at Ticonderoga — often addressed Trumbull, as well 
as petitioned the Legislature, in behalf of himself and his 
companions in captivity — praying, in the first place, that 
they might be set at liberty — and next, have an allowance 
of money suitable to their rank. The first request was, of 
course, disregarded, but the second met with respectful and 
proper treatment at the hands of the Governor. 

A third request, about the same time, but of a different 
character, was preferred to him. Major French — another of 
the northern prisoners, in custody at Hartford, and a Church- 
of-.England man — aj)plied for removal to Middletown, be- 
cause for himself there was no place of worship, he said, in 
the town in which he was then confined. " The situation 
and circumstances of Middletown," wrote Trumbull to the 
President of Congress on this matter — " render that an im- 
proper place for the officers. There is an Episcopal Mission- 
ary at Simsbury. I have no objection to that place, if de- 
sirable to them." After this manner, during the year 1775, 
with frequent applications from captives of one sort and 
another, was the Governor of Connecticut considerably oc- 
cupied. 

But the most remarkable case among the prisoners sent at 
this time to his custody, was that of Dr. Benjamin Church, 
of Watertown, Massachusetts. This noted individual was 
with Trumbull in College, as we have formerly stated — and 
it was his peculiar destiny, in the period of which we now 
speak, to be incarcerated, in a common jail, under the eye 

* So Trumbull was informed by Gen. Schuyler, in a letter from Albany dated 
the ensuing December. 



1775. CHAP. XVIII. — TRUMBULL. 219 

and surveillance of bis own old classmate. His traitorous 
correspondence with the enemy in Boston — and that too 
while a professed friend of the American cause, and while he 
was, by appointment of Congress, Director of the Hospital 
and chief Physician for the Army at the East, and while en- 
joying a seat of honor also in the Legislature of Massachu- 
setts — brought him into this forlorn situation. November 
twenty-second, he was sent by General Washington to Leba- 
non, in charge of Captain Putnam and a sergeant with seven 
men — under a resolve of Congress that he should be closely 
confined in some secure jail in Connecticut, without pen, 
paper, or ink — and that no person should be allowed to 
converse with him except in the presence and hearing of 
a magistrate, or of a sheriff of the County within which 
he should be kept, and then only in the English lan- 
guage — until further orders from the Supreme Authority 
of the nation. 

Governor Trumbull was requested to comply, in every 
particular, with the words of this resolve — and he did so. 
He sent Church to the prison at Norwich — and soon directed 
the Sheriff there not to permit him to go out from close 
confinement but once in a week — a precaution which the 
dangerous character of the prisoner rendered imperative. 
Soothed by no sympathy from the lips of his old college 
companion and friend — animated by him with no hope of es- 
cape, or of release, except on the stern condition of turning 
his freedom, heartily and unalterably, to the account of his 
suffering country — yet treated with no more rigor than cir- 
cumstances required — it was not until July of the succeeding 
year, that, by order of Congress, he was relieved from re- 
straint, and through his jailor — Prosper Wetmore — was re- 
turned to his home in Watertown. 

But in addition to the oversight, now indicated, of those 
who strictly were prisoners, the Governor had also, at this 
period, to keep an eye of vigilance out in other directions — 
over tories, suspicious wanderers, and all inimical persons in 
Connecticut — to see that they carried on no traitorous cor- 
respondence with the enemy, and were in no way concerned 
in any plot or combinations for betraying the State, or for 



220 CHAP. XVIII. — TRUMBULL. ITTS. 

resisting the measures pursued for a general union of defence 
in the American cause. "Arrest and secure every person 
whose going at large may endanger the safety of the Colony, 
or the liberties of America" — was the injunction of the 
Continental Congress. Seize the tories that are active, was 
the recommendation of Washington addressed to him in No- 
vember — they are preying on the vitals of the country, and 
will do all the mischief in their power ! 

But neither this injunction from Congress, nor the recom- 
mendation from Washington, were needed to stimulate the 
conservative espionage either of Governor Trumbull, or of 
the State at large, at the critical period now under considera- 
tion. A perfect system of police, with reference to internal 
foes — at the head of which stood Trumbull — was organized 
by Connecticut upon her own warning impulse. 

Let any person within this Colony, she proclaimed by act 
of legislation — directly or indirectly supply the Ministerial 
army or navy with provisions, or military or naval stores — 
or give to their officers, soldiers, or mariners, any intelli- 
gence — or enlist, or procure others to enlist into their serv- 
ice — or undertake to pilot any one of their vessels — or aid 
or assist in any other way against this or any one of the 
United Colonies — and the offender shall forfeit his whole es- 
tate to the use of this Colony — and furthermore shall be in- 
carcerated — three years — if a Judge of the Superior Court 
shall think proper — in a common jail. 

Let any one, proclaimed Connecticut again — either by 
writing or speaking, or by any overt act, libel or defame any 
resolves or proceedings of Congress, or of the General As- 
sembly of this Colony, made for the defence of the rights 
and privileges of the country — and his arms shall be taken 
from him. He shall be rendered incapable of serving in any 
office, civil or military. Furthermore, he shall be punished by 
fine, imprisonment, or disfranchisement — shall find surety of 
the peace, as the Court may order — and himself shall pay the 
costs of his own prosecution. And the Civil Authority, Se- 
lectmen, and Committees of Inspection of the several towns, 
were commanded to examine every person charged with hos- 
tility to Connecticut, or to any other of the United Colonies. 



1775. 



CHAP. XVIII. — TRUMBULL. 221 



It was made imperative that such offenders should solemnly 
purge themselves of the sin of unfriendliness to the country, 
or be at once disarmed. Warrants were to issue for this pur- 
pose. The Sheriff was to see them enforced. If resisted, the 
militia of any County, all or any part, was to be summoned 
to execute them. Let every informing officer take care to 
make presentments for any breaches of this law — concluded 
the stringent and warning enactment. 

Here then, in Connecticut — with details needless to men- 
tion in this place — was a Detective Code and a Detective Po- 
lice, for the suppression of internal foes — thorough for the 
purpose intended as was that of the Duke of Otranto's in the 
days of Napoleon the First. An open inquisition — under the 
supreme authority of the Colony — patriotic from its motive — 
searching from the pressure of danger — and irresistible from 
the support of the whole judicial and the whole military 
Arm of the State — stood at the door of every tory within 
the bounds of its operation. Innumerable Committees — the 
Magistracy — the General Assembly itself when in session — 
and the Council of Safety — all watched to seize every offender 
against the struggling liberty of the day, and swift punish- 
ment awaited swift trial, and swift condemnation. 

It was a system, which — without moving phalanxes of 
supple, crafty, and salaried spies — without recourse to venal 
zeal in the gentler sex — with no fierce gendarinarie for its en- 
forcement — with no fiscal support from the visee of passports, 
or in taxes levied on gambling and prostitution, — as was the 
v?ist and terrific system of Joseph Fouch^ — which yet, like 
that of this famous Minister of the General Police of France, 
spread a perfect network over the State for the discovery of 
disaffection — one so energetic, so elastic, and so penetrating, 
from the patriotism which inspired it, as to render it impossi- 
ble for tart tory ism to conceal its own activity, or to escape 
retribution. 

Trumbull administered this system— as Chief Executive — 

as by virtue of his office the great Searcher into the 

State — with prudence and with energy. Its strings all 

converged upon himself, and he managed them with wary 

efficiency. Fortunately, the calls for its application, the 
19* 



222 CHAP. XVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1715. 

present year — so strong and overwhelming was the popu- 
lar tide in favor of liberty — were comparatively few — and 
these confined, chiefly, to a little strip of the State bord- 
ering on New York. Elsewhere, there was almost universal 
harmony — one heart — one mind — one glorious end — and this 
end, Freedom! 



CHAPTER XIX. 
1775. 

A NBw anxiety for Trumbull. Soldiers left the Camp around Boston, 
and among them some of the troops from Connecticut. Washington 
"writes Trumhull respecting these, animadverting, in severe terms, on 
their conduct. An admirable reply from Trumbull. Another letter 
of censure, to Trumbull — from the New York Congress — in regard to 
Capt. Sears and the "Rivington Press. Trumbull's reply. He blames 
New York for granting permits to carry provisions to the Island of 
Nantucket, then deemed somewhat disaffected to the American cause. 
Satisfied now that Great Britain will not yield, he continues diligent for 
the public good. For the sake of general harmony, he again urges Con- 
gress to aid in quieting, for the present, the Susquehannah Controversy. 
Dr. Franklin's Plan of Union sent to Trumbull. His views concerning 
it. He proclaims a Fast, at the close of 1775. The Proclamation. 

The montTi of December 1775 ushered in a novel and 
painful anxiety for the Governor of Connecticut, in connec- 
tion with military affairs at the East. Enlistments in that 
quarter were, many of them, expiring — and some of the 
Connecticut troops, particularly of General Putnam's regi- 
ment — like other troops from other Colonies — induced in 
part by the termination of their contracts — in part by neg- 
lect in the payment of their wages — in part by "ill usage on 
the score of provisions"* — in part by the idea that, as win- 
ter had begun, there would probably be no call for any ac- 
tive service — and in part by the consideration that they had 
been summoned suddenly to the field, and had left families 
and property at home, that urgently required their atten- 
tion — forsook the Camp. 

In a letter addressed by Washington to Trumbull, Decem- 
ber second, the Commander-in-chief animadverts, in severe 
terms, upon this matter — "the late extraordinary and repre- 
hensible conduct," as he styles it, of some of the Connecticut 
troops. When the time of their enlistment was about to 

* 1775. " Oct. 23rd, Mon. Went to Cambridge w'th Hd Comms'nd Officers to 
Gen'l Putnam, to let him know the state of the Eeg't, and yt it was thro' ill 
usage on tTie score of Provisions yt th'y would not extend their term of service 
to the Ist of Jan'y VllV^— Diary of Capt. Nathan Hale. 



224 CHAP. XIX.— TRUMBULL. 1775. 

expire, lie said, they refused to remain a short time longer in 
camp, to man the lines until other forces should have been 
raised to supply their places. Through a Council of War 
assembled in the exigency, he continued — he had determined 
to call in, by the tenth instant, minute-men and militia, and 
two thousand troops from New Hampshire — and the Con- 
necticut troops were informed of this arrangement. Yet on 
the first of December quite a number resolved to leave — and, 
eluding the vigilance exerted to retain them, started from 
camp. "Many were taken," he added, "and brought back. 
I have enclosed you a list of those that got off from Gen. 
Putnam's regiment only, with their arms and ammunition, 
and who have thus basely deserted the cause of their coun- 
try at this critical juncture. I submit it to your judgment 
whether some example should not be made of them." 

To this crimination from the Commander-in-chief, Trum- 
bull made the following admirable reply : — 

"Lebanon, 7th Dec. 1775. Sir. Your Excellency's letter of the 2n(i 
instant, per Capt. Clark, came to hand the 14th — The late extraordinary 
and reprehensible conduct of some of the troops of this Colony impress- 
eth me, and the minds of our people, with grief, surprise, and indigna- 
tion, since the treatment they met, and the order and request made to 
them was so reasonable, and apparently necessary for the defence of our 
common cause, and safety of our rights and privileges, for which they 
freely engaged, the term they voluntarily enlisted to serve not expired, 
and probably would not end much before the time when they would be 
relieved, provided their circumstances and inclination forbid them under- 
taking further. Indeed there is great difficulty to support liberty, to 
exercise government, to maintain subordination, and at the same time to 
prevent the operation of licentious and leveling principles — which many 
easily imbibe. The pulse of a New England man beats high for liberty. 
His engagement in the service he thinks purely voluntary — therefore in 
his estimation, when the time of his enlistment was out, he thinks himself 
not holden, without further engagement. This was the case in the last 
war. I greatly fear its operation among the soldiers of other Colonies, as 
I am sensible this is the genius and spirit of our people. 

" I have the pleasure to inform you that the people of the towns where 
the most of them belong, were so greatly affected by their unreasonable 
conduct, that they would readily march to supply their places. This is 
thought not advisable, as your Excellency made no such application. 
Our laws against desertion are well calculated to punish such as are 



1775. CHAP. XIX. — TRUMBULL. 225 

guilty. Provision is made efifectually to punish such offenders, espe- 
cially the ringleaders. Of this care will be taken. 

" The officers, by Act of Assembly, appointed Paymasters of their 
companies, are not likely to return soon, and many might be uneasy for 
want of their wages. To obviate this, I advised three gentlemen of our 
Pay Table to proceed to the camp with money, to take your advice and 
direction therein — taking care for the public arms and ammunition, for 
minors and apprentices. The Union of the Colonies, and the internal 
union of each are of the utmost importance. 

"I determine to call the General Assembly of this Colony to meet at 
Newhaven on Thursday the 14th instant. Please to notify me of any 
matters j^ou think fit to suggest for consideration. You may depend on 
their zeal and ardor to support the common cause, to furnish our quota, 
and to exert their utmost strength for the defense of the rights of these 
colonies. Your candor and goodness will suggest to your consideration 
that the conduct of our troops is not a rule whereby to judge of the 
temper and spirit of the Colony. I am &c." 

The readiness with which in the letter now given, Trum- 
bull admits and censures the behaviour of the soldiers in 
question, and the pride with which he seeks in the liberty- 
loving zeal of the inhabitants of Connecticut some extenua- 
tion for the conduct of the few offenders, are pleasing evi- 
dences, the Eeader will concede, of an ingenuous and manly 
spirit, Washington, in reply, fully admitted all that the 
Governor affirmed in commendation of the patriotism of his 
people, and expressed sincere gratification at the fact. " I 
have nothing to suggest for the consideration of your Assem- 
bly," he wrote. " I am confident they will not be wanting in 
their exertions for supporting the just and constitutional 
rights of the Colonies." 

At about the same time with the letter from "Washington 
now considered, Trumbull received another letter — from an- 
other qviarter — in censure of Connecticut. It was a commu- 
nication from the New York Congress, in regard to the fa- 
mous exploit of Captain Sears in annihilating the Rivington 
press — a press whose political poison had created serious de- 
fections from the American cause — and which, for this rea- 
son. Sears, at the head of a party of horsemen from Connec- 
ticut, well armed, had broken up. To the tune of Yankee 
Doodle, in part destroying, and in part bearing off its types — 



226 CHAP. XIX. — TRUMBULL. 1775. 

he by these means bravely overawed the tories, and gave 
check to. a plan — regularly concerted, it was believed — for 
inviting the British troops from Boston to New York. 

The Congress of New York — taking umbrage at this pro- 
ceeding — addressed the Continental Congress respecting it, 
and wrote Trumbull in terms of serious remonstrance. They 
complained that they could not but consider " such intru- 
sions as an invasion of their essential rights as a distinct 
Colony." — " Common justice," they said, obliged them to 
request that " all the types should be returned to the Chair- 
man of the General Committee of the City and County of 
New York " — and, though they would not, they added, just- 
ify the man from whom the types were taken, they yet earn- 
estly wished that the glory of the existing contest might 
"not be sullied by any attempt to restrain the freedom of 
the press." 

Small consolation, however, did the Remonstrants in this 
case get in response from Governor Trumbull — and certainly 
they did not get one of the types. " The proper resort for a 
private injury," he immediately answered — "must be to the 
courts of law, which are the only jurisdictions that can take 
notice of violences of this kind." If the affair is to be 
viewed in a public light at all, the Governor continued, 
"the head and leader of the whole transaction was a respect- 
able member of your city and Congress,* whom we consider 
as the proper person to whom the whole transaction is im- 
putable, and who belongs, and is amenable to your juris- 
diction alone — and therefore the affair cannot be consid- 
ered as an intrusion of our people into your province, 
but as a violence or disorder happening among your- 
selves."t 

It is plain from this that Trumbull had no sympathy to 
expend on the tory Rivington — as he had not, we know, 
upon tories anywhere. Even at the very time when he was 
thus answering New York on the affair of the ruined printing 
press, he was transmitting to the Council of Massachusetts per- 

* Sears was at that time a resident of New York, but gathered his party in 
Connecticut, 
t Eivington went off to England, and nothing more was done about the affair. 



1775. CHAP. XIX. — TRUMBULL. 227 

mits that fell into his hands, which New York had granted 
for the transportation of provisions to the then somewhat 
tory-infected island of Nantucket* — and was remonstra- 
ting against this indulgence — this sending supplies "to the 
favorites of Administration " in that quarter — as being a 
" suspicious " proceeding, and one to be carefully watched. 
"I give you this intelligence," he forcibly adds — "that 
such measures may be taken that while we are at war 
with, we may not at the same time he feeding our ene- 
mies." 

From the proceedings in Great Britain, Trumbull was now 
satisfied that his country at last — alas too truly — was "re- 
duced to the alternative of choosing between unconditional 
submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance 
by force." He was familiar with the fact that the Provinces 
had been freshly stigmatized, by large majorities, in Parlia- 
ment, as in a state of "revolt, hostility, and rebellion" — that 
the British naval establishments and land forces had been 
augmented, and that measures had been taken by the King 
to procure foreign troops. "I am fully assured," he said in 
November, " of the insufficiency now of all petitions, and 
that the Royal Proclamations in regard to America, are de- 
cisive." 

Most diligently did he, therefore, at this period, keep him- 
self at work in cementing that union and harmony between 
the Colonies which he had always promoted, and which he 
deemed utterly vital to their success. It was his own most 
emphatic desire that his countrymen — as was immortally 
expressed by Congress, in its Declaration, in July, of the 
causes which led them to take up arms — should be " with 
one mind resolved to die freemen, rather than live slaves." 
So again — towards the close of the present year — he wrote 
the Supreme Authority of the nation in regard to the contest 
about the Susquehannah lands — and expressed his "strong 
hope that all altercations " between Connecticut and Mr. 
Penn and the Settlers, would "be quieted by the Honorable 
Congress." This Body, he urged, "may lay their hand 

* They were granted to one Captain Fanning. 



228 CHAP. XIX. — TRUMBULL. 1775. 

effectually" upon the strife, "and prevent miscliief."* And 
he at the same time labored assiduously to promote the suc- 
cess of those Articles of Confederation and Union between 
the Colonies, which, in August, Dr, Franklin had proposed 
to Congress — and which, though not adopted, are yet consid- 
ered as containing much of the substance of the plan that 
was subsequently submitted to the Colonies for their appro- 
bation. He had objections to some features of the original 
scheme, it is true — and he expressed them to Congress, A 
draught of it was sent him, for his own particular considera- 
tion — which he returned with such alterations as suited his 
views. In his own opinion, however, it was " of the utmost 
importance" that this scheme, after being "well and maturely 
digested," should be " entered into as soon as might be with 
conveniency" — and should "continue firm and inviolate," 
even in the event of a possible reconciliation with Great 
Britain — as he could see nothing in such a confederation 
"inconsistent with the English Constitution." 

But the most interesting among the acts of Trumbull, in 
the closing month of the year on which we dwell, was — De- 
cember Nineteenth — his Proclamation for a Fast — in which, 
after recapitulating the tyrannies suffered fVom Great Britain, 
he proceeds, in a spirit of unfeigned piety, and in language 
of peculiar forcibleness, to assign a Day of Humiliation and 
Prayer, and to particularize the ends of the appointment. 
The document, as has been well remarked, "breathes the 
very spirit of the Declaration of Independence, whose prede- 
cessor it was by about six months." We give it, therefore, 
entire — and with all its typographical peculiarities^as a fit- 
ting close to our survey of the life and services of Governor 
Trumbull during the first year of the great American Strug- 
gle. It was published as follows : — 

* " This cannot easily be done, if it can be done at all," he wrote the Conti- 
nental Delegates from Connecticut, Nov. 17th, 1775 — "by the Assemblies of the 
two Colonies, and it may endanger the peace of both. All desired here by the 
friends of American liberty, is that the two claims may lie dormant during our 
more important struggles — but the enemies who are seeking the ruin of our priv- 
ileges, will make the best handle of it they can to embroil and divide the two 
Colonies. The Congress may lay their hand eflTcctually upon it, and prevent 
mischief." 



1775. 



CHAP. XIX. — TRUMBULL. 229 



"By the Honorable Joiicathan Trumbull, Esquire, Governor of the 
English Colony of Connecticut in New-England in America. 

"a proclamation 

"For a day of public Fasting and Prayer. 

"Whereas it hath pleased the Most High God, blessed forever, the 
supreme and righteous Ruler of the World, to bring upon this Colony, 
and the other British Colonies on this Continent, grievous and distressing 
Troubles, by permitting the Administration and Rulers of our Parent 
State to make a solemn Declaration, that the Parliament of Great Britain 
hath a right to make Laws binding upon the Colonies in all cases what- 
soever — and in Pursuance thereof have imposed Taxes upon us without 
our Consent ; deprived one of the Colonies of their most essential and 
chartered Privileges ; sent over a Fleet and Army which have engaged 
us in a Civil War ; destroyed many lives, burnt two of our flourishing 
Towns ; captured many of our Vessels that fell in their Way ; prohibited 
and destroyed our Fishery and Trade ; hostilely taken from the Inhabit- 
ants of our Sea coast and Islands, Live Stock, and other Articles of pri- 
vate Property, and threaten us with general Destruction, for no other 
Reason known to us, than that we will not surrender our Liberties, Prop- 
erties, and Priviledgcs, which we believe God and Nature, the British 
Constitution, and our sacred Charters give us a just right to enjoy — And 
in the midst of these Calamities it hath pleased God to visit many of our 
Towns with Sickness in the last Autumn. — All which call for extraordi- 
nary Humiliation, Fasting and Prayer, and sheweth us that God demands 
our sincere Repentance and Return to Him. 

" I have therefore thought fit, by and with the Advice of the Council, 
and at the Desire of the Representatives in General Court assembled, to 
appoint, and do hereby appoint Wednesday the Seventeenth day of Jan- 
uary next, to be observed as a Day of Fasting and Prayer throughout 
this Colony, hereby exhorting our Ministers and People of all Denomina- 
tions of Christians to observe the same ; unfeignedly to humble them- 
selves before God, penitently to confess their Sins ; earnestly to beseech 
the Mercy of God, and His gracious Return to us. — That He would par- 
don our Iniquities, pour out His Holy Spirit upon us, and effect a thor- 
ough and general Reformation — That he would be pleased to remove the 
awful Calamities we are under ; put an End to the Miseries of Civil War ; 
restore, preserve, and secure our Liberties and Priviledges, and settle 
them upon a lasting Foundation. — That He would bless arid direct the 
Rulers and Guides of His People in all the Colonies, and particularly 
guide the Continental Congress, and make all their Counsels, Advice and 
Determinations such as will be pleasing to Him, and will promote the 
Union and Happiness of the People and secure the Enjoyment of our 
just Rights, and more and more unite and engage the Hearts of this 
People in the Things of God, and their own Peace; succeed all just En- 
20 



230 CHAP. XIX. — TRUMBULL, 1775. 

deavors to obtain the Restoration of our Liberties and Priviledges, and 
go on to restore and establish Health among us. — That He would partic- 
ularly dwell in this Colony, give his Presence and Blessing to our Civil 
Rulers, strengthen, direct and assist them in this dark and difficult day 
to understand and pursue the Things of our Welfare, — build up the 
Churches in Faith, Unity and Holiness, — prosper the Gospel Dispensa- 
tions, — give his Presence with the Ministers of Christ, — make them 
greatly successful in gathering in Souls to Him, — bless the College and 
Schools of Learning, succeed Endeavors used for promoting Christianity 
among the Heathen, — preserve their Peace and Friendship with us, — con- 
tinue to turn the Counsel of our Enemies to foolishness, and blast every 
evil Design against us. — And to offer fervent Prayers for our sovereign 
Lord King George the Third, our Gracious Queen Charlotte, the Prince 
of Wales, and all the Royal Family. — That God would direct the King's 
Councils, teach him ever to discern and incline him to pursue and pro- 
mote the Things of God's Will, and the true Interests, Happiness and 
just Rights of His People, remove evil Counsellors far from him and 
bless him with such Ministers as fear God, hate Covetousness, and are 
sincere Lovers of the People. — That he would pardon, enlighten, and 
save the Nation, and fill the Earth with his Praise. 

" And all Servile Work is forbidden on said Day. 

"Given under my Hand in the Council-Chamber in New-Haven, the 
Nineteenth day of December, in the Sixteenth Year of the Reign of our 
Sovereign Lord George the Third, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, 
King, &c., Annoque Domini, 1775 

"Jon™- Trumbull. 
"God Save the King." 



CHAPTER XX. 

Trumbull known and denounced abroad as " the Rebel Governor of Con- 
necticut." Extract from a London Magazine, of 1781, showing the man- 
ner in which he was vilified in England. Was in fact the only "Rehel" 
Governor in America, at the outbreak of the Revolution. His course, 
under this aspect, examined and vindicated by contrast with the course 
of every other Governor in the United Colonies — viz: Thomas Hutch- 
inson of Massachusetts — John Wentworth of New Hampshire — Joseph 
Wanton of Rhode Island — William Tryon of New York — William 
Eranklin of New Jersey — John Penn of Pennsylvania and Delaware — 
Robert Eden of Maryland — Lord Bunmore of Virginia — Joseph Martin 
of North Carolina — Lord William Campbell of South Carolina — and 
James Wright of Georgia. 

^^Ood save the King .f^ — concludes emphatically the Procla- 
mation with which our last Chapter closes — yes, as the phrase 
concluded every official document — from every Chief Magis- 
trate — in all the Thirteen Colonies — down to that memorable 
morning which ushered in the Declaration of Independence. 

Intermitting now the fashion of royalty — relaxing for once 
its ceremonial silence and stately reserve — would George the 
Third at this time, do our Headers think, have consented to 
reciprocate the solemn invocation, and have prayed God to 
save that Governor who thus prayed God to save the King? 
In his heart he might have done so — nay did — for each of 
his own high functionaries in the New World, save for the 
one solitary Governor of solitary Connecticut — for other Gov- 
ernors all obeyed him. They were loyal — to all appearance 
affectionate — true to his maxims of power — nay almost all 
of them forward in their allegiance — ready, in truth, to bend 
"the pregnant hinges" of the knee in unquestioning adora- 
tion of every feature of his kingly omnipotence. 

But for Trumbull — alone of all who stood at the helm of 
his subordinate sovereignties in the New World — he had no 
impulse of attachment — not a purpose but to condemn — not 
a wish but for his downfall and his extirpation. He would 
not have said "God save" Am, for all the worth of his king- 
dom — for Trumbull was the outspoken foe to all his meas- 



232 CHAP. XX. — TRUMBULL. 

ures respecting America — bis stern, iincompromising, unrest- 
ing opponent upon every question that involved the hberty 
of the American subject. He was in thought — in word — in 
deed — against him. He was against him in arms. He had 
despised, repudiated, and forgotten, it was believed, every 
sentiment of what "his Majesty" deemed true allegiance. 
He was "the rebel, the Eebel Governor of Connecticut!" — 
so denounced by the king himself, and by his own haughty 
Parliament — so proclaimed in periodicals, and talked of at 
almost every fireside and wayside, in Great Britain — so 
known the world over, wherever American resistance found 
one eye to note its leaders.* 

*" Jonathan Trumbull, the Rebel Governor of Connecticut" — says, for ex- 
ample, the '■'■Political Magazine''^ for January 1781, published in London — in one 
of the most mendacious and scurrilous articles on record- — "a man of desperate 
fortune, with an abundant share of cunning"- — "is about five feet seven inches 
high, has dark eyes, a Roman nose, sallow countenance, long chin, prominent 
forehead, high and broad cheek bones, hollow cheeks and short neck" — is "in 
person of a handsome figure and very active" — and is "now between 70 and 80 
years of age. He is morose in his natural temper, reserved in his speech, vain 
and covetous, envious and spiteful to a great degree, never forgiving or forgetting 
an aflfront. He is at the same time very artful ; he will smile in the face of those 
be hates, and court their friendship at the very moment he is endeavoring by 
every means in his power to efi\ict their ruin. As to justice, he never had an 
idea of it ; at least he never showed any in practice ; always judging according 
to a party spirit, which ever domineered in his merciless soul." 

The article from which this extract is taken — for which we are indebted to the 
politeness of John Langdon Sibley Esquire, the Librarian of Cambridge Uni- 
versity — covers four pages and a half — of very fine print — two columns on a 
page — in the Political Magazine — and is entitled — '■'■History of Jonathan Trum- 
bull, the present Rebel Governor of Connecticut, from his Birth, early in this 
Century, to the present Day." 

It opens with gross defamation of Trumbull's birth, parents, and ancestry — and 
next — in order to sustain a charge of cheatery in business affairs, and of fanati- 
cism and intolerance in religion, fabricates a story of a lawsuit between the Gov- 
ernor and one Joel Harvey, a loyalist and Church-of-England man. It then pro- 
ceeds wholly to misrepresent and pervert, to his prejudice, his connection with 
the famous Peters riot at Hebron — and concludes with some references to his 
"rebel" children. 

Connecticut also, in the course of the article, is abused M'ithout stint. Its 
"first emigrants," according to the malignant and ignorant writer, "had more 
zeal than honesty or common justice. They murdered King Connecticote, and 
killed or drove away all his subjects, seized their lands under pretence of spread- 
ing the gospel, and by way of compensation, or in memory of their triumph, 
called the Colony by the name of the murdered King. — In 16C2. after having 
killed two kings, they accepted a Charter under Charles II, but declared at the 
same time, Jesus was their King, and themselves sole legislators and lords of 
Connecticut ; admitting no law of England to be of any validity until it had re- 



CHAP. XX. — TRUMBULL. 233 

"T'Ae Rebel Oovernor .f'' Phrase significant indeed — and 
already abundantly explained by the acts of Trumbull dur- 
ing the year we have just surveyed, as well as by those of his 
previous life from the Peace of Paris downl But the only 
Kebel Governor — the sole Chief Magistrate of a Colony, who, 
at the outbreak of the American Revolution, as well as ever 
after, took the side of Freedom and the People ! This, in the 
sphere in which he moved — this his naked solitariness of re- 
hellion — is peculiarly fraught with patriotic beauty, and de- 
serves to be contemplated in connection with the position of 
those o^Ae?' Governors — those other ^HoyaV Chief Magistrates, 
as they were termed — with whom Trumbull came so strik- 
ingly in contrast. Let us run the comparison then — summa- 
rily — but here fittingly at the close of the first Act in the 
Drama of the American Revolution. 

There was first Thomas Hutchinson, Governor of Massachu- 
setts — a classmate of Trumbull's in College, as we have here- 
tofore had occasion to state, and notorious as a bitter foe to 
America — "like a mildewed ear," contrasting with "his 
wholesome brother," Acute, learned, thoroughly experi- 
enced in public affairs, affable, insidious, insinuating, ambi- 
tious, avaricious — ready to sacrifice everything for place and 
power — zealous to uproot now the Constitution of Massa- 
chusetts, now that of Rhode Island, now that of Connecticut, 
and now the whole New-England organization of towns — 

ceived the sanction of the General Assembly." — And their descendants, "after 
the reduction of Canada, judged the Millenarian State had coninienced, and 
viewed Britain only as a foggy island, proper to be annexed to the States of Hol- 
land, or to France." 

Almost the only passage in the article, concerning Trumbull, which, with much 
that is false, has yet one or two glimpses of truth, is the following : — 

" No sooner had Jonathan taken his degree, [at College,] than he became a 
preacher in the independent way, and was esteemed to be a man. of grace ; but 
having a bad delivery, he could not obtain a parish. However, his politeness, 
apparent goodness, and address, recommended him to Miss Eobinson, a de- 
scendant of the famous reverend Mr. Kobinson, head of a Sect both in Old and 
New England. His marriage with this Lady (whose father was a burning and a 
shining light among the independents and children of the regicides, who settled 
in New England,) raised him from obscurity to a state of nobility, for all who 
have any blood in their veins of the first settlers, or of the regicides, are consid- 
ered in New England as of the rank of Noblesse. Mr. Jonathan's matrimonial 
connection giving him the prospect of preferment in civil life, he bid adieu to 
the pulpit, and commenced merchant." 
20* 



234 CHAP. XX. — TRUMBULL. 

toiling now to restrain American commerce, now to make 
the Judiciary dependent on the Crown, now to render the 
denial of Parliamentary Supremacy a capital felony, and 
now to establish Martial Law — from the days of the Stamp 
Act down to the close of his career in the New AVorld, he 
did more to embroil the Colonies and the Mother- Country, 
and to fan the quarrel after it commenced, than any other 
man upon the American Continent. All who are familiar 
with his pernicious administration of public affairs in the 
Colony which he governed, and with the fatal consequences 
which ensued, agree that "few ages have produced a more 
fit instrument than he proved to be for the purposes of a 
corrupt court." In 177-i — defeated in his ambition — suffer- 
ing " all the tortures of age trembling for the loss of place" — 
with his gray hairs, that should have been ever " kept purer 
than the ermine," now "covered with shame" — he left his 
native country forever — on the same day when, by Act of 
Parliament, the blockade of Boston took place. Without 
living to see American Independence established — but living 
long enough "to repent in bitterness of soul," it is said, "the 
part he had acted against a country once disposed to respect 
his character " — in London, in 1780 — by a kind of retribu- 
tive justice, a victim to chagrin, disappointment, and des- 
pair — he breathed out his disturbed and disturbing soul on 
the very day when the riots, roused by Lord George Gordon, 
reached their fearful height. 

There was John Wentworih^ Governor of New- Hampshire. 
Far back as 1767, this man manifested his hostility to Amer- 
ican interests by preventing the merchants of Portsmouth 
from entering into the Non-Importation Scheme, which was 
then devised in resistance to the arbitrary measures of Great 
Britain. Soon as the Eevolution dawned, he labored most 
assiduously to prevent the appointment of Committees of 
Correspondence — those props and safeguards of Liberty. 
When the New-Hampshire Legislature, in spite of his oppo- 
sition, appointed them, he at once dissolved this Body. 
When these Committees met to appoint Delegates to Con- 
gress, he took a Sheriff with him, and dispersed them. He 
soon lost all power in the Province. An outraged People 



CHAP. XX. — TRUMBULL. 235 

compelled him to shut himself up in Portsmouth. An in- 
dignant mob pillaged his house. Poijular anger continued 
to swell against him, and he fled the territory, leaving the 
political control of New-Hampshire entirely in the hands of 
its Republican Provincial Congress, and local Committees. 

There was Joseph Wanton, Governor of Rhode Island — "a 
man of weak capacity, and of little political knowledge" — 
who not only " endeavored to impede all measures of oppo- 
sition to Great Britain," but also " to prevent even a discus- 
sion on the propriety of raising a defensive army." After 
the burning of the Gaspee, treacherously to the interests of 
freedom, he sat on that most obnoxious inquisitorial Court 
of Inquiry, then raised by his Majesty — which was vested 
with the fearful power of seizing any person on bare suspi- 
cion — confining him on board a King's ship — and sending 
him, in desolation and despair — far from friends — out of the 
reach of a single witness in his favor — to stand trial, and 
receive a certain condemnation in distant England. 

There was William Tryon, Governor of New- York, a most 
Doted foe indeed to the Colonies. Several years before the 
Revolution, his administration of North Carolina had marked 
him as an extortioner and an oppressor. His merciless con- 
duct in that Province — sword and torch in one hand, and 
the halter in the other — towards a poor, scourged, and almost 
defenceless people in the counties of Orange and Mecklen- 
burgh — signalized him as one, says Bancroft, who "in his 
revengeful zeal for the Crown, had treasured up wi'ath 
against the day of wrath." The Cherokees there, with 
whom he negotiated boundaries, to mark his cruelty and 
craft, distinguished him by the name of the " Great Wolf." 
Able, enterprising, artful, a perfect master of intrigue, there 
was not one measure of the British Cabinet into which he 
did not enter with hot zeal. When he assumed the govern- 
ment of New-York, he counselled every soul under his rule 
there to submit quietly to the King, and "to decline any 
union of opinion and action with the other Colonies in their 
opposition to the new regulations of the British Parliament." 
He encouraged the recusants upon Long Island, and upon 
Staten Island, in their refusal to sign the Continental Asso- 



236 CHAP. XX. — TRUMBULL. 

ciation. Though he soon became so obnoxious as to be com- 
pelled, for personal safety, to fly on board the Asia man-of- 
war, yet he soon emerged from his retreat — ^like a dragon 
from his den — put himself at the head of a body of loyalists, 
and annoyed and scourged the inhabitants of New- York and 
the Jerseys, wherever he could penetrate. In the course of 
his career he burned Continental Village, and the public 
stores there, and houses and other buildings at numerous 
other points upon the Hudson. He reduced Danbury and 
Fairfield to ashes. He fired Norwalk. He plundered New- 
haven. He devastated wherever he could. A most active, 
malicious foe to the Colonies and all their rights, his memory 
is execrated. 

There was William Franldin^ Governor of New-Jersey, 
The fact that this man was, by order of Congress, deprived, 
as a prisoner, of the use of pen, ink or paper, fully shows 
his dangerous opposition to the rights of America. Far 
back as 1767, he had prevailed on New-Jersey to return a 
negative answer to the famous patriotic Circular of Massa- 
chusetts. It was a fit preparation, on his part, for the course 
he took when the doings of the first Continental Congress 
came before an Assembly of his Province for ratification. 
He then labored most zealously, but in vain, to prevent this 
ratification. He took the Assembly to task for avowing sen- 
timents favorable to a separation from the Mother-Country, 
and denounced such separation as "a horrid measure." He 
held traitorous correspondence with the enemy. New-Jersey, 
therefore, made him a prisoner in his own house. Persisting 
in it, he was sent to rigid confinement in Connecticut — and 
when released, by exchange, became at once President of a 
Board of Loyalists whose object it was to trample down 
Colonial rights and liberties. 

There was John Penn^ Governor of Pennsylvania^ and 
Governor also of Delaware — for it was not until 1777, when 
the Presidency of John McKinley commenced, that this lat- 
ter territory, though previously enjoying a distinct adminis- 
tration, became in fact wholly separate from the adjoining 
"Propriety." Like the Governor of New-Jersey, he too, 
before the Revolution broke forth, acted out sentiments not 



CHAP. XX. — TRUMBULL. 287 

in accordance with that glorious event. He too, like "William 
Franklin, had opposed that patriotic Massachusetts Circular, 
to which we have referred — had even enjoined the Pennsyl- 
vania Assembly to disregard it as factious, and of dangerous 
tendency. Soon after his first arrival in Philadelphia — at 
which time an earthquake, of ill omen as by many regarded, 
shook the city — he had, by a demand for proprietary taxes 
deemed extravagant, so incensed this Assembly, as that, by 
a very large majority, it determined to petition the King to 
take the jurisdiction of the province out from the hands of 
the Proprietors, and vest the government directly in the 
Crown. So that he too was prepared, when the Kevolution 
broke out, to resist it — with occasionally, it is true, an ap- 
pearance of sympathy with such leading spirits in his Prov- 
ince in the cause of liberty as John Dickinson, and perhaps 
his own co-Quaker friend, General Mifflin — and with com- 
parative mildness — yet after all, with so much of positive- 
ness, as that when the detested Boston Port Bill took effect, 
and he was requested thereupon to convene the Assembly of 
his Province, he refused absolutely to do so, and during the 
whole time that the storm was gathering, adhered to instruc- 
tions from the Crown, and openly disapproved of the patriot 
mode of redressing grievances through the medium of Con- 
ventions, and of the immortal Continental Congress. 

There was Robert Eden^ Governor of Maryland — a man of 
conciliating manners, and ^estimable private character, but 
one whom Marshall describes as strongly prejudiced in favor 
of British interests, and a spy for the public enemy — a man 
whose arrest, in consequence of his traitorous correspondence 
with the British Ministry, was recommended by Congress — 
and to whom a Convention of his own Province formally 
signified its opinion that "the public safety and quiet re- 
quired him to leave " Maryland. General Lee threatened to 
seize and confine him. The summer of 1776 saw him sail 
for England, a fugitive from his own seat of power. 

There was Lord Dunmore^ Governor of Virginia — a man 
whose intemperate zeal in behalf of the King caused universal 
disgust — who strove to cut short every deliberation upon the 
public grievances — who proclaimed Patrick Henry, and his 



238 CHAP. XX. — TRUMBULL. 

coadjutors in the cause of tlie People, guilty of rebellion — i 
who, in the face of a tumult which his own rashness excited, 
was compelled to retreat for safety on board the British man- 
of-war Fowey — and who proceeded then, for several months, 
to wage a bitter predatory war upon Virginia — which term- 
inated, most disgracefully to himself, in his applying the 
torch to the best town in the Province.* He seized the 
powder of the Colony, and. placed it on board an armed 
ship. He dismantled the Colonial fort at Williamsburgh. 
He threatened to declare the blacks free, and to arm them 
against their masters. He did enlist fugitive slaves to 
butcher their masters. He encouraged the Indians to rush 
from the wilderness on the back settlements. After outrag- 
ing in every form that he could the interests and liberties of 
the Province he had governed, this rash, ranting, and exe- 
crated defender of Parliamentary Power, found it necessary 
at last to retire with his plunder to St. Augustine. 

There was Joseph Martin, Governor of North Carolina — also 
an inveterate, zealous, cruel tory — who, after doing all in his 
power to prevent the appointment of Delegates from his 
Province to the Continental Congress, and the subsequent 
ratification of the doings of this Body, conspired with the 
Regulators, and Scotch Highlanders, in his government, to 
overawe and subdue all the Sons of Liberty there — who 
commissioned McDonald and McLeod to march against them 
for their destruction — who angrilj denounced all their con- 
ventions and proceedings. Compelled at last, in fear of 
their indignation, first at Newbern to fortify his own dwell- 
ing, and next to fly for safety on board a British man-of- 
war, he co-operated heartily with Clinton, in every form, to 
retain North Carolina in subjection to the Crown. 

There was Lord William Campbell, Governor of South 
Carolina. He too, like the Chief Magistrates already de- 
scribed, was hostile to the liberties of the Province which he 
ruled. All the proceedings of the people there for putting it 
in a state of defence, he opposed. He struck at its Commit- 
tee of Safety. He secretly negotiated with the Cherokees, 
and with the disaffected in the back counties of the South, 

* Norfolk. 



CHAP. XX. — TRUMBULL. 239 

and encouraged insurrections of the negroes, in order to over- 
power the patriots. All harmony between himself and the 
latter being soon broken up, he too was compelled at last to 
retire for safety on board a British ship-of-war — where, in 
the attack on Charleston — in June 1776 — serving as a vol- 
unteer in the flag-ship of the enemy, he fell fighting against 
the liberties of America. 

There was James Wright^ Governor of Georgia — another 
violent tory Chief Magistrate — who opposed the adoption in 
his Province of the American Association, and had influ- 
ence enough for a time to prevent it — who issued proclama- 
tions against all conventions of his people — and who attempt- 
ed to stop them from seizing powder at the mouth of the 
Savannah, that so they might be deprived of an article vital 
to their defence. Made at last, on account of his obnoxious 
course, a prisoner in his own house, he forfeited his parole — 
and after having done everything in his power to quench the 
flame of revolution, he too stole off for security to a British 
ship. 

And now, in striking contrast with every other Chief Mag- 
istrate of every other American Colony, when the Ee volu- 
tion began, how does the subject of our Memoir, Jonathan 
Trumbull, Governor of Connecticut — how does he appear ? 

^^ Quantum mutatus ah illis!''^ Thoughtful only of the 
good of the people over whom he presided, we find him 
heartily and at once flinging himself on their side — and with 
a contempt of all the allurements or menaces of royal power, 
and an almost unparallelled assiduity, devoting his time, 
talent, and treasure to the support of colonial rights. Yes, 
with the ardor, courage, and inflexibility of an Adams' 
of an Otis, a Henry, and a Eutledge — with the wisdom of a 
Sherman and a Franklin — and with the serene confidence, 
and undying hope of a Washington — he sprang into the con- 
test — and to every act of British tyranny opposed a wall of 
resistance — opposed a rampart of reason, and a rampart of 
men — thirty-one thousand nine hundred and thirty-nine in 
number, in the course of the War — whom his own energy, 
as we shall see, gathered from every hill and valley in Con- 
necticut, to fight the battles of Freedom ! 



2^0 CHAP. XX. — TRUMBULL. 

" J7ie Rebel Governor ! " Ah, yes — title of glory indeed — 
a rebel to an arrogant King — to a dictatorial Britisli Minis- 
try — to an enslaving British Parliament — to all power, and 
all policy, not founded on the indestructible rights of man- 
kind! The names of other Colonial Governors, at the 
outbreak of the American Eevolution, may live — but it will 
be only in union with the thought of oppression. That of 
Trumbull will survive immortally associated with Liberty — ■ 
that Liberty which is " the eternal Spirit of the chainless 
mind" — whose habitation is the heart of patriotism — and 
whose monument is " the independence, the glory, and the 
durable prosperity of one's country." 



PART II. 



21 



CHAPTER XXI. 
1776. 

Trhmbull in hia connections witli the War, at the North — around Ne'^ 
York — and at the East. He issues two Proclamations for raising a 
Northern Regiment. He mikes other preparations for the Northern 
Department, and hears favorable news from this quarter. He warmly 
aids the defence of New York hy Gen Lee. An instance, here, of hia 
promptness and decision. He guards against tories. Congress and 
Lord Sterling press him to continue his aid to New York. He 
strengthens and supplies the army around Boston He encourages 
the procurement and manufacture of the munitions of war. The 
works at Salisbury in this connection. Death of his friend and pastor. 
Rev. Solomon Williams. Trumbull in his relations to this worthy 
man — to his Church — and to his death-bed. 

"We enter now witli Trumbull upon the year 1776 — one 
of renowned events both in the forum and the field of new- 
born America — a year peculiarly of triumph for freedom 
upon the civil and political stage, but upon the military are- 
na, one of blood-baptism and distress. We shall watch his 
steps here — as in that we have just left, and in that which 
follows — closely — for these are the years especially in which 
the War — not yet, as subsequently, transferred mainly to the 
Southward — had its seat at the North — raged as it were 
around his own dwelling — and most particularly tasked his 
energies, tested his patriotism, and developed the man. Let 
us look at him then — as in our plan hitherto — in his connec- 
tions with the War, at the North — around New York — at 
the East — and upon the waters and shores of his own native 
State — and first, during that period of the year — its three 
opening months — which closes with the marked event of the 
evacuation of Boston by the British troops. 

And here let the Eeader observe him first on the opening 
day of January, 1776 — on which day, developing at this 
date both his own and the action of the State over which he 
presided — he addressed a letter to General Washington, from 
which the following are extracts : — 



244 CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

" I received the 20th of last month, your Excellency's favor of the 
15th, enclosing a list of the officers and companies under the new ar- 
rangement, with the number of men enlisted ; and at the same time, an- 
other of the 17th, with the information of several persons who then had 
lately come out of Boston. I return my thanks for both. 

" By accounts received from various parts of the Colony, the recruiting 
officers, for the Continental service, have good success in enlisting men. 

" The Assembly have granted Chaplains the same pay given last cam- 
paign, with the addition of forty shillings per month each, to enable 
them to supply their pulpits. 

" Brigadier General Prescott is not arrived. Shall give particular di- 
rections to prevent his escape, if he comes into this Colony. 

" The 23rd, j^ours of the 14th of December came to hand, per Mes- 
sieurs Penet & De Pliarre. Every necessary assistance, for expediting 
their journey, was afforded without delay ; they set out the next morn- 
ing. You shall be made acquainted with the expense incurred on their 
account, when the same is known. 

"The 28th instant, at evening, our General Assembly adjourned. 
There is great unanimity in our common cause." 

And the Governor goes on to describe several important 
acts which the Assembly passed — among others, one for 
raising and equipping, as Minute-Men, one-fourth part of the 
militia of Connecticut — another for restraining and punish- 
ing persons who were inimical to the liberties of the coun- 
try — another providing for the construction of armed ves- 
sels — another exempting the polls of soldiers from taxes — 
and still another for encouraging the manufacture of salt- 
petre and gunpowder. 

" I hope," he continues — " to collect Saltpetre and manufacture a con- 
siderable quantity of gunpowder early in the spring. The furnace, at 
Middlctown, is smelting lead, and likely to turn out twenty or thirty 
tons. Ore is plenty. 

" Please to favor me with an account of the quantity of lead received 
from Crown Point. From thence I received one hundred and eighty old 
gun barrels, which are fitting up here, and will make one hundred and 
fifty stands of good arms. Hearing that those stands, taken in the ord- 
nance store-ship, had each a spare lock, I thought proper to mention to 
you, that, if it be so, whether it may not be well to furnish a number 
for the arms fitting here. 

" On the 26th, at evening, I met, at Hartford, on my returning from 
the General Assembly, yours of the 23d of December, and immediately 
sent to Captain Wadsworth, a person employed by the Commissary- 



1116. CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 245 

General, and much acquainted, to see if any blankets could be pur- 
chased, and found there are none. Many of our new enlisted men, I am 
told, will bring blankets with them, which thej' get from private families. 
Those lost at the Bunker Hill fight were furnished in that manner, and 
our minute-men will supply themselves in that way ; but I am very 
doubtful of success, if attempted. Lieutenant Colonel Durkee this day 
mentioned to me your direction to him on this head. Shall lay the same 
before our Committee at their next meeting. 

" Inclosed is a copy of an Act empowering the Commander-in-chief, 
&c., to administer an oath. Also, Minutes of the ordnance taken from 
the Ministerial troops at the several Northern posts, from the 1st of May 
to the 13th of November, 1775 " — also "a letter from President Wheelock, 
at Dartmouth College." 

The year 1775, as is familiar history, so far as the North- 
ern Campaign is concerned, went down in blood — in the 
blood of one of the noblest Generals of the Ee volution, and 
in calamity and defeat before Quebec. The fall of Montgom- 
ery, however, and the disastrous state of affairs at Quebec 
which immediately ensued, but stimulated effort afresh on 
the part of the United Colonies. Congress at once resolved 
to raise nine battalions of men for the preservation of Cana- 
da, and apportioned their quotas accordingly upon different 
States. Yet before he received particular instructions from 
Congress, Trumbull — to whom, from his peculiar efforts for 
the Northern Department, the rout proved most distressing — 
was up and doing. 

January nineteenth, he issued a Proclamation for raising a 
Northern Regiment. After reciting the news of Montgom- 
ery's defeat* — in consideration of this, and of the fact that 
the Continental Congress could not instantly forward troops, 
and would approve his steps — he called for a regiment of 
foot, to consist of seven hundred and fifty effective men — 
which was "to be marched with all possible expedition," he 
said, "to the relief and succor of the Continental Army in 
Canada, and to continue in service until the first of March 
next," unless it could be "sooner released consistent with the 
public safety."f 

* " I lament the loss of Gen. Montgomery, and the other brave officers before 
Quebec" — he wrote Jan. 21, 1776. "Let our eyes be upon the Lord. May we 
humbly and patiently bear his chastisement ! " 

+ "And I do," he concluded — "earnestly recommend it to, and invite all per 
21* 



246 CHAP, XXI. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

Shortly after this Proclamation, he received from Congress, 
by express, directions for keeping up nine battalions in Can- 
ada, and for raising one regiment in Connecticut. Where- 
upon he issued a second Proclamation — in lieu of the form- 
er — drafted on the Congress plan — and calling for eight com- 
panies, of ninety men each, including officers. In this offi- 
cial document, after declaring pay and encouragement for 
those who would enlist, he pledged himself that they should 
receive all that was offered. "And considering," he con- 
cluded' — "the generous encouragement aforesaid, granted by 
said Honorable Congress, the nature and importance of the 
service more immediately affecting the Northern Colonies, 
the justice of the cause &c., I repeat the invitation contained 
in my former Proclamation, to all able-bodied men, to a suf- 
ficient number, for the sake of all that is dear to freemen, 
and for security of those rights which render life desirable, 
freely and cheerfully to exert themselves on this great occa- 
sion, in which we have much reason to hope for the blessing 
of Almighty God, and that our vigorous exertion, for one 
ensuing campaign, will lay a happy foundation for putting an 
end to the unnatural contest into which we are forced by 
cruel oppression, and secure the lasting peace and tranquillity 
of this once happy land, on the sure and happy basis of re- 
ligious and civil liberty." 

The regiment thus called for was speedily prepared — and 
Colonel Burrall, a brave and energetic officer, was placed at 
its head. It is completed, as you desired, and will soon be 
on its march — wrote Trumbull to Congress. It will be at 
Albany soon — he wrote to Schuyler. Pay and all needful 
supplies were furnished — and in advance too of General 
Washington's request. "The early attention which you and 
your Honorable Council have paid to this important busi- 
ness," said Washington — addressing Trumbull on the sub- 
ject — "has anticipated my requisition, and claims, and de- 
serves, in a particular manner, the thanks of every well-wish- 
ing American." 

Bons able for said service, to a suificient number, freely and cheerfully to engage 
in and undertake the same, for the sake of the love of their country, and all the 
dear bought rights and privileges thereof, the happiness of themselves, and of all 
posterity." 



me. CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 247 

In February, Trumbull sent Northward for as many old 
gun barrels as could be procured, and put one hundred and 
fifty pounds into the hands of his son David to see them re- 
paired. He forwarded all the powder that could then be ob- 
tained. He made provision that John Lawrence Esquire — 
with twelve thousand five hundred dollars then lately ap- 
propriated by Congress to Connecticut for the expedition — 
should repair to Canaan or elsewhere, and pay off each 
officer and soldier of the Northern Battalion before they 
marched — thus anticipating again the request of Washing- 
ton, Schuyler and others. And in this connection he was 
the first to adopt the measure of appointing a Regimental 
Paymaster — for which he received the special thanks of 
Schuyler. It will be attended "with vast benefit to the serv- 
ice," said the latter. Nor in this connection did he forget 
payment for those who first at the North — in the capture of 
Ticonderoga — signalized the American arras. He brought 
this matter before his own Council, and warmly urged it in 
letters to Congress. 

In the midst of all this duty, he was gratified with news 
somewhat favorable from the North. " Our brave little corps 
before Quebec," wrote Schuyler in February — "hold their 
ground, and continue the blockade." — "It gives me great 
pleasure," answered Trumbull, on hearing the fact. "This 
is true bravery. It must convince Lord North that Ameri- 
cans are not all poltroons." 

At the same time with the Canadian, the Atlantic frontier 
of New York was receiving military attention at the hands 
of Trumbull. Upon report of a hostile embarcation from 
Boston for its leading city, and authentic information that a 
great part of the inhabitants of Long Island were inimical to 
the American cause, "Washington determined to detach Gen- 
eral Lee* in that direction. Early in January, therefore, 

* General Lee was himself very anxious that this plan should be expedited. 
"The consequences," he wrote Washington, January fifth — "of the enemy's pos- 
sessing themselves of New York have appeared to me so terrible, that I have 
scarcely been able to sleep from apprehensions on this siabject. * * I would 
propose that you should detach me into Connecticut^ and lend your name for col- 
lecting a body of volunteers. I am assured that I shall find no difficulty ia as- 
Bembling a sufficient number for the purposes wanted. This body (if there 



248 CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

througli Captain Sears, lie communicated his plan to Trum- 
bull — for his sanction — and asked him to provide troops for 
the purpose — especially, he said, "volunteers of gentlemen 
without pay." Trumbull warmly welcomed the proposal — 
convened his Council — drew money from the Treasury — and 
issued a Proclamation* to encourage enlistments — as the fol- 
lowing letter, which, January fifteenth, he addressed to 
Washington on the subject, shows. 

" I have received 3^our agreable letter, of the 7th instant, per Captain 
Sears. The condition and circumstances of the Colony of New York 
give me pain, lest the friends to American liberty in that Colony should 
be too much neglected and become disheartened, and the inimical designs 
and mischievous operations of others succeed. I have received credible 
information that the Provincial Congress there had spent some time, just 
before they adjourned to the 1st of February, in debating whether they 
should not address Mr. Tryon for the purpose of calling the General As- 
sembly of that Colonj', to revive the old scheme of adopting the Parlia- 
mentary insult of the 20th of February last, which was rejected. Surely 
our friends want to be strengthened, and our enemies to be checked. * * 

" I wrote a letter to President Hancock, dated the 6th of January, and 
another to one of our Delegates at Congress, requesting that more effect- 
ual measures may be taken for the security of New York, to prevent our 
enemies from being supplied with provisions, furnished with intelligence, 
and from having an opportunity to use every artifice to insult and injure 
us from that quarter. It therefore gave me sensible pleasure to find, that 
you have adopted the measures mentioned in yours, and with great 
cheerfulness I called my Council, and with their advice, appointed Colo- 
nel Waterbury, Lieutenant Colonel Bradley, and Major Holly, field-offi- 
cers for one regiment, Colonel Ward, Lieutenant Colonel Lewis, and Ma- 
jor Douglas for another. Sent a Proclamation to the two Colonels, and 
orders to them with the rest of the field-officers, by voluntary enlistment, 
to raise seven hundred and fifty men each, to join and assist Major Gen- 
eral Lee, with encouragement that they should be entitled to the same 
pay, wages, and billeting allowed the troops before Boston, during the 

Bhould appear occasion to summon them) with the Jersey Kegiment imder the 
command of Lord Stirling, now at Elizabcthtown, will effect the security of New 
York, and the expulsion or suppression of that dangerous banditti of Tories, 
who have appeared in Long Island with the professed intention of acting against 
the authority of the Congress. Not to crush these serpents, before their rattles 
are grown, would be ruinous." 

■*"That ardent patriot," says Sparks in this connection, speaking of Trnm- 
bull — "always foremost in vigorous action as well as in zeal, and public spirit, 
immediately issued orders for raising two regiments by voluntary enlistment," 
&c. — Life of Charles Lee. 



1116. CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 249 

time they served, and to be dismissed soon, when the service would con- 
veniently admit 

" The field-officers of each regiment are to select captains and subal- 
terns from those in the standing militia; if needful, to request the chief 
officer of the militia companies to call their companies together for the 
purpose of enlisting the men with expedition; and, to prevent difficulty 
from want of ammunition, I have ordered Captain Niles, Commander of 
our armed Schooner, the Spy, to take on board half a ton of powder, and 
transport four hundred pounds to Newhaven, two hundred pounds to 
Norwalk, and four hundred pounds to Stamford, with orders to him to 
follow such directions as Major General Lee may give for the service he 
is employed in, and to execute the same, until dismissed by him, or 
further orders from me. I wished, but failed, to have the pleasure of a 
short interview with him. When my orders were ready, very early on 
Saturday morning last. Captain Sears took them, and I apprehend he got 
to Hartford by noon. I wrote to Major General Lee, informing of what 
was done by me. I have no doubt but the men at the westward part of 
this Colony M'ill readily and expeditiously engage in the service. May 
the Supreme Director of all events add His blessing on our endeavors to 
preserve, support, and maintain the constitutional liberties of these 
Colonies, which he hath made it our duty to do."* 

In the Proclamation to wliicli Trumbull above refers, he 
called zealously upon the good people of the Colony — espe- 
cially in the parts most contiguous to New York — freely and 
cheerfully to engage in this most important service, to the 
number of fifteen hundred men — and was so successful as 
almost by the time General Lee reached Stamford in Connec- 
ticut, to have a highly spirited body of troops — two regiments 
under the command of Colonel Waterbury and Colonel 
Ward, with an additional body of three hundred volunteers 
from Hartford County f — ready to march. " I find the peo- 
ple through this province," wrote Lee from Stamford to 
Washington, January twenty-third — "more alert and more 
zealous than my most sanguine expectation. I believe I 

* In communicating the same facts to his son Joseph at the same time, the Gov- 
ernor remarks that Wasliington's plan "is very judicious." — "The ministerial 
speech," he adds, " breathes destruction and niin to the Colonies, but if the 
Lord of Hosts is on our side, as I believe he is, all their designs will prove 
abortive." 

+ "In consequence of General Lee's invitation," writes Col. Jeremiah Wads- 
worth to Joseph Trumbull, Jan. 21, 1776, from Hartford—" a number of volun- 
teers set out from hence to-moiTOW — among which is my uncle Col. Sam. Talcott, 
more than sixty years of age. Col. Seymour, &c." 



250 CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 1176. 

might have collected ten thousand volunteers. I take only 
four companies with me, and Waterbury's regiment, which is 
so happily situated on the frontier." 

Yet ere Waterbury could march, Trumbull had occasion 
to display — quite remarkably — his own peculiar promptness 
and decision. 

The regiment in question — Waterbury's — had been, by 
order of Congress, made ready for embarcation, to land at 
Oyster Bay, and in conjunction with Lord Stirling on the 
other side, attack the tories upon Long Island — but just at 
this moment, by another and counter-order from Congress — 
to the ruin, apparently, of measures essential to the salvation 
of New York, and to the infinite regret of all concerned in 
the expedition — the regiment was suddenly disbanded. 
Trumbull, at once — in an unhesitating exercise of author- 
ity — "like a man of sense and spirit," says Lee — "ordered 
it to be reassembled."* And on went Lee, therefore, with 
the regiment. Though sick himself with the gout, and 
borne upon a litter, on he went to take " strong possession " 
of New York — there to quarter Waterbury's troops in the 
upper barracks of the city, while Lord Stirling's occupied the 
lower — there soon to receive Ward's regiment, which also, 
Trumbull, in compliance with Lee's request, sent promptly 
on,f and which was stationed on Long Island to construct 
redoubts for commanding the entrance to East River — there, 
behind Trinity Church, to erect batteries for keeping off the 
enemy's ships — and throw a barrier mounted with cannon 
across Broadway:}: — and barricade all the streets leading right 
and left into the main way, that his own force might not be 
taken in reverse — there to carry into effect, should occasion 
arise, his own fearful menace at the time, that if the British 
ships, then threatening the city, dared to set one house on 
fire in consequence of his coming, he would ^^ chain a himdred 

* " I believe it will be ready on Sunday, the day on which I shall leave this 
town" — wrote Lee from Newliaven, January sixteenth, to Washington. 

+ "In compliance with his [Lee's] request, we have already sent orders to Col- 
onel Ward to repair again forthwith to New York." — Trumbull to Washington, 
Feb. I2th. 

X To prevent the fort at its foot from being converted into a citadel for hostile 
use. 



Ilia. CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 251 

of their friends hy the neck, and make that house their funeral 
pilef^^ And doubtless this impetuous general — of whom 
Irving remarks that he "had served in the famous campaigns 
of Europe, commanded Cossacks, fought with Turks, talked 
with Frederick the Great, and been aid du camp to the King 
of Poland " — would have carried this menace into effect, had 
the foe but given him cause.* 

Tories, as already seen, were no favorites with the patriot 
whom we commemorate — and his eye was upon them at this 
time not only on Long Island, but elsewhere in the Province 
of New York — particularly upon some in the County of 
Westchester — concerning whom he made complaint to the 
Committee of Inspection for Greenwich, that, contrary to 
every principle of duty, they were supplying the enemy with 
provisions, and had already placed a large quantity on board 
the British ship of war Asia. Lee carried into effect certain 
precautions regarding these persons which Trumbull desired, 
and the latter was highly gratified. " The news from New 
York," he informed Washington — when in February Lee was 
thoroughly securing the city — " is interesting, pleasing, and 
sheweth God's marvellous interposition for our assistance. — I 
cannot but hope propitious Heaven will smile success on that 
most timely and judicious exertion of your Excellency to 
prevent our enemies from possessing themselves of that im- 
portant station. I have the pleasure to enclose you a copy 
of Gen. Lee's letter." 

In March a pressing communication from Congress reached 
Trumbull, desiring him to continue his aid in the quarter 
now under consideration. " The importance of the service," 
wrote President Hancock to him then — " and the distinguished 
zeal you. Sir, and the good people of your Colony, have dis- 
covered in this glorious struggle, give the strongest assurance 
that you will comply with this request, and exert your 
utmost efforts to repel our hostile invaders, and prevent them 
from gaining possession of a post from which they may so 

* Gen. Webb, in a letter dated Wethersfield, Feb. 7th, 1776 — speaking of the 
New York expedition from Connecticut, says — " our people are so much enraged 
at that Den of Tories, they swear if Gen. Lee is stopp'd, they will march in a 
body and destroy the city." 



252 CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

mncli annoj tlie Colonies." And at the same time with this 
letter from Congress, Trumbull received another from Lord 
Stirling — who had now taken the place of General Lee — 
highly commending the conduct of the Connecticut troops in 
New York, and asking the Governor to recruit the two regi- 
ments there to at least six hundred privates each. That 
number of our militia, wrote Trumbull in reply, has already 
been dispatched. They are to march forthwith from the 
frontiers nearest New York. " You may rely upon it," he 
gave assurance — " that nothing in my power will be wanting 
to serve this great and just cause in this, or any other way."* 

Nor, while thus engaged, did Trumbull forget the Main 
Army around Boston. This, until it left that quarter for 
New-York — and for a long time after — he continued to 
strengthen and supply. His correspondence at this period 
about it — with Washington, with Colonel Huntington, with 
his son Joseph, and with Congress — was incessant. 

In January, he was requested by Congress to reenforce 
Washington with four regiments. "The great and constant 
attention, Sir," wrote the President of this Body to him 
then — " which you have shown upon all occasions, to pro- 
mote the public cause, affords me the strongest assurance 
that your every exertion and interest will be employed to 
comply with these several requisitions." This confidence on 
the part of Congress — thus for a second time within a very 
short period expressed through its Presiding Officer — was 
not misplaced. The regiments, Trumbull wrote to Washing- 
ton, shall be raised " with all possible expedition " — and in a 
Proclamation for the purpose, he called earnestly upon able- 
bodied men in Connecticut — "laying aside all warm dispute 
about rank & pay — to strive only to emulate each other in a 
virtuous love of their country, and zeal to serve its cause " 
in that "critical juncture, when all that is dear to freemen," 
he said, was " threatened and vigorously attacked." 

We want these regiments thoroughly furnished, urged 

*"It is an historical fact," says Hinraan very justly— that "for their first 
emancipation from the thraldom of the British government, the citizens of New 
York were indebted to the generous sympathy of the hardy yeomen of Con- 
necticut." 



/ 



J776. CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 253 

Wasliington. We want arms, ammunition, blankets, cloth- 
ing, kettles — in all of which we are " amazingly deficient." 
Our situation in respect to powder particularly, he wrote in 
February, is "distressing. Nothing can be undertaken for 
the want of it, and the world, without knowing our condi- 
tion, is censuring my inactivity. The matter is mentioned to 
you," he added, "in confidence. Your zeal, activity, and 
attachment to the cause, renders it unnecessary to conceal it 
from you." And Trumbull sent him all he could obtain of 
the articles demanded — particularly powder — now in the be- 
ginning of February, three tons then lately imported by Mr. 
Shaw — and a few days later, two tons more.'^ " May the 
God of armies," he sent along with it the prayer — "direct 
you in all your operations, and succeed you therein to the 
salvation of this oppressed country ! "f 

All this Trumbull did with straitened means. We have 
no pay for our troops — our Treasury is exhausted — he was 
obliged from time to time to complain both to Congress and 
to Washington.:}: The National Treasury too — as well as 

* Feb. 26. " We have spared all the powder prudence would permit. Besides 
what came from Providence, four thousand weight is gone from Norwich — half a 
ton was famished for Gen. Lee — eight hundred weight goes in cask to the north- 
ward." — TrunibuWs Letter to Jds son Joseph. 

t " I am obliged and return you my sincere thanks for the seasonable supply," 
wrote Washington again and again — "and for the arms you are so good as to 
promise to send me, as they are exceedingly wanted." 

" Necessity obliges us to defend ourselves and our rights," wrote Trumbull to 
his son Joseph at this time — March fourth. " The machines of war, death and 
destruction are really horrid, but 'tis by constraint we are bro't to the use of 
them. * * The plan of operations appears to be well concerted." 

X To the latter, for example, February fifth, he wrote as follows :— 

" Our Treasury was exhausted, and I knew not how to set the troops forward 
[those destined for Canada,] imtil Saturday. Intelligence came to me that twelve 
thousand five liundred dollars were received from the Honorable Congress for 
that purpose. My proclamation was out some time before, and I hear that men 
enlist freely, and hope they will be on their march soon ; have ordered them to 
go off by divisions, and hope nothing will retard them. 

" Through fear of delay, I wrote, last week, to you on the head of our payment 
of the troops that served under you last season ; and although provision is re- 
ceived for those going to Canada, yet there remain innumerable calls we are un- 
able to answer without further supplies, and I apprehend payment is to be made 
by you on those rolls. 

" Three battalions raised and marching to your camp, will come on soon ; three 
dollars a man was paid, in part of wages, to enable them to make necessary pro- 
visions. I hear that two or three companies are gone forward, and the rest go- 
ing this week." 

22 



254 CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 1716. 

the Treasury of Connecticut — was at this period almost dry — 
and Trumbull, therefore, could get but little from this source 
with which to refund Colonial expenses. Still he was not 
disheartened, but pushed on with his labors. Fifty to sixty 
tons of lead, for the use of the army, he turned out from the 
mine at Middletown — and explored for more in different 
parts of the Colony. He sent Joseph Hopkins to examine 
and report upon another mine in Canaan, New- York — urged 
Congress to have it worked — and warmly encouraged through- 
out Connecticut the manufacture of saltpetre, the erection of 
powder mills, and the casting of guns and camp-kettles in 
the important works at Salisbury. 

These works at Salisbury — that secluded town in the 
north-west corner of Connecticut — celebrated to this day for 
its rich and productive iron mines — where deep limestone 
vallies lapping elevated granite hills, lakes kissing the foot 
of mountains, and huge clefts in gaping rocks, strangely 
break and diversify the landscape — occupied the anxious at- 
tention of Trumbull and his Council, not only at the period 

"I received your favors," wrote Trumbull again to Washington, February- 
twelfth — "of the 8th instant; liave also received, per Bacon, the remittance for 
the expenses of the Frcncli gentlemen to Philadelphia. I had no design to have 
ever called on you for the money paid our troops under your immediate com- 
mand, but to have accounted with tiio Congress, had we not been unexpectedly 
drained of cash, and liad pressing calls upon us two or three ways at once. That 
to the northward could not possibly have been answered, but for the seasonable 
arrival of the Continental supply, just sufficient for that purpose. Our other de- 
mands for the common service are many. The men, for the short service with 
you, could not have marched without some money, which the.y have, I trust, 
wholly expended for necessary clothing, &c. 1 therefore could have wished it 
had been in your power to have remitted the sum advanced by our Pay Table, 
but shall do everything in my power, that the common interest does not suffer. 

" I am greatly concerned for the scarcity of powder and arms. We have not 
half a sufficiency for ourselves, as the circumstances may be ; yet, anxious to 
furnish you, for the common good, with every supply in our power, I have or- 
dered a quantity of gunpowder arrived at Bedford, in Dartmouth, carted to and 
now lying at Providence, on account of this Colony, to be sent you, with all pos- 
sible expedition. Three thousand weight of this we conclude to order to Major 
Thompson, Agent for the Massachusetts Colony, on account of money he sup- 
plied to Mr. Shaw, the importer, for that end, and you will consult him or them 
concerning the use of it. I suppose the whole to be upwards of six thousand 
weight ; the residue, on account of this Colony, for which shall expect payment, 
or to be replaced, as shall be hereafter chosen by us. I shall send you this week 
twenty or thirty stands of good arms. I have not certain advice from any quar- 
ter, but I believe our three regiments are all on the march to your camp, except 
those already arrived there." 



1776. CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 255 

of which we now speak, but during the entire course of the 
Eevolutionary War. There — for the use not only of Con- 
necticut, but of the United States at large — cannon were to 
be cast, from time to time with quickest speed, and cannon 
balls, and bomb shells — swivels, anchors, grape shot, and 
hand grenades for vessels of war— iron pots and receivers for 
the manufacture of sulphur — kettles for camp use — pig iron 
for the fabrication of steel — wrought iron for musket bar- 
rels — and various other articles vital to the defence of the 
country. And to keep the furnace in blast, ore-diggers, col- 
liers, firemen, moulders, founders, overseers, and guards — 
exempted all from ordinary military service — were to be 
procured from time to time, and furnished with clothing, sub- 
sistence in provisions, and money from the Pay Table. 
Woodlands for coal, teams for transportation, black lead, sul- 
phur, and other articles essential to the foundry, were to be 
procured — and once — to facilitate its operations, a bridge 
was to be built across the Housatonic, from Salisbury to 
Canaan. 

Trumbull, therefore, in the general superintendence of a 
foundry thus vital to America, and thus requiring attention, 
had much to do — and it is plain, from memorials that remain, 
that his own energy, particularly, promoted its success. 
Much of the time he had an express running from his door 
at Lebanon, to bear his own, or the orders of himself and 
Council, to its overseer Joshua Porter, or to its Managers 
Henshaw and Whiting. The cannon from this famous estab- 
lishment — its shot — its munitions generally for military and 
naval use — it fell to him, very often, at his own discretion, to 
distribute — now to the Selectmen of towns, or to posts upon 
the coast — now to armed vessels in the Sound, or to points 
of defence without the State — and now to sell for cash, or 
exchange them, as was sometimes the case, for West India 
goods that were in demand for workmen, or for the 
soldiery of Connecticut, The brown hematite of Salis- 
bury's "Old Ore Hill," and that furnace upon the outlet of 
its Lake Wanscopommuc — which, as it happens, the hero of 
Ticonderoga, Ethan Allen, was one of the first to estab- 
lish — will ever be associated, in the minds of those who 



256 CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 111Q. 

know the facts, with the Governor's management, and with 
his name.* 

Thus, one way and another — in every department of the 
war — was Trumbull busy during the first three months of 
the year on which we have paused. f 

And it was an interval of anxiety to him, not alone in his 
relations to the public, but in his private sphere — for it was 
marked by the death of one of his most valued friends — one 
with whom for more than half a century he had been in the 
habit of almost daily intercourse, and to whom, by every 
social as well as, particularly, by every religious sympathy, 
his own soul was grappled. We refer to the death of that 
"eminently learned and pious divine," as he was justly 
called, the Eev. Solomon Williams of Lebanon,;]: Let us turn 
here then for a moment away from the " tented field," briefly 
to contemplate Trumbull in his relations to this worthy man, 
to his church, and to his death-bed — for they show him in a 
new and pleasing light. 

Dr. Williams, for fifty-four years in succession, occupied 
the pulpit of the first Congregational Church in Lebanon. 
He commenced his labors there just a year before Trumbull 
entered College — and it was into his religious arms that 
Trumbull threw himself after his graduation, when he made 
a public profession of religion, and became a communicant 
in the church. During the whole period that succeeded — 
down to the close of the good minister's career on earth — 
Trumbull was a regular attendant upon his ministrations. 

* The partners of Ethan Allen, in tlie erection of this furnace, were Samuel 
and Elisha Forbes, and a Mr. Hazeltine. It was first erected about the year 1762. 
The guns used on board the frigate Constitution, by Commodore Truxton, in 
capturing the French frigate L'Insurgente, were here manufactured. The armo- 
ries of the United States, and private armories, still use extensively the Salis- 
bury iron. 

•f- "Furnishing orders to the troops of the Colonies of New York, Quebec, and 
Massachusetts," he informed his son Joseph in January — •" prevents my being 
able to write but a word." — " I have long been in continued fatigue" — he again 
wrote in February — "more especially for three weeks" — making orders "and 
provisions for two battalions to aid Gen. Lee — another to march to the assistance 
of our friends at Canada — and three to the camp near Boston — for the building 
of a 20 gun sliip-of-war — four row gallies — and for setting the Salisbury furnace 
to work for casting cannon, bomb shells, & balls." 

t Trumbull and Williams were, in their day, often spoken of as Moses and 
Aaron. 



1176. CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 257 

He was a most heedful listener to Lis sermons from the pul- 
pit — was in the habit of taking brief notes of them, and re- 
peated and commented upon them at home, before his family, 
after his return from worship. He attended upon his exhort- 
ations during the "Lecture Days" of the week, and often 
himself aided in the duties upon these occasions. In short, 
in all "holy offices," he stood among the worthy preacher's 
parishioners, foremost by his side — him 

" followed with endearing wile, 
And plucked his gown to share the good man's smile." 

Did the business affairs of the Church require special 
attention ? Trumbull was the member most leaned upon to 
bestow it. Were contributions, for any benevolent purposes, 
wanted ? He was among the first to open his purse — and 
liberally. Did the Meeting-House require, as in 1775, some 
monitor of time — an unostentatious clock? Upon him it 
devolved to devise a subscription paper for the purpose — to 
head it with his own " one pound," as the paper, in his own 
handwriting shows — and to commend a "skilful work- 
man " — as he did upon this occasion one Jedediah Morse — 
to make it. Did some of the members of the Society, as in 
1772, wish to abandon the venerable old House of Worship, 
and build a new one — upon a new site — and agitate the sub- 
ject, warmly, at many public meetings in Lebanon, and be- 
fore the General Assembly of Connecticut? Trumbull was 
the impartial draughtsman, who, with a thorough knowledge 
of the history of the edifice, and of the Society from its be- 
ginning, was relied upon to prepare a statement of all the 
facts in the case. 

This he did in a pointed Memorial to the Legislature — in 
which he showed both to all the advocates of a new site, and 
to the State, that the change desired, under the circumstances, 
would be against justice — that it would violate old agree- 
ments — that it would be against faith that had been plighted 
in past payments — that the existing edifice was one in which 
the inhabitants of Lebanon had long and contentedly wor- 
shipped, and with a few repairs, might worship still — and 
that — as in pleasing deference to the age, infirmities, and ar- 
22* 



258 CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. IIIG. 

dent wishes of his friend, the venerable pastor, he added — 
Mr. WilHams had preached from its time-honored desk for 
now "fifty years next December." 

Now when this good old man came, in February 1776, to 
his bed of death, Trumbull, his long-endeared neighbor, 
friend, and supporter, was by his side — to feel as the follow- 
ing brief extracts from his letters to his son Joseph, in part 
show him to have felt. There he was, like a ministering 
angel, to soothe the entrance of his revered pastor upon the 
dark valley — to look with him, in the deep sympathy of 
Christian faith and hope, at that dread future from which the 
curtain, to the eye of the sick man, fast began to rise — to 
comfort his afflicted family — and go away to mourn his own 
irreparable loss, and lay the event to profound religious use. 

February sixth, he writes — " Poor Dr. Williams is in a dangerous and 
painful condition." 

February nineteenth, he writes — "Dr. Williams' case is very dan- 
gerous." 

February twenty-sixth, he writes — "All our connections are well, ex- 
cept our dear Reverend Pastor. I left him at 12 o'clock, to all appear- 
ance just at the entrance of the dark valley of the shadow of death — 
his family in tears. He is calm, patient, and resigned. The world and 
its objects lessen before him at every thought. His faithful labors will 
follow him. You was born, and bro't up under his ministry. Most of 
my life hath been under the like enjoyment. It is not his fault if we 
have not profited thereby. — the vanity of man as mortal ! his grand- 
eur, when prepared for immortal glory ! " 

March first — Dr. Williams being dead — he writes thus : — " Alas, he is 
gone from us — but let us follow him as he followed our dear ascended 
Lord and master Jesus Christ. His friendship hath been one of the 
great comforts of my life — pray God may provide another of like spirit, 
to take his people by the hand, and lead them in the way to everlasting 
life." 

March fourth, he writes — " Our reverend and worthy Dr. Williams 
departed this life last Wednesday at midnight. His funeral solemnity is 
to be attended this day at two o'clock. A sermon is to be preached on 
the occasion."* 

* The following is the inscriptioa upon a table of sandstone supported hori- 
zontally above his grave : — 

" This stone covers the remains of that eminent Servant of God, the Eev'd 
Solomon Williams D. D. late Pastor at Lebanon. Adorned with uncommon 
gifts of nature, learning and Grace, he shone bright as the Gentleman, Scholar, 



me. CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 269 

Christian and divine, conspicuous for wisdom, warm in devotion, bold in the 
cause of Christ, excelling as a preacher, most agreeable in conversation, clear 
& Judicious in counsel, an ardent lover of peace and the rights of mankind, 
firm in friendship, Singularly hospitable & in all relations exemplary ; having 
faithfully serv'd the interest of Christ, of Keligion & Learning at his Master's 
call, he calmly fell asleep in Jesus Feb. 28th 1776 in the 76th year of his age & 
54 of his ministry. 
" Them that sleep in Jesus will God bring with him." 



CHAPTER XXII. 
1776. 

TRtTMBULL aids the American Array on its way from Boston to New York. 
He meets Washington at Norwich. His sentiments on the evacuation 
of Boston. He is informed that a large hody of foreign troops is on its 
passage to America — and that a British fleet of one hundred and thirty- 
sail had left Halifax, bound for New Tork. His preparations thereupon 
hoth for the Continental Army, and for the defence of Connecticut 
He is officially apprized of the Declaration of Independence. His viewa 
of this Instrument He lays it hefore his Council, and it is referred 
for official promulgation and record to the next General Assemhly. 
Depressed state of American affairs. Trumbull receives the Peace 
Propositions of Lord Howe and his brother as King's Commissioners. 
His opinion and action thereupon. They serve but to render his prep- 
arations for the defence of New Tork and Long Island more vigorous. 
His Exhortation to the people in this connection. Their quick 
response. Soldiers rush to New Tork. 

Feom viewing Trumbull, in liis devotedness and piety, in 
a scene of private death, we turn now to view liim again in 
his preparation for that other theatre where the Destroyer 
"sounds the trump of war, and rushes to the field." 

March eighteenth, he received advices from General Wash- 
ington that the British troops were withdrawing from Bos- 
ton, and entreating him to send two thousand men forthwith 
to . New York — there to remain until the General could 
march his own army to this quarter. With this request 
Trumbull complied — giving orders for the purpose to the 
field-officers of the regiments nearest New York to forward, 
by land or water, twenty companies of ninety men each — 
and soon after, directing the commanding officers of seven 
other Connecticut regiments to draft each one-fourth of their 
men, and hold them ready to march. March twenty-first, 
Washington informed him that the enemy lay in Nantasket 
road — and that — as had been previously suggested by Trum- 
bull — ^he should take his army to New York by the sea- 
coast route, through Norwich — at which place, April thir- 
teenth, the two patriots met — at the house of Colonel Jede- 



1716. CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL. 261 

diali Huntington — where they dined together, and conferred 
until evening, when General Washington pushed on for New 
London. 

The evacuation of Boston by the British troops gave the 
Governor of Connecticut lively satisfaction — and he did not 
fail to express it in letters to various correspondents. To 
John Adams and George Wythe, in Congress, for example,* 
he said, in a strain of mingling piety and patriotism — " I do 
most sincerely congratulate you on Gen. Washington's suc- 
cess, and on the shameful retreat of our enemies from Boston, 
which demand our humble adoration and praise of the Su- 
preme Director of all events for his marvellous interposition 
for our help. — Burning and destroying our towns, robbing 
our property, trampling on and profaning places dedicated to 
divine worship and service, and cruel treatment of the per- 
sons so unhappy as to fall into their hands, are injuries of 
the first magnitude. — Every subtile art, as well as arms, are 
used against us. May God prevent their operations, and 
turn their counsels to foolishness, preserve and increase the 
union of the American people, grant them wisdom, and 
guide their public counsels ! "f 

May sixth, and Trumbull received intelligence from the 
Massachusetts Assembly, that a large body of foreign 
troops — hired by the Ministry of Great Britain to lay waste 
America — were on their passage to execute their "bloody 
orders," and in all probability were near our coast. They 
might be daily expected, he was told. He made immediate 
preparations, therefore, to receive them. In conformity with 
Acts of the General Assembly, he improved the organization 
of the Minute-Men of Connecticut. He raised two additional 

* To these gentlemen, about this time, he sent an account of losses sustained 
in Connecticut from the Ministerial navy — which he had himself carefully pre- 
pared. 

+ In a letter to Schuyler, March 21st, 1776, he thus concludes: "I most sin- 
cerely congratulate you on the success of Gen. Washington. The enemy evacu- 
ated Boston last Sunday. Boston is now open. The poor inhabitants are 
greatly emaciated, from their want of provisions, and rejoiced for their happy 
deliverance. The most of the tories are gone off with the troops. The cattle 
remain in the enemy's hands, but hope they will soon be ours. They have car- 
ried off the unhappy prisoners, it is said, in irons. Is it not time to retaliate ? 
They have done all the mischief in their power." 



262 CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

regiments to serve within the Colony — which, by special re- 
solve, were to be stationed, from time to time, as he should 
order. He raised also a battalion of troops to march ** to 
Boston or elsewliere" — and upon a further requisition from 
Congress, levied seven battalions to join the Continental 
Army in New-York — and expended twelve hundred pounds 
in procuring tents and clothing. 

At the same time — that supplies might be on hand — he 
proclaimed an embargo — and sent one vessel to Cape Fran- 
cois for a cargo of powder — to be obtained " soon as possi- 
ble " — and others to different ports in the West Indies for 
military and naval stores of every kind. That the resources 
of Connecticut in men might be accurately known, he pro- 
ceeded, with great labor on his own part, to execute a census 
of the State — which, together with authenticated copies of 
the public documents of Connecticut relating to the War, 
from its commencement down, he transmitted to Congress — 
and, receiving from this Body twenty-one thousand dollars, 
he carefully expended it for the public service — procuring 
and sending to the army at New-York, among other articles, 
yarn stockings to the number of five thousand pairs. His 
hands just at this time overflowed with business. "The In- 
telligence is very alarming" — he wrote his son, June fifteenth. 
" The Assembly tho't it necessary to sit on the Lord's Day'''' — 
he wrote June sixteenth. "Four thousand Hessians are 
near our coast" — he soon heard. Soon again, and he re- 
ceived news of what he styles " Tryon's Assassination Pow- 
der Plot" in New- York. "Shocking! Barbarous!" — he ex- 
claimed. " God be praised for the discovery made thereof in 
season ! " 

July second, he was informed by Washington that a fleet 
of one hundred and thirty sail had left Halifax, bound for 
New- York, and that General Howe had already arrived at 
Sandy Hook. He therefore ordered three regiments of 
Lighthorse forthwith to march for the menaced city, and 
held a special interview with John Jay at Lebanon, upon 
the matter of procuring cannon for the defence of Hudson 
River. At the same time — hearing from the frontier towns 
of western Connecticut, that they were greatly distressed on 



ITTe. CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL. 263 

account of the proximity of tlie enemy — he wrote Washing- 
ton asking that a Continental Eegiment might be raised for 
their relief. He also sent Eliphalet Dyer and Richard Law 
to confer with the General on measures to be taken for the 
defence of Connecticut, and the other States — and addressed 
Congress, praying for some new legislation against torics, and 
refugees, and counterfeiters ot the paper money of the na- 
tion. " Notwithstanding our enemies are so numerous and 
powerful," he said, addressing Washington — "and have 
hired mercenaries into their service, yet, knowing our cause 
righteous, and trusting Heaven will support and defend us, I 
do not greatly dread what they can do against us."* 

Just the very day upon which Trumbull was writing Con- 
gress, as we have stated — soliciting its special legislation 
against the foes of his country, and informing them, as he 
did also, of the measures he had himself taken for defence — 
that Body, through its Presiding Officer, was inditing a letter 
to him, communicating that immortal Instrument, which — 
finally and forever — absolved this country from all allegiance 
to the British Crown — and declared it — before God and the 
world — free, sovereign, and independent. 

With what emotion it was received by the Governor — with 
what satisfaction his eye paused upon its solemn clauses — 
with what enthusiastic readiness his own soul sprung to unite 

* " Onr internal malignants," he continues, " may be permitted to do many 
injurious and insidious things. They are, therefore, to be watched with care and 
diligence, to prevent such hypocritical and designing men carrying on and perpe- 
trating their wicked purposes. No doubt there are many such, the persons and 
characters unknown to me, and not convenient to mention in a letter the notices 
given me of any. 

" Last week I sent circular letters to the civil authority, Selectmen, Committees 
of Inspection, and Military Officers, in all the towns of the State, to promote 
and fticilitate the several battalions ordered to be raised here, and to send them 
forward to the places of their destination. Eecruiting Officers for the companies 
not filled are necessary, and I conclude are left for the purpose. The people 
have, in some measi;re, got through the hurry of harvest, &c. Hope that they 
will now cheerfully enlist and go on. 

" Colonel Dyer and Eichard Law, Esq., are directed to repair to New-York to 
confer with your Excellency on every subject needful for our direction, for your 
information. You know our readiness to afford every assistance for the commoa 
defence— I have put Colonel Ward's regiment under marching orders," Trum- 
bull adds, "to proceed, without loss of time, whatever way Congress shall 
direct." 



264 CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

with the soul of Congress in its pledge of life, and fortune, 
and sacred honor, to the cause of freedom — and with what 
just confidence, and pious gratitude, he could himself appeal 
to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of his 
own intentions — it is easy for our Eeaders to imagine. 

He was himself fully prepared for the step. Long had his 
expectation fastened upon it — long his wishes. In the op- 
pressed condition of his country — when, in the recorded 
language of Connecticut, no alternative was left " but abso- 
lute and indefinite submission to such claims as must termin- 
ate in the extreme of misery and wretchedness, or a total 
separation from the King of Great Britain, and a successful 
resistance to that power which was extended to effect our 
destruction " — in this state of peril, Trumbull knew and felt 
that America could not do otherwise than proclaim herself 
free. And after that fatal Kestraining Bill of the British 
Parliament — at the close of 1775 — which guillotined Ameri- 
can trade, and, by " a sentence worse than death, obliged the 
unhappy men " who should be made captives in the preda- 
tory war it would occasion, "to bear arms against their 
families, kindred, friends and country, and, after being 
plundered themselves, to become accomplices in plundering 
their brethren " — after all this, in the winter and spring of 
the year which followed, no man was more active than 
himself in preparing the hearts of his countrymen for 
Independence. 

"Talk of rebellion ! " — he said in March — "if we are right, 
the rebellion is on the part of our enemies, who aim at the 
happy constitution of the Empire!" — "Talk of reconcilia- 
tion ! " — he at the same time said — " British supremacy such 
as it ought to be, and American liberty, have been seen to 
exist together. But under our present cruel treatment, it is 
too late to think of this now ! " 

Twenty days before that great step was taken of which we 
find Congress now officially apprizing him — on the Four- 
teenth of June — a memorable day in the history of Connec- 
ticut liberty — he had set his own hand to a Resolution of the 
General Assembly, which solemnly instructed the Delegates 
of Connecticut in General Congress " to propose to that re- 



1776. CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL. 265 

spectable Body, to declare the United American Colonics free 
and independent States — to give the assent of tliis Colony to 
suck Declaration " — and " to move and promote " every 
measure necessary to sustain it, and to preserve our just 
rights and liberties.* So that it was with no surprise that he 
received the Matchless Document prepared by Congress — • 
fii'st, July eleventh, enclosed in a letter from his son Colonel 
John Trumbull — and next, the day after, in a letter from 
President Hancock. He immediately laid it before his Coun- 
cil, where it was again and again "largely discussed" — and 
finally referred, for official promulgation and for record, to 
the next ensuing session of the General Assembly — not the 
Assembly any longer of the Colony — but now, for the first 
time of the State — the Sovereign State of Connecticut ! 

To the pleasure afforded Trumbull by the great event to 
which allusion has now been made, was added, in a few days, 
" the joyful news from South Carolina " — as it was styled 
in a handbill which Colonel Huntington first sent him from 
camp, and which described the successful defence of Charles- 
ton against the attack by Sir Henry Clinton. 

But save from these two sources, there was nothing else- 
where upon the face of the American struggle, at this time, 
to gladden the heart of the patriot we commemorate. In- 
telligence from every other quarter grew more and more 
alarming. Admiral Howe had arrived, and joined his 
brother at New York — and their united forces, and formi- 
dable batteries, were now frowning destruction on every- 
thing that should oppose them. Appointed as they both 
were by the King, Commissioners to bear what the Ministry 
called " the olive branch as well as the sword " to America — • 
they, in July, addressed a Circular Letter to the Governors 
of the American Colonies, calling on the people to return to 
their allegiance — and declaring pardon to all who were will- 
ing, by thus evincing their loyalty, to reap the benefit of the 
royal favor. One of the Letters and Declarations, sent by 
Lord Howe, reached the Governor of Connecticut about the 
middle of July — and his opinion of the document is shown 

* See this remarkable Eesolution, with its Preamble, in a note at the end of this 
chapter. 

23 



266 CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL. 1116. 

in the following passage from a letter, dated July twenty- 
sixth, 1776, to William Williams. 

" By Friday's post," he proceeds — " received Lord Howe's letter of the 
20th of June, ult, and his declaration of pardons to all those who in the 
tumult and disorder of the times, may have deviated from their just alle- 
giance, and who are willing by a speedy return to their duty, to reap the 
benefits of the royal favor ; that pardons shall be granted, dutiful repre- 
sentation received, and every suitable encouragement given for providing 
such measures as shall be conducive to the establishing legal government 
and peace, in pursuance of his Majesty's most gracious intentions. In 
his letter he says ' I have judged it expedient to issue the enclosed decla- 
ration, in order that all persons may have immediate information of his 
Majesty's gracious intentions.' 

" He desires me to promulgate it, assured of being favored with my 
assistance in every measure to restore the public tranquillity, and 
requests such information as will facilitate the attainment of that import- 
ant object. I shall by next post forward copies to Congress ; to them I 
shall refer him. Who began the war? Who withdrew his protection? 
Who refused to hearken to most dutiful and humble petitions? Who in- 
vaded our rights? Is not the appeal made to the Supreme Director of 
all events? Will not the Judge of all the earth do right? Doth not 
pardon presuppose guilt? Are we guilty of want of duty and allegiance? 
Could anything but tyranny, oppression, injustice, and war and desola- 
tion, have driven us to cast off our mother country ? " 

How manifest in all this is Trumbull's conviction that, in 
the struggle then going on, truth and reason were on the 
side of his country — and how manifest also his contempt for 
the propositions of the foe ! He viewed these propositions 
just as Congress did — and just as Congress by resolution de- 
clared them to be, when it ordered their publication in all 
the gazettes of the land as an endeavor on the part of the 
insidious Court of Great Britain " to amuse and disarm the 
good people of the United States." Like Franklin — and as 
the latter told Lord Howe at the time — he felt astonished that 
the British Commissioners should imagine the American 
people would now submit to a government that had " with 
the most wanton barbarity and cruelty, burnt our defenceless 
towns, in the midst of winter, excited the savages to massacre 
our peaceful farmers, and our slaves to murder their masters, 
and that was then bringing foreign mercenaries to deluge our 
settlements with blood." Like Franklin, he had long 



1776. CHAP. XXII. — TKUMBULL. 267 

labored — " with unfeigned and unwearied zeal — to preserve 
that fine and noble vase — the British Empire — from break- 
ing." But this vase was now ruptured — irremediably — and 
Trumbull was not the man to make the first advance in an 
impotent and humiliating attempt to reunite its scattered 
fragments.* 

But from resistance to the Peace-Propositions of Lord 
Howe, Trumbull had now to turn to resist his arms. It was 
certain at this time, as we have intimated, that New York 
would be attacked — and August made heavier and heavier 
draughts on the Governor in the way of military prepara- 
tions. On the first of this month, he issued a Circular to the 
Civil Authority, Selectmen, Committee of Inspection, and 
military officers in different towns of the State, to procure 
fresh recruits. It was addressed also — a curious and interest- 
ing fact — to many Ministers of Churches, with a request that 
it should be read at the close of public worship, and that the 
Authorities of the Society, and the Committee of Inspection, 
should be invited to meet with the Selectmen the next day.f 

August eleventh, Trumbull directed the commanding offi- 
cers of fourteen regiments of militia, to march their respect- 
ive forces to New York, and place themselves under General 
Washington until the exigency there should be over. He 



* In a letter to his son John, dated Sep. 25th, 1776 — Trumbull .speaks farther 
of Lord Howe, and of his conference with a Committee of Congress, as follows : 
" It seems the conference with Lord Howe came to nothing. He had no powers 
hut to pardon. The Rebels who need pardon from the King of Great Britain are 
not yet discovered. We disclaim the name, and judge that our riglits and privi- 
leges have been injuriously invaded." 

+ That sent to Newhaven was comn^unicated to Eev. Mr. Whittlesey. " What 
a contrast," it affords, "between our peaceful Sabbaths, and those days when 
the might of Great Britain was raised to crush our fathers in the act of asserting 
their constitutional liberty !" — "As I have the most pressing requisitions," pro- 
ceeds Trumbull in this document, August 1st, 1776 — "urging the absolute neces- 
sity of having our new levies filled up, completed, and forwarded with the ut- 
most dispatch ; and as delay may be attended with the utmost disastrous conse- 
quences, our enemies being about to use their utmost exertions as soon as the 
foreign troops arrive, which by the best intelligence are now on our coast, if not 
in port ; — therefore, in this critical moment, on which the fate of America de- 
pends, I do most earnestly entreat you all, as you value your lives, liberty, prop- 
erty, and your country, that you immediately and vigorously exert all your influ- 
ence, power and abilities, in encouraging and forwarding the enlistments within 
your respective spheres of influence and connections, that the same may be com- 
pleted and sent forward with all possible expedition." 



268 CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

urged tlaem bj every patriotic consideration — by tlie "raised 
expectations " which he said had been formed of their " dis- 
position and ability to serve their country " in this most im 
portant crisis — cheerfully to undertake the service, and " be at 
New York quick as possible." For the purpose of co-oper- 
ating with Washington specially upon Long Island — to har- 
ass the enemy there in their rear or flanks, and prevent them 
from advancing eastward — at the particular request of the 
General, he rallied a force at New London, and elsewhere on 
the coast — as we shall have occasion soon more particularly 
to recount — in part provided transports to bear them across 
the Sound — and sent Major Ely and Benjamin Huntington 
over to the Island, to consult and agree with the sure friends 
of our cause there for an addition to the force.* And to all 
the able-bodied, effective men in the State, who were not 
obliged to do military duty in any Train-Band — and to such 
as were " gentlemen of horse " — for the purpose of securing 
their services also in the existing crisis — he published what 
he styled an "Exhortation" — a document so spirited that we 
here give it entire. 

"Intelligence is just received," he proceeds — "from General Washing- 
ton, of the necessity of a large augmentation of our forces at New York, 
that the number of our enemies is greatly increased by the arrival of 
Gen. Clinton and Lord Cornwallis with the whole southern army from 
South Carolina, that the fleet which came in a few days since are Hessians 
and Scotch Highlanders, part of 12,000 who were left off Newfoundland, 
in the whole making 30,000 men, that it is said by officers both of the 
army and navy, that they are to attack New York, Long Island &c., in the 
course of a week. 

" In this day of calamity and great expectations, when our enemies 
are exerting every nerve to pluck up, pull down, and destroy us, it is of 
the greatest necessity that everything in our power be done for defence 
of our rights, properties, lives and posterity. To trust altogether to the 
justice of our cause without our own utmost exertions, would be tempt- 
ing Providence. Be roused therefore and alarmed to stand forth in our 
just and glorious cause. Join yourselves to some one or other of the com- 

*"Thu knowledge," says Washington, in his letter of Aug. 2-ith — calling on 
Trumbull for this preparation — "I have of the e.xtraordinarv exertions of your 
State upon all occasions, does not permit me to require this, not knowing how far 
it is ])racticable. I only offer it, tliereforo, as a matter for your consideration, 
and of great public utility, if it can be accomplished." 



1116. CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL. 269 

panics of the militia now ordered to New York, or form yourselves into 
distinct companies of fifty men or more each, and choose a Captain, 
Lieutenant, and ensign forthwith. March on — this shall be your war- 
rant — and give notice thereof to me, and commissions shall be forthwith 
issued, and sent after you. You are to join the regiment to which you 
belong, and the army under command of his Excellency Gen. Washing- 
ton, for this important emergency — to be held only the short time the 
present necessity calls for your service. Stand forth for our defence. 
Play the man for God, and for the cities of our God. May the Lord of 
Hosts, the God of the armies of Israel, be your Captain, your Leader, 
your Conductor and Saviour — give wisdom and conduct to your generals 
and officers, and inspire our soldiers with courage, resolution and forti- 
tude, that God may delight to spare and save us for his name's sake. 
The same provisions and wages shall be given to you as to others that go 
into the service, and it shall be recommended to the General Assembly 
to do everything for your service that justice requires. Given under my 
hand in Lebanon this 12th day of August, 1776. 

"Jonathan Trumbull." 

This appeal was irresistible. It roused Connecticut like a 
fire-cry. Men rushed to supply the army — and of her twen- 
ty-five regiments, all but two were soon collected at New 
York, together with many companies of volunteers.* 



* The "good people" of this State, said Trumbull at this time, addressing the 
President of Congress — "do not hesitate to do all in their power to be freemen 
while they live, and to leave their posterity the heirs of freedom and its bless- 
higs." " Notwitlistanding our enemies are so numerous and powerful," he wrote 
to Washington — "yet knowing our cause righteous, and trusting Heaven will sup- 
port and defend us, I do not greatly dread what they can do against us." — "No 
exertion hath been wanting to forward men," he wrote his son then in New 
York. " This, with the support of the Colonies near you, will, it is hoped, be 
sulBcient, with the protection and blessing of heaven, to defeat the devices of the 
enemy, and crush their plan in its cradle." 

NOTE KEFERRED TO ON PAGE 265. 

" J< a General Assembly of the Governor and Company of tJie English Colony 
of Connecticut in, New Engl<ind in America.^ holden at Hartford, in said Colony, 
by fecial order of the Governor, on the \Uh day of June, A. Dom. 1776. 

"Whereas the King and Parliament of Great Britain, by many acts of said 
Parliament, have claimed and attempted to exercise powers incompatible with, 
and subversive of the ancient, just and constitutional rights of this and the rest of 
the English Colonies in America, and have refused to listen to the many and fre- 
quent, humble, decent and dutiful petitions for redress of grievances and resto- 
ration of such their rights and liberties, and turning from them with neglect and 
contempt to support such claims, after a series of accumulated wrong and injury, 
have proceeded to invade said Colonies with Fleets and Armies, to destroy our 
towns, shed the blood of our countrymen, and involve us in the calamities inci- 
23* 



270 CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

dent to war ; and are endeavoring to induce lis to an abject surrender of our nat- 
ural and stipulated rights, and subject our property to the most precarious de- 
pendence on their arbitrary will and pleasure, and our persons to slavery, and at 
length have declared us out of the King's protection, have engaged foreign mer- 
cenaries against us, and are evidently and strenuously seeking our ruin and de- 
struction. — These and many other transactions, too well known to need enumer- 
ation, the painful experience and effects of which we have sufl'ered and feel, make 
it evident, beyond the possibility of a doubt, that we have nothing to hope from 
the justice, humanity, or temperate counsels of the British King or his Parlia- 
ment, and that all hopes of a reconciliation, upon just and equal terms, are delu- 
sory and vain. In this state of extreme danger, when no alternative is left us 
but absolute and indefinite submission to such claims as must terminate in the 
extreme of misery and wretchedness, or a total separation from the King of Great 
Britain, and renunciation of all connection with that nation, and a successful re- 
sistance to that force which is intended to effect our destruction — appealing to 
that God, who knows the secrets of all hearts, for the sincerity of former declara- 
tions of our desire to preserve our ancient and constitutional relation to that na- 
tion, and protesting solemnly against their oppression and injustice, which have 
driven us from them, and compelled us to use such means as God in his provi- 
dence hath put in our power, for our necessary defence and preservation — 

"Eesolved unanimously by this Assembly, that the Delegates of this Colony 
in General Congress, be, and they are hereby instructed to propose to that re- 
spectable body, to declare the United American Colonies, free and independent 
States, absolved from all allegiance to the King of Great Britain, and to give the 
assent of this Colony to such Declaration, when they shall judge it expedient 
and best, and to whatever measures may be tho't proper and necessary by the Con- 
gress, for forming foreign alliances, or any plan of operations for necessary and 
mutual defence ; and also that they move and promote, as fast as may be conven- 
ient, a regular and permanent plan of union and confederation of the Colonies 
for the security and preservation of their just rights and liberties, and for mutual 
defence and security — saving that the administration of Government and the 
power ought to be left and remain to the respective Colonial Legislatures ; and 
that such plan be submitted to the respective Legislatures for their previous con- 
sideration and assent." 



CHAPTER XXIII. 
1776. 

JDiSASTROus Battle of Long Island. Trumbull not disheartened — but 
sends reenforcenaents, and animates Massachusetts and Rhode Island 
to do the same. He appoints a Day of Fasting and Prayer. His Proc- 
lamation for this purpose. Forces from Connecticut pour into the 
Continental Army. "Washington expresses hia thanks to Trunabull. 
Trumbull's reply. Anaerican affairs still in a calanaitous state. Trum- 
bull, undismayed, continues hia exertions for the common cause. 
Some of his labors. 

The plan of the enemy, unfortunately, was not destined, 
in conformity with Trumbull's patriotic wish, to be crushed. 
The disastrous battle of Long Island brought death to his 
hopes in this direction. New York was taken. Washing- 
ton was compelled to evacuate the island. Everything wore 
the gloomiest aspect as the Autumn of 1776 began to open 
its prospect of desolated nature, and the verdure of the fields 
began to blast, and the "Flowery Eace to resign their sunny 
robes." Yet to the heart of Trumbull the event did not 
bring despair — no, nor to the heart of his State — which still, 
notwithstanding defeat, beat with an "indomitable firm- 
ness " — such as neither Athens, when beset by the legions of 
Xerxes, nor Rome, when she had lost the battle of Cannae, 
exhibited more gloriously. 

To the urgent solicitations, both from Washington and the 
New York Congress, for military succor, Trumbull respond- 
ed with an alacrity that is truly astonishing. Within six 
days only from the first of September, he started — first, eight 
regiments, and all the troop of Horse in the State east of the 
Connecticut River— next nine regiments of militia more, and 
two additional of horse — and next two companies additional 
of a regiment stationed at New London and Groton for coast 
defence — to march all forthwith towards New York. Some 
of them were to embark — if circumstances should require — 
for some convenient point on Long Island, and thence pro- 
ceed " to the assistance of our army against the troops and 
mercenaries of Great Britain" — and some were to proceed 



272 CHAP. XXIII, — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

all the way by land — rendezvous in Westchester — and from 
thence defeat the enemy's design of throwing a force upon 
the Main, and cutting off in this quarter the communication 
with New York. And Trumbull appealed to Massachu- 
setts — and he appealed to Rhode Island — informing both 
these States of what he had himself now done, and stimulat- 
ing their immediate cooperation.* 

And farther — at this dark crisis in American affairs — not 
content with providing the material of war merely, but wish- 
ing specially to propitiate the favor of Heaven — September 
sixth — in view of the "judgments" lately fallen upon the 
country, and of the " sins and shortcomings," he feared, of 
the people of the land — he issued the following Proclamation 
for a " Day of Fasting and Prayer " in Connecticut — the first 
of the kind, which since the Declaration of Independence, he 
caused to be published, and which will be found worthy of 
attentive perusal. 

*' When it is considered,'''' he proceeds — " that all ManHnd, and all 
Communities of Men, have an dbsohite, entire, and necessary Dependence on 
God; — that he is the great Governor of the World, and the wise Disposer 
of all the Affairs and Concernments of the Children of Men; that JBe 
hath done great and marvellous things for his People in this Land, from 
their first Beginnings to this Day, which our Fathers have told us, and 
which ice have seen tcith our Eyes; — that He is, in his holy and right- 
eous Providence, come out in Judgment against us, and doth permit the 
King of Great Britain with his Parliament, to sap the Constitution in 
its very foundation, and to sport with all the Privileges of the People 
in all Parts of the Empire ; and to accomplish their Purposes, to have 
Recourse, in spite of the most powerful Arguments to the contrary, to 

* " We thank your Honor," wrote back to him the Speaker of the Massachu- 
setts Assembly, Sep. 13th — for j'our exertions in the common cause, and assure 
you it will be our ambition to cooperate with the United States, to the utmost of 
our power, in efforts for their common safety " — and a battalion from the old Bay 
State militia, destined for Rhode Island, was ordered to join the forces around 
New York "with all possible dispatch." 

" Our eastward regiments are raised, and ordered forward to go to or near West- 
chester to cooperate with the army — or, if not needed there, to supply the place 
of some of the last militia sent." — The Governor's letter to his son Joseph^ 
Sep. 6th. 

" I have this minute sent a letter to Gov'nor Cooke — to move them on this ques- 
tion [that of military cooperation.] My Council will be with me in a hour or 
two. Our regiments are prepared for motion, whenever tho't necessary & best." 
' — Same to same, Oct. Wth. 



1776. CHAP. XXIII. — TRUMBULL. 273 

every dishonorable Artifice, and unprovolced Violence^ and finally to 
levy an unnatural War upon his British People in America, who at that 
time were a dutiful and liege people; and to carry on the same with 
unrelenting Cruelty and Vigor, have engaged Mercenaries and Savages 
to join therein, using every Artifice to cause Division and Discord 

among the People: When it is also considered, that humtle and 

decent Petitions have leen made and presented to obtain Belief and lie- 
dress of these Grievances, which have been rejected and spurned; — that 
Thirteen Governments in America being declared Rehels, and deprived 
of the Protection and paternal kindness of the King, and suffering 
under the Malevolence of their British Brethren, have solemnly declared 
that they are, and of Eight otight to be, free and independent States; 
that a solemn act of Confederation is forming, to be entered into by all 
these United States, so that all Men in them may lead quiet and peace- 
able Lives in all Godliness and Honesty ; — and that a solemn Apjpeal is 
made to God for his just and righteous Decision in this unhappy War ; — 
The Scriptures, the Examples of Holy Men, and of our Fathers, show it 
to be our Duty frequently by Fasting and Prayer, to ajjpear before the 
Lord, to humMe ourselves in his Sight, to confess and lament for our evil 
Deeds, and for our great Tresp>ass, and to repent for all our Iniquities, 
which deserve His righteous Punishment — to seek His Face, the Light of 
His Countenance, and Deliverance from the Hands of otir Enemies, who 
have risen up against us, to deprive us of our Rights and Liberties — and to 
supplicate for his Mercy, for Wisdom and Direction, that so the free 
and independent States may be radicated, confirmed, established, built 
up, and caused to flourish , and to become a Praise in the whole earth: 

" I HAVE therefore, by and with the advice of the Council, thought fit 
to appoint Thursday the nineteenth day of September instant, to be ob- 
served as a Day of Fasting and Prayer throughout this State ; hereby 
exhorting both Ministers and People of all Denominations, to humble 
themselves before God, confessing their sins, and intreating his divine 
Grace, Favor, and Blessing. Particularly, to confess and lament their 
having gone far from God, forgetting the errand of their Fathers into 
this Land, neglecting and abusing the inestimable Privileges of the Gos- 
pel, and trifling with the Liberties wherewith Christ hath made us free — 
to mourn for our Pride, Covetousness, Sensuality, Security, Vanity, Dis- 
sipation, and Insensibility of the Obligations we are under to the divine 
Author of all our Blessings ; — Upon this solemn Day of Fasting and 
Humiliation, to set our Sins in Order before us, with all their heinous 
Aggravations, and in the Bitterness of our Souls to lament and bewail 
the general Prevalence of Impiety and Vice, which hath overspread 
and diffused itself throughout the Land : — To offer up fervent supplica- 
tions to Almighty God, for his gracious Presence with us, — to give us 
true Repentance and Reformation, — to make us fully sensible that our 
Dependence must be on his Power and Grace alone, — to retrieve the an- 



274 CHAP. XXIII. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

cient Piety and Virtue of the Land, — to prosper our Arms, — to deliver 
us from the Power of our Enemies, — to quicken and enlarge the Hearts 
of His People in the Fear and Service of Ood^ of their Country, of one 
another, and in defence of their just Rights and Liberties. 

" And likewise to offer up devout Prayers for the Representatives of 
the United States in General Congress assembled, that God would pre- 
side in the Midst of them, direct and lead them to such wise and just 
Articles of Confederation, and to such equitable and righteous Measures, 
as may preserve and secure the Rights and Liberties, the Prosperity and 
Tranquillity of the whole United States of America — That he would 
show Favor to each, and in particular to this State, carry them all safely 
through this unhappy War — give Wisdom and Conduct to our Generals 
and Officers, and inspire our Soldiers with Courage, Resolution, and For- 
titude — defeat the Attempts and Designs of our Enemies — turn them 
back from us — and make bare His arm for our Salvation — bless and guide 
our Civil Rulers, and enable them with Wisdom and Courage to use all 
their Power and Influence to promote the Happiness of this People — 
make them Protectors and Examples of Virtue, the Terror of Vice, and 
happy Instruments of the public Peace and Tranquillity ; that God 
would Grant plentiful Effusions of His Holy Spirit upon Rulers, Minis- 
ters of the Gospel, Colleges, Schools of Learning, and on all the People — 
cause true and undefiled Religion to flourish in this and all these States, 
and through the Christian world. 

" Further^ I do sincerely recommend to all the Churches in this State, 
to continue the laudable Practice of setting apart Seasons of Prayer to 
God, our Almighty Preserver and Deliverer. 

" And all servile Labor is forbidden on said Day. 

" Given under my Hand in Lebanon, the sixth Day of September, in 
the year of our Lord One Thousand seven hundred and seventy-six. 

"Jonathan Trumbull," 

True to tlie preparations which Trumbull had made, the 
Connecticut forces — in the crisis at New- York — poured on, 
at quick intervals, to join the Continental Army — much to 
the joy of the whole country — deeply to the satisfaction of 
Washington himself. " The exertions of Connecticut upon 
every occasion," he wrote to Trumbull, September sixth — 
" do them great honor." 

" I observe with great pleasure," he wrote again, September ninth — 
"that you have ordered the remaining regiments of militia, that can be 
spared from the immediate defence of the sea-coast, to march towards 
New- York with all expedition. I cannot sufficiently express my thanks, 
not only for your constant and ready compliance with any request of 
mine, but for your own strenuous exertions and prudent forecast, in 



1776. CHAP. XXIII. — TRUMBULL. 275 

ordering matters so, that your force has generally been collected and put 
in motion as soon as it has been demanded." 

"When your Excellency," answered Trumbull, the next day — "was 
pleased to request the militia of our State to be sent forward with all pos- 
sible expedition to reenforce the army at New-York, no time was lost to 
expedite the march ; and I am happy to find the spirit and zeal that ap- 
peared in the people of this State, to yield every assistance in their power 
in the present critical situation of our affairs. The season indeed, was 
most unfavorable for so many of our farmers and laborers to leave home. 
Many had not even secured their harvest ; the greater part had secured 
but a small part even of their hay, and the preparation of the crop of 
winter's grain for the ensuing year was totally omitted ; but they, the 
most of them, lefl all to afford their help in protecting and defending 
their just rights and liberties against the attempt of a numerous aimy 
sent to invade them. The suddenness of the requisition, the haste and 
expedition required in the raising, equipping, and marching such a num- 
ber of men after the large drafts before made on this State, engrossed all 
our time and attention." 

Nor were this "time and attention" on the part of Trum- 
bull to the American Army, destined to be otherwise than 
engrossed, for the residue of the eventful year on which we 
dwell. Disasters crowded thick and fast upon that of August 
Twenty-seventh. The evacuation of the City and Island of 
New- York* — the indecisive action of White Plains — the fall 
of Fort "Washington — the abandonment of Fort Lee — the 
retreat of Washington, with but the shadow of an army, 
through the Jerseys — all these misfortunes rapidly succeeded 
the rout upon Long Island. They resulted, as is a familiar 
fact, from the wretched policy of using militia upon short 
enlistments, instead of troops upon a regular and permanent es- 
tablishment — a policy which Trumbull was among the earliest 
to condemn, and one of the first, in common with Washing- 

* " The City," Trumbull warmly says, writing his son Joseph, Sep. 21st — " is 
then left an asylum and resting place for our enemies. — Strange that those who 
fight ^ro aris etfoeig^ should behave in such a poltroon manner, as you mention 
some of them did on Sunday. It seems some others made up for it on Monday. 
I lament the loss of the brave Lt. Col. Kriowlton — would others behave with the 
spirit and bravery he did, our atfairs would soon put on a different aspect, t — Par- 
d'jn for rebels — who are they ? Our enemies we say are the guilty. They may 
crave pardon on repentance, and coming to a better mind and behaviour." 

t " Our greatest loss is poor Knowlton, whose name and spirit ought to be im- 
mortal" — wrote Gen. Joseph Eeed, who saw him fall at the battle of Harlem 
Heights. " I mounted him on my horse, and brought him off— and when gasp- 
ing in tiie agonies of death, all his inquiry was if we had driven in the enemy." 



276 CHAP. XXIII. — TRUMBULL. 1116. 

ton, bj appeal particularly to Congress, to labor to over- 
throw.* Still when the army, after the ill-success around 
New- York, was daily and fearfully diminishing in numbers, 
he continued, after the old mode, to recruit its exhausted 
ranks. 

When, in October, he heard from various quarters of a 
projected invasion of Connecticut by way of White Plains, 
he made every preparation to meet it. When, on the second 
of the same month, he heard from Washington that the 
army was actually on the eve of a dissolution — that " every 
nerve," therefore, "should be exerted to enlist a new one" — 
and that he wanted aid also particularly for securing the 
Highlands — a point for which the New- York Committee of 
Safety too specially solicited Trumbull's assistance — the un- 
tiring Governor of Connecticut, upon these fresh demands, 
issued first one Proclamation calling on the militia to be 
ready to march — and then a second, renewedly stimulating 
officers and men to promptness — "fully confiding," he de- 
clared, "in the virtue and public spirit of the good people 
of this State, that has at all times exerted itself in so glo- 
rious a cause that they need no stimulus to duty at this all- 
important juncture." In November again, upon a requisition 
from Congress, he issued a third Proclamation, for raising 
eight battalions upon a Continental Establishment — once 
more desiring the people of the State, upon " the generous 
encouragements" then offered, "to step forth voluntarily in 
their country's service" — and expressing the ardent hope 
that " the justice of our cause, and reliance on the favorable 
presence of the God of armies," would inspire them " with 
that fortitude and magnanimity necessary to expel our en- 
emies from our coasts and restore tranquillity to our land." 

And when in dark and gloomy December, just previous to 
the flashing of the light at Trenton and Princeton — Wash- 

* In a letter to Congress, Sep. 21st, 1776, he says : " The mode of supplying 
the army by militia is a measure not to be depended on ; there must be a durable 
army, or the consequences will be fatal. — The time of the inlistment of our sol- 
diery is beginning to expire. Congress will suffer me to ask, if it is not a matter 
worthy serious and speedy consideration, that measures should be adopted for 
their further enlistment. In which case I think it of great moment that the en- 
gagement should be for a longer time than has hitherto been." 



1776. CHAP. XXIII. — TRUMBULL. 277 

ington — before "a numerous, well-appointed, and victorious" 
army of the foe — was retreating through New -Jersey — 
through a desponding country — with a force reduced now to 
less than three thousand men — almost wholly destitute of 
artillery — with but a single troop of cavalry — and this a little 
band of mounted militia-men from Connecticut under 
Major Sheldon — with his soldiers all wretchedly armed — 
without tents, with but little clothing, almost naked and 
bare-footed, in cold that froze the breath — it was at this des- 
pairing moment that Trumbull more earnestly than ever 
conjured the troops of Connecticut to rush to the rescue — 
" for the sake of their country and all its inestimable rights, 
for the sake of themselves and all posterity " — pleaded with 
them to comply with the requisitions of Washington. 

There was a promising opportunity in New-Jersey, he 
thought — by reenforcing Washington in front of Cornwallis, 
and Lee in his rear — to cut off the enemy between two fires. 
So with the General Assembly of his State, he united in 
proclaiming, as a new incentive for enlistments, this "so 
great an occasion." And with a Committee of Twenty- 
Two — raised specially by Connecticut at this time, for the 
purpose of propagating " the spirit and zeal of the country," 
and rousing the people to serve in the existing conjuncture — 
Trumbull traversed and animated the whole State with his 
correspondence and his influence. Through the darkest 
period of the American Struggle, courage emphatically was 
in his heart. ^^Fortuna favet audaci^^ — ^he remembered it — 
his own family motto. Hope was on his banner, 

" "White as a white sail on a dusky sea " — 

and he looked anxiously forward to some glorious morning, 
yet to break, when this auspicious Messenger was sure " to 
ride upon the wind, and Joy outshine the sun." A State 
with such a Governor, and such a People — thus spirited — 
thus harmonious — thus lighting up anew the torches of ef- 
fort — ^was bound to be free! 

24 



CHAPTER XXIV. 
1776. 

Trumbull in the department of Home Defence. The hostile vessels 
and fleets in the Sound. He is made Chief Naval Officer of the State 
He huilds three row-galleys, and a ship-of-vrar. He confers with ingen- 
ious men about marine devices. Bushnell and his Torpedo in this con- 
nection. Trum.hull commends hina to Washington. He regulates pro- 
vision vessels, and guards against predatory descents, and illicit trade. 
He concerts expeditions, in aid of Washington, to drive the enemiy 
from Long Island and the Sound. These expeditions described. He 
urges Congress to adopt New London as an asylum for the Continental 
fleet. The Marine of Connecticut this year. Its success. The De- 
fence captures a valuable British ship and brig, after a sharp engage- 
ment. Admiral Hopkins reaches New London, from the West Indies, 
with valuable prizes, and important prisoners. Satisfaction of Trum- 
bull. 

While steadily sustaining — as in the last chapter de- 
scribed — the main army under Washington, in its operations 
around New- York and in New-Jersey, Trumbull was at the 
same time busy in protecting the sea-coast and waters of Con- 
necticut. To comprehend fully his labors during the year 
now under consideration, we have to look at him here also — 
in the department of Home Defence. 

The whole of Long Island Sound, this year, was almost 
incessantly crowded with vessels of the enemy, and some- 
times with fleets of immense size, which cruised up and 
down — watching op23ortunities to seize American craft of 
every kind, and to land upon the Connecticut coast — as they 
did with impunity upon the coast of Long Island opposite — 
for purposes of plunder and devastation. Conspicuous 
among the single British vessels thus employed, were the 
Kingfisher^ the jSwan, the Glasgow, the Phoenix, the Nautilus — 
the man-of-war Hose, the same which, the preceding year, 
had attacked and fired upon Stonington — and the Cerberus, 
the same which captured the brave and unfortunate Captain 
Hale, and from whose hot pursuit — from Montauk Point 
over to the race of New-London — Captain Niles of the Spy 



1716. 



CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 279 



but barely escaped, with the loss of his topmast. And there 
was also the Bellona, the same whose crew, eager for plunder, 
sprang on board the vessel of Captain Hawley — as he sailed 
from Stratford — and, after rifling his chest, in vain labored to 
bribe the gallant sailor into their service as pilot by offering 
him payment for his vessel after the War closed, and his choice 
of a plantation anywhere upon the continent of America. 

Conspicuous among the fleets which threatened America 
were, first, one in March — when the British were about to 
withdraw from Boston — which was reported as designed for 
devastating the entire coast towards New-York — next, 
shortly after, one consisting of twenty-one vessels of war, 
which appeared off Newport — next, one which, in May, was 
said to be on its passage from England — again one early in 
July, which, consisting of one hundred and thirty sail, left 
Halifax, bound for New- York — and again, one in the last 
week in August, consisting of three ships and two tenders, 
which anchored off Fisher's Island, and then off Stamfoi-d. 
In the beginning of December there was another, consisting 
of one hundred men-of-war and transports, which appeared 
off Black Point — about eight miles from New-London har- 
bor — and there remained at anchor three days. Shortly 
after, there was still another, composed of twenty-two sail, 
which lay at anchor between Fairfield and Norwalk, and 
menaced the whole coast in this direction. 

All these alarms gave, of course, intense anxiety to the 
people of Connecticut. Forts and entrenchments for defence, 
consequently, were to be erected, and supplied fully with 
batteries, and every munition of war, all along the shore — 
especially at Stonington, New London, Saybrook, Newha- 
ven, Milford, Bridgeport, Fairfield, Stamford, and Norwalk. 
Forces were to be raised and stationed from time to time. 
Minute-men were to be kept in readiness. Signals were to 
be agreed upon — quick modes of communication estab- 
lished — little spy-boats were to be constantly despatched. 
Eow-galleys, whaleboats, and vessels of war were to be 
built — sloops purchased and fitted up as brigantines — and all 
to be armed, officered, manned, and have their cruising 
grounds appointed. Everything in short was to be done, 



280 CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. It76. 

for tlie security of American navigation in the Sound, and 
of towns on the coast, that general alarm and prudent 
bravery could instigate* — and in all this Trumbull took a 
leading part. It was upon himself and his Council that the 
duties to which we refer, mainly devolved — and chiefly on 
himself — he and his Council being by the Assembly specially 
empowered to make such regulations, from time to time, for 
defence of the sea-coast and of the Sound, as they should 
think best. 

By special Act of the General Assembly too, Trumbull 
was constituted Chief Naval Oflftcer of the State, with power 
to appoint four naval officers under himself — one at New 
London — one at Middletown — one at Newhaven — and one at 
Norwalk — and with power also to fill blank commissions for 
private ships of war, and letters of marque and reprisal, 
sent by the President of Congress to Connecticut, and take 
bonds for the proper execution of the same — which last 
power — as is manifest from the numerous naval commissions 
to be found among his Papers — he exercised to a very great 
extent.f 

* At times all supplies for the use of the army and people of Connecticut, 
which were stored upon or near the sea-coast, were to be removed back into the 
country, to some deposit safe from the enemy. At times not even a little canoe, 
under any pretence, without a written license, was to leave any port, bay, creek, 
or river in the State — but all the small craft were to be laid up on shore and se- 
cured. And at times again, not a boat from any islands under control of the en- 
emy — as from Block-Island, particularly — was to be permitted to land in Con- 
necticut. Every hostile vessel that might be hovering about the coast, was to 
be closely watched, and captured, if possible. Particular orders were to be given 
with regard to Provision Ships, to prevent their falling into the hands of the en- 
emy. Any American vessels that might be discovered about New London offing, 
or in the Sound, without legal clearances from Congress, were to be seized and 
brought into port— and all smuggling and clandestine management, that should 
be contrary to the laws, or to any embargoes, or to any proliibitions of Congress, 
or of the State, were to be carefully prevented. Horned cattle, sheep, and swine, 
were to be ordered off from islands adjacent to the coast — from Fisher's Island, 
particularly — and brought to the Main. And vessels were to be sent over as 
convoys for transports to bring off inhabitants, with their effects, from Long 
Island to Connecticut — Whig inhabitants, who at times appealed to Governor 
Trumbull in crowds, and most earnestly, for aid and protection. 

t One of his papers contains a list of fourteen different bonds — the biisis of 
fourteen different commissions for privateers, all issued within five months. 
They were taken to the Treasurer of the United States, usually in the sum of 
twenty thousand Spanish milled dollars — conditioned that conunanders and own- 
ers should govern and direct themselves according to the Commission, and ordi- 
nances, and instructions of the United States. 



1V76. CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 281 

Early in the year he had three row-galleys built — the 
iShark, the Whiting, and the Crane — and started at Saybrook 
the construction of a new and large ship of war — the Oliver 
Cromtvell, as she was afterwards called — giving orders for the 
materials necessary to build her — looking to the manufacture 
of her anchors — and sending to Philadelphia and Boston for 
the duck and ropes with which to rig her. And when, in 
October — mounted with artillery which he had himself or- 
dered* — she was made ready for sea, he immediately sent her 
out — Captain Coit commander — to cruise against the enemy. f 
In April, he caused the armed brig Defence, and the schoon- 
er Spy, to join Admiral Hopkins in a cruise of eight 
weeks. At other times — and indeed during most of the 
year — he kept the State Captains, Stanton, Tinker, and Mc 
Cleave — with Stonington and New London harbors as their 
places of rendezvous — cruising respectively, from Stonington 
on through Fisher's Island Sound westward to New London, 
and east and south of Fisher's Island — from New London 
westward again to the mouth of Connecticut Eiver, and 
southward as far as Montauk Point — and westward again to 
New Haven harbor and beyond — while the Spy and the De- 
fence particularly, were to cruise at large. He was in almost 
constant correspondence with the commanders of these ves- 
sels. They were often in his presence, to receive his orders, 
and to report, when made, their prizes — and upon one occa- 
sion, in July, he sent the captains of the three row-galleys 
above-mentioned, upon Washington's request, specially to 
aid the General in New York, when the American ships in 
the North River were threatened with an attack. 

In conference often with him too, and with his Council, 
were ingenious men, who came to explain their contrivances 
for aiding, in one way and another, the little marine of Con- 

* She was struck by lightning just before she was taken from Saybrook, but 
did not receive much damage. 

t In the same month he received a request from the Marine Committee at Phil- 
adelphia, to provide sixty-four cannon for a frigate then building in New Hamp- 
shire, and another building in Massachusetts. " Your well-known zeal in tho 
common cause," say the Committee writing him on the subject — "gives us per- 
fect confidence that you will do herein what will most contribute to promote and 
expedite the public service." 

24* 



282 CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

necticut, or for damaging the foe — Willard from Killing- 
worth, for example, with his singular plan for applying the 
screw to weigh off vessels — and Bushnell from Saybrook, 
with his famous "American Turtle,"^ and torpedoes, for 
blowing up hostile ships. 

Bushnell, particularly — a well-educated, scientific man, of 
remarkable mechanical ingenuity, and a zealous patriot — was 
warmly encouraged by Trumbull. He received him at Leb- 
anon before his Council — listened with great interest to his 
explanation of his submarine explosive machine — fully ap- 
proved of his plan — and, holding out to him "the expecta- 
tion of future notice and reward," directed him "to make 
every necessary experiment about it," and wrote to Congress 
strongly in favor of its adoption, and for their patronage of 
the inventor. Again he bestowed on Bushnell his special 
attention, when the latter, attended by Colonel Huntington, 
brought him a specimen of his new torpedo — and he ordered 
the ofl&cers, agents, and commissaries of the State generally, 
to assist him with men, boats, powder, lead, and everything 
necessary for his purpose, "without stint." 

True the inventions — from want of skill in operators, mis- 
directed attachment of driving screws, from the vigilance of 
the enemy, or from untoward accidents by wind or tide — did 
not fully answer public expectation. Yet they effected much 
good at times in alarming British men of war, and causing 

* " Outwardly this machine bore some resemblance to a large sea turtle. Hence 
the origin of its name. In the head there was an opening, sufficiently large to 
admit a man. This apartment was air tight, and was designed to be supplied 
with air sufficient to support life for half an hour. At the bottom, opposite tliis 
entrance, was a deposit of lead for ballast. The operator sat upright, holding an 
oar for rowing forward or backward, and having command of a rudder to direct 
his course in any direction. An aperture at the bottom, with its valve, admitted 
water, for the purpose of descending, while two brass forcing pumps served to 
eject the water, when necessary to rise to the surface. 

"Behind this vessel, and above the rudder, was a place for carrying a large 
powder magazine. This was made of two pieces of oak timber, large enough 
when hollowed out, to contain one hundred and fifty pounds of powder, with the 
apparatus used for firing it, and was secured in any place, where it was designed 
to act, by means of a screw turned by the operator. Within the magazine, was a 
piece of clockwork, capable of running twelve hours, and so arranged as to be 
set at any moment, at the will of the manager. When it had run out its time, it 
unpinioned a strong lock, resembling a gun-lock, by means of which the e.xplo- 
Bion was produced." — Cutter's Life of Gen. Putnam., p. 227. 



Ills. CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 283 

them to avoid the coast and harbors of Connecticut — as the 
British frigate Cerberus found one day to her cost, when, as 
she lay off Nyantic Bay — west of New London — her deck 
was suddenly strewn with the bodies of men prostrated by a 
torpedo, exploding with tremendous force, w^hich some of the 
crew, from ignorant curiosity, had drawn up from the 
waves* — and as the Eagle — the flagship of Admiral Lord 
Howe — in New York harbor, would also have found to her 
terrible detriment, but for that unfortunate sweep of the tide 
which misdirected the driving screw of one of Bushnell's 
Turtles against impenetrable iron plates near her rudder. 
Still, in this case, the magazine of the machine, bursting at a 
little distance from the ship — with a noise stupendous as if 
produced by "a bomb, a meteor, a water-spout, or an earth- 
quake," and sending "a vast column of water to an amazing 
height" — drove the Eagle, the Asia, the Chatham, and all 
the rest of the British fleet that lay near the Battery instantly 
down the Bay — not again from Staten Island to move to- 
wards the city, until the morning of the Long Island battle. 
Trumbull never forgot the inventor of this fearful machine — 
but pursued him with his kindness and encouragement, until, 
with a well-timed and warm-hearted letterf to General Wash- 
ington, he introduced him to a permanent and honorable post 
as Captain in a Continental corps of Sappers and Miners. 

Among the naval duties of Trumbull this year, was that, 
particularly, of stopping provision vessels from going out of 
any port in the State through the Sound — save in special 
cases — lest the enemy might be supplied. It devolved on 
him also still to arrest the many plundering descents made on 
Connecticut by a vile set of tories and refugees, from Long 
Island, in those little piratical boats and sloops familiarly 
known in their day as *' Shaving Mills.'''' His cruising orders, 
to meet these cases, were very numerous, and were gratefully 

* " A line was one day seen from the ship floatini? upon the water at a little 
distance, which the tender of the ship was ordered to examine. It was drawn 
up witli groat caution, and found to be 150 fathoms in length, and to have a ma- 
chine attached to the end of it, weighing about 400 pounds. This, upon being 
hauled into the frigate, exploded on the deck, and as was currently reported at 
the time, killed several men." — Miss CaulTcins' New London, p. 525. 

+ See this letter in a note at the end of this chapter. 



284 CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL, 



1776. 



acknowledged by the New York Congress. He took strong 
measures also to prevent that illicit contraband trade — 
"fraught with mischief, misrule, and villainy" — in which sup- 
plies from the Main were sometimes carried over to Long 
Island, and there exchanged for British gold and goods — an 
occupation odious indeed — and which made the phrase '■^Long 
Island trader " everywhere one of peculiar opprobrium, and 
exposed the guilty party to the contempt and indignation of 
every true American. 

In August, particularly, in close accord with General 
Washington — in order to cause a diversion to the enemy, 
harass their rear, and put a stop to their excursions upon Long 
Island for provisions — he concerted an expedition across the 
Sound, of which, in the following letter to the Commander- 
in-chief, August thirty -first, he gives an account himself. 

" Sir. Adjutant-General Read's letter,* of the 24th instant, came to 
hand Tuesday Morning, the 27th ; yours, of the same date, yesterday. 

" On receiving tjie former, I advised with my Council. We concluded 
to send Benjamin Huntington, Esq., one of our Council, with directions 
to take with him Major Ely, at New London, an officer there well ac- 
quainted with the people on Long Island, to proceed there and consult 
and agree with some of the sure friends of our cause — with secrecy, as 
far as the circumstances would admit — for a number of their men, as- 
sured friends, and well acquainted on the Island, to join with a body 
from this State, if possible to accomplish your wishes, to cause a diver- 
sion to the enemy, to harass them on their rear, and to prevent their ex- 
cursions in pursuit of the provisions the Island affords. I hear they 
sailed for the Island yesterday. His return is expected the beginning of 
next week. 

" If he succeeds according to our hopes, no exertions of this State, I 
trust, will be wanting, at this critical conjuncture, to harass and keep the 
enemy at bay, to gain time and every advantage the case may admit. I 
shall give the earliest intelligence of our proceedings, that you may co- 
operate with our designs. * * 

" A post comes in, and brings the letters, copies of which are inclosed. 
I now expect Mr. Huntington's speedy return. Have sent for my Coun- 
cil. My own thoughts are to send forward four or five of the companies 
now stationed at New London, with four field-pieces, I hope six pieces, 
to join those men who may be ready for the service on Long Island ; four 
or five companies to follow from New London as soon as they can be 

* Read wrote Trumbull in behalf of Washington, as his private Secretary. 



11776. CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 285 

marched down ; and also to order on other regiments to take the places 
of such as are removed from thence. 

" I am inclined to think we shall fall upon some measure similar to 
what is mentioned. No delay can be admitted at this critical moment. 
Please to give me the earliest intelligence how we may best serve agre- 
ably to your desires. 

"Shall send in the morning this intelligence to Gov. Cooke, of Provi- 
dence, and ask his assistance in the best way he shall think the circum- 
stances of that State will admit." 

Trumbull made every preparation to carry into effect that 
plan which in this letter he suggests.* Governor Cooke, of 
Rhode Island, made ready an entire brigade in that quarter, 
and two galleys, for the purpose of cooperation. But the 
disastrous battle of Long Island, August twenty-seventh, 
checked and postponed awhile the undertaking. Uncertain 
and aggravated accounts of the evacuation of that Island, 
and of imminent danger in consequence to Rhode Island 
from the ships of the enemy, reached Governor Cooke at 
Providence, and led him to stop the embarcation of the bri- 
gade which he had prepared. The same cause, and reports 
besides that Long Island had universally gone over to the 
enemy — led Trumbull also to defer the expedition for the 
present — except so far as assistance to the inhabitants in that 
quarter in removing their stock and effects is concerned — to 
which he gave attention. f 

But though thus disappointed as to an immediate diversion 
in favor of Washington and his army, Trumbull did not 
relinquish the project of driving the enemy both from Long 
Island, and the Sound. In the same letter in which he com- 
municated to Washington the abandonment of the August 
plan, he started another. "I have it in contemplation," he 

* " We have ordered 10 or 15 hundred men to go on L. Island to give a diver- 
sion, defend the inhabitants, and secure the stock." — Gmernor's letter to his son, 
Joseph, Sep. Ind. 

+ " I have received intelligence," he wrote to Washington, September fifth — ■ 
" that since our troops retreated from the west end of Long Island, the Militia 
have disbanded themselves, laid down their arms, and are making their submis- 
sion to General Howe. Two companies of Continental troops that were sta- 
tioned there are arrived at Saybrook. In this situation we cannot hope to make 
a diversion there, to any purpose, with what force we can throw over. We can 
only assist such as choose to retire from Long Island in getting off their persons 
and effects, which to the utmost of our power will be done." 



286 CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

wrote — " if practicable, to procure a sufficient naval force to 
clear the Sound of the enemy's ships now in it, and have 
proposed the matter to Governor Cooke, and requested of 
him to join their force with ours, and ask the concurrence of 
Commodore Hopkins with such part of the Continental fleet 
as are ready, and capable to act. I beg leave to ask your 
opinion whether a plan of this nature be practicable and use- 
ful, and, in case it should be attempted, whether a number of 
seamen may not be drafted from the army to assist in the 
enterprise," 

Washington warmly approved the plan — and soon — upon 
fresh advices that the enemy were recruiting a large number 
of men, with great success, upon Long Island, and were also 
collecting there large quantities of stock — renewedly urged 
it upon Trumbull's attention, and promised the cooperation 
of General Mcintosh and General Lincoln, with a force from 
his own army — for the purpose of suppressing, if possible, 
practices so deleterious to the American cause. Trumbull, 
therefore, " put everything forward " for the expedition pro- 
posed, "ftist as possible." Besides to Rhode Island, he wrote 
also to Massachusetts for particular aid and cooperation — for 
a special regiment of men, and for whaleboats.* 

For the marine force to be employed, in addition to a por- 
tion to be provided hj Connecticut, Trumbull applied partic- 
ularly to Commodore Hopkins at Rhode Island — whom, in 
the beginning of the year, he had aided to fit out — in the 
harbor of New London — the first naval expedition ever 
made under the authority of Congress.f The Commodore, 

*"Iam informed," he said, addressing the General Assembly of Massachu- 
setts — " that a large number of whaleboats that belong to the Continent, are at 
or near Boston, and might be used for this important service. We have but very 
few with us. I am also informed that a regiment is ordered from you to Provi- 
dence — to replace the Continental battalion removed from the State of Ehode 
Island — and whether your regiment could not come in the whaleboats to Provi- 
dence, carrying them across the land at Buzzard's Bay, is, I apprehend, worthy 
of your consideration, and to be executed without delay. 

"We are equipping what naval force we have, with all possible expedition. 
"We are exerting ourselves, and desirous to unite our whole strength with the 
other States in our common cause. I don't doubt of your utmost attention, and 
most vigorous exertions therein." 

+ The little squadron consisted of four vessels — the Alfred, Columhvs, Andrea 
Doria, and Cabot — varying in armament from fourteen to sixteen guns. 



1776. CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 287 

in consonance witli the Governor's views, and mucli to bis 
gratification, pushed on his preparations rapidly. 

"Your favor of the 5th instant" — wrote Trumbull to him, October 
eleventh, in a letter which develops his own careful foresight and indus- 
try in the scheme — " came safe to hand, in which you inform me that 
the Alfred and Hampden are ready, and that two new frigates, you ex- 
pect, will be ready in about a week. I hope no attention or diligence 
will be wanting to have them prepared by that time, and shall endeavor 
that there be no delay as to ours, though I am necessitated to apply to 
you, or your State, to furnish a quantity of shot for our ships. We 
have the round, but double-headed, chain sliding, and star shot we have 
none ; hope you can supply what will be wanting for the present. We 
have sent to our furnace for them, but fear it will be impossible to have 
them ready at New London by the time they may be wanted for the 
present expedition, but may be ready to be replaced, if necessary, very 
soon after. The size of the cannon for which we shall want them is nine- 
pounders. I understand the Columbus is now in port ; if so, cannot she 
join your squadron ? For no force ought to be omitted which human 
foresight can devise to render our ships as sure as may be at this critical 
time with our army, as this expedition, if successful, may much discon- 
cert the enemy." 

On the same day on which Trumbull wrote this letter to 
Commodore Hopkins, be addressed another — from New- 
haven — to- General Washington, explaining his own proceed- 
ings thus far — giving some further details as to his plan — 
and again soliciting men from Washington's army to aid in 
the enterprise. 

" In consequence of your favor," he proceeds — " proposing a descent 
upon Long Island, although I was so unhappy as not to be able to meet 
Generals Clinton and Lincoln at this place, as requested, I applied to the 
State of Rhode Island, and obtained their consent and orders, that Colo- 
nel Richmond, and such part of his battalion as shall not enlist on board 
the Continental vessels, should assist in the enterprise. Colonel Rich- 
mond will accordingly begin his march this day for New-London, and 
bring with him the whaleboats collected in Massachusetts Bay and Rhode 
Island, to the number of between eighty and ninety, which, it is appre- 
hended, will be of great use to the troops ordered on this service, espe- 
cially to secure and assist their retreat, should it be attempted to be 
cut off. 

" I have this day conferred with Colonels Mcintosh and Livingston on 
the subject. They inform me they are supplied with provisions and am- 
munition for their purpose, and only want such a number of water-craft, 



288 CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

as, with the whaleboats divided into three parts, in the whole may be 
sufficient to transport twelve hundred men, as he means each division to 
be so placed at the inlets to the Island, as, if cut off from one, he may- 
resort to the other to make his retreat sure, if necessary. These I have 
ordered for him, and they will be provided and ready without delay. 

* * " Our naval expedition against the ships of the enemy in the 
Sound is still in contemplation, and preparations are making for the same 
as fast as we can. Commodore Hopkins writes me, the 5th instant, that 
the Alfred and Hampden are ready, and that the two new frigates there 
would be ready in about a week, if they can be manned, neither of them 
having more than half their compliment at that time. Our ship and brig 
will, we trust, be ready to join them, and when they are equipped it is 
proposed that they first attack the two frigates that infest the coast and 
Sound, if they, or either of them, shall appear in their way ; otherwise 
they will proceed directly up the Sound, and give the best account they 
can of the ships this side Hell Gate, which is the principal object. 

" I am now informed that the two frigates and the Alfred are manned 
from Colonel Richmond's regiment, which I hope will prove true ; but, if 
not, am in hopes they may be completed by volunteers from Rhode 
Island and New-London ; but if they should still fall short of their full 
compliment, I beg leave to suggest to your Excellency whether they 
could not, without inconveniency, be filled up from some parts of your 
army. * * * Since my last from Commodore Hopkins, I am informed 
that the Columbus, Captain Whipple, has arrived in port at Rhode 
Island. I have wrote to him to take her with him, which will make 
considerable addition to his force. Please to afford me your advice and 
fullest information. I cannot but flatter myself with strong hopes of ad- 
vantages to be derived from this adventure of our ships, as well as the 
expedition to Long Island. Secrecy in both is of the utmost importance." 

But the "strong hopes" which Trumbull entertained of 
success in the expedition which he so carefully fostered, were 
destined, in great part — as in the August plan immediately 
preceding — to disappointment. Instead of the fifteen or 
eighteen hundred men he expected for the service, he was 
unable to collect more than half that number. Such was 
the pressure around New York that Washington could not 
spare him any force. It was found impossible also either to 
man or properly equip the ships at Rhode Island intended 
for this expedition. Seamen there were wanting — shot were 
wanting.* Water-craft too, for the conveyance of troops 

* " No sort of shot are to be had in this State," wrote Hopkins from Ehode 
Island to Trumbull, October fifteenth — " there is no encouragement in getting 
the ships manned." 



1176. CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 289 

across the Sound, failed. Colonel Richmond, it is true, 
with four hundred men, and fifty-four whaleboats, proceeded, 
to New London — and Livingston collected some companies 
at Say brook — but when their united force, in obedience to 
the orders of Trumbull, after a stormy passage upon the 
Sound, was to be gathered at Newhaven, but twelve whale- 
boats — with as many men only as each could carry — made 
their appearance at the point of rendezvous. Without coop- 
eration then, either from the fleet under Hopkins, or the 
army under Washington — and, as it was found, with not 
more than half the whaleboats requisite for transporting the 
men that were collected, across the Sound — the expedition — 
though carefully concerted, and finally arranged in every 
particular by Trumbull and the commanders, in an inter- 
view at Newhaven — could not be carried into effect in the 
form in which it was originally designed. 

Something, however, in pursuance of the public service 
upon Long Island, notwithstanding the failure of the general 
plan, was accomplished, by part of the force which the occa- 
sion collected. Several companies did in fact go over to the 
Island. The active, spirited, sanguine Livingston, was there 
with them. Many families, with their stock and effects, were 
successfully brought off from the Island. The well-aflfected. 
there were protected. Many of the hostile militia there were 
disarmed. Many obnoxious tories were taken and secured.* 
And, more than all — a fearful attack upon Norwalk in Con- 
necticut, which, about this time, had been projected by that 
famous partisan ranger, in the employ of General Howe, 
Major Rogers — "that scouter," as Trumbull calls him, 
"skilled in waylaying and ambuscade" — was diverted. It 
was to have been made by a battalion of tories from Hunt- 
ington, and was to have taken place in the night season — but 
the activity of the companies sent across the Sound by 
Trumbull frustrated the undertaking — and Rogers was 
pushed into extremities which soon resulted, at other hands, 
in his surprise and defeat at Mamaroneck. 

*Like Col. Abram Gardiner, for example — a man who had been exceedingly 
active in administering the oath of allegiance to the inhabitants of South and 
East Hampton — and like Zebadiah Howell, another " infamous abettor of the 
ministry," as he was styled. 

25 



290 CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

While all this was doing for Long Island, and for the Con- 
necticut service upon the water, Trumbull was also busy 
with troops and fortifications upon the land — for coast de- 
fence. He was continually raising and stationing compa- 
nies — now in May, for example, one entire regiment — now 
in November, eight regiments — and now in December again, 
the quarter part of five regiments, to be stationed at and 
about New London. He personally inspected most of the 
works of defence. From time to time he advanced money 
to complete them, and for the support of men and troops 
employed upon them. He mounted them with cannon from 
Salisbury — supervised them through committees, whose re- 
ports he received and scrutinized — and kept up an alert cor- 
respondence respecting them at every point — especially with 
their commanders, with Washington, and with Congress. 

The works at New London received in particular his 
attention. The hai-bor there, he said, " may be made an 
asylum for the Continental fleet, for our armed vessels, and 
other Navigation." — " Its situation and natural advantages," 
he wrote his son Joseph — " to render it a place for defence, 
and for the security of the American fleet, are at the least 
equal, if not superior to any on the continent. When at 
Philadelphia you may have an opportunity to promote it as 
an object worthy the attention of Congress. I wish it may 
not be neglected on any account." And he sent on to his 
son a little box containing an accurate map of the harbor.* 

The preparations thus made by Connecticut, under the 
superintendence of her Governor, proved to be of extensive 
utility. Their importance indeed cannot be overestimated — 
crowded as the Sound was with British cruisers and fleets, 

* " I have left it easy to open," he vrrote — " that you may observe it, and show 
it to others who may be desirous to be acquainted with it, that may have oppor- 
tunity to influence and promote its being fortified at the continental expense." 

" During the whole war," says Miss Caulkins in her History of New London — 
" the inhabitants of this town could never lie down with any feeling of security 
that they might not be roused from their beds by the alarm bell and the signal 
fire, proclaiming the invader at hand. There was indeed, in the early part of 
the war, no spoil to allure an enemy ; but the harbor, capacious, accessible, and 
secure, would furnish a fine winter refuge for their ships, and it would be a vast 
benefit to their cause to seal up the State, and have the whole Sound to them- 



1116. CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 291 

spreading consternation along the coast. " They have all 
just arrived at Newport," reported Colonel Saltonstall from 
New London to Trumbull, April first — writing of the 
twentj-one British ships-of-war then on their way towards 
New York — and "our fortresses are deficient — we want 
working materials — the present danger is imminent." — " In 
addition to your present forces," responded Trumbull — " de- 
tach one-third of the present regiment of militia — charge 
them to be ready for service at a minute's warning. — How 
soon the enemy may enter the harbor, make the attack, and 
attempt to land, is uncertain. Eeadiness to receive them is 
the best preventive remedy." And readiness in this case 
fortunately caused the enemy — soon augmented to a force 
of thirty sail — to pass by without any attempt to land or 
attack. 

So in July, when one hundred and thirty sail from Hali- 
fax were reported as on their way to New York — so again 
in August, when a British fleet made a plundering descent, 
first on the fated Fisher's Island, and next at Stamford — and 
so in numerous similar cases of menaced invasion of Con- 
necticut from the water side — menaced, and often made too 
in the night season, or at seemingly obscure points for land- 
ing — Trumbull's timely preparations warded off much, nay 
almost all of the impending danger. 

And when, particularl}^ — at the beginning of December — 
that hostile fleet, which, in the course of the year, most 
alarmed Connecticut — the fleet of one hundred men-of-war 
and transports — anchored at Black Point — for three days — 
within one hour's sail of New London — looking as if pre- 
pared to " sweep the foundation of the town from its moor- 
ings, and filling the minds of the inhabitants with astonish- 
ment and dismay as from hill-tops and house-tops they gazed 
on the distant spectacle " — the anticipated invasion was for- 
tunately escaped. Trumbull, upon this occasion, instantly 
ordered the whole of the militia on the east side of Connec- 
ticut River, and three regiments on the west side, to march 
to New London — dispatched letters to Washington for aid — 
and removed the continental and colonial property then at 
New London back immediately to Norwich for security. 



292 CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

And on a Friday morning, the fleet hoisted sail — about mid- 
day, in formidable array, in abreast of New London, terri- 
fied the inhabitants for awhile with momentary expectation 
of an attack — ^but soon stood out again — anchored for the 
night on the south side of Fisher's Island — and thence dis- 
appeared.* 

The little marine which Trumbull established this year — 
and for which he procured Richard Law to draw up a naval 
code — did not go unrewarded with success. Many of the 
privateers which he commissioned, were highly fortunate. 
They started out from almost every port in the State — made 
their way up and down the whole American coast — even 
south to the West India isles, and east to Massachusetts Bay, 
and beyond — encountering — as did the armed vessels of the 
State also — and often bringing in as prizes, British merchant 
shipping laden with supplies for the army. So numerous 
were their prizes in August of this year — and such were 
the profits of their cargoes, as sold both in Connecticut, and 
in different ports to the eastward — particularly in Boston, 
where Trumbull established Samuel Elliot, Junior, a highly 
efficient man, as naval agent for the State — that Jamaica 

* The following are notices, from Governor Trumbull's own pen, in letters to 
his son Joseph, of the event mentioned in the text. 

Dec. 6th, 1776. " The 3rd instant 11 sail of ships appeared off New London 
harbor — passed up the Sound as far as Saybrook — were joined by 80 sail that 
came down — and they now lie across the Sound, from Nyantic to L. Island. 
Whether they design to make their attack on New London, and Newport, or 
both, remains uncertain. They probably wait to be joined by more. Orders 
are given out to 13 of our militia regiments to march for our defence. Intelli- 
gence is sent to the States of Massachusetts and Ehode Island — the latter is in 
great alarm — the former doubtless will be. Have wrote to Gen. Washington a 
state of facts — with a quere whetlier some general officers ought not to be sent 
previous to the coming on of continental troops, to take command whenever the 
descent is made. — Would it not be well that some most experienced be sent — 
you will know the necessity of it." 

Dec. 8th, 1776. " The British fleet mentioned in my last appeared off New 
London harbor — proceeded to Ehode Island at 9 o'clock. This morning received 
intelligence from Gov. Cooke that upwards of one hundred sail and transports 
entered Narragansett Bay, and were steering directly for Providence. They were 
seen between Canonicut and the main land. Besides these, thirty sail were com- 
ing into the harbor of New York. I have ordered some eastward regiments to 
their assistance — and sent for Col. Champion to furnish provisions. Am send- 
ing out to forward raising the four battalions to serve till 15tli of March. — Have 
sent an earnest exhortation to the soldiers." 



1776. CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 293 

rum, an article of frequent capture, was reduced to the com- 
paratively low price of four shillings and fourpence per 
gallon, and sugar to five dollars per hundred pounds.* 

But the eftbrts of the Connecticut Marine were not con- 
fined to the capture of merchant vessels alone. The Defence 
and the Sp}^ — carefully equipped by the care of Governor 
Trumbull — frequently encountered British men of war, and 
the former, particularly^, signalized herself by daring enter- 
prize. Once, in the month of June, her commander fell in 
with an English ship and brig in Nantucket Koad. About 
eleven o'clock in the forenoon he took station in between 
them — cast anchor — hailed the ship — and receiving for an- 
swer *' From Great Britain," ordered her to strike her colors 
to America. 

"What brig is that?" — shouted the English commander. 

"The brig Defence" — was Captain Harding's reply. "I 
do not want to kill your men — but I will have your ship — 
Strike!" 

"Yes, I'll strike" — answered his opponent — and immedi- 
ately fired a broadside at the Defence — which was instantly 
returned — and after an engagement of three hours, the ship 
and brig both yielded to the Defence, the latter losing no 
men, but the former having eighteen killed — among these 
the British commander himself — and several wounded. Two 
hundred and ten prisoners — and among these Colonel Camp- 
bell of General Frazer's regiment of Highlanders — rewarded 
the attack. Captain Harding at once communicated his suc- 
cess to Governor Trumbull — to whom it gave great gratifica- 
tion, not only as a triumph for the Connecticut Navy, but also 
as reflecting lustre on a man who was his favorite both as a 
naval commander and as a friend — and of whom he subse- 
quently spoke in a letter to Congress, as " experienced, brave, 

* The ship JoTin^ with a full cargo of sugar and rum, brought in by the De- 
fence, Capt. Harding — the schooner Hannah & Elizabeth^ loaded with rum — the 
prize brig Annahella — a ship from Jamaica, sent into New London by Capt. 
Harding, and loaded with three hundred and six hogsheads of sugar, one hund- 
red and fifty of rum, sixteen bales of cotton, a quantity of coifee and mahogany, 
and two sea turtles — and a Guineaman taken by Capt. Harding at the same 
time — were conspicuous among the prizes of this year. And their cargoes were 
of great use in supplying the wants of the State. At the particular request of 
Congress, Trumbull, in August, sent a vessel to St. Eustatia for supplies. 
25* 



294 CHAP. XXIV. — TEUMBULL. 1776 

intrepid, cool in action," and as meriting "proper acknowl- 
edgments from all the United States." 

The Governor was farther gratified this year by the arriv- 
al — in the port of New London — of Commodore Hopkins 
with forty cannon and fifteen brass mortars, besides other 
military stores — the first-fruits of the first American Conti- 
nental Navy — which Hopkins had captured from the island 
of Abacco lying near New Providence. With these he had 
seized the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, and one Coun- 
sellor of the island, and seventy odd prisoners — together also 
with a British schooner, a Bermudian sloop, and a British 
bomb-brig, laden with arms, which he took near the east end 
of Long Island. And in New London, to the delight of 
Trumbull, the Commodore deposited his valuable prizes. 
The cannon and stores were, by orders from the Governor, 
carefully inventoried — and he transmitted an account of 
them to Congress, with a request at the same time that some 
of the cannon, and the captured sloop, might be retained for 
the service of Connecticut — a request with which Congress 
promptly complied. 



NOTE REFERRED TO ON PAGE 283. 



"1 suppose your Excellency," wrote Trumbull to Washington, May 2'Jth, 
1779 — "is not wholly unacquainted with the character of Mr. David Buslinell, 
the bearer. He has had a liberal education, and discovers a genius capable of 
great improvement, in mathematical, philosophic, and mechanical literature. 
His inventions for annoying the enemy's shipping are new and ingenious, and, I 
trust, founded on such principles as would insure success. The vigilance prac- 
tised in guarding the shipping has, I suppose, been the only means of preventing 
such execution as would have been attended with very alarming and beneficial 
consequences. He has, with persevering and indefatigable industry, pursued the 
object with very little prospect of any other reward than that of serving his 
country. 

"Misfortune and accident have prevented the execution of this design; but 
there is reason to believe the explosion of one of his machines, taken on board 
one of the enemy's ships some time since, has greatly alarmed their marine, and 
made them very cautious in their approaches to any of the neighboring shores. 

"It is a pity that so promising a genius should not be encouraged. I under- 
stand an establishment of miners and sappers is forming under your Excellen- 
cy's direction, and would therefore take the liberty to propose to your Excellency, 
whether a person of his particular genius might not be very useful in that de- 
partment. 

"If you should not have filled, and probably cannot fill, the offices with gentle- 
men of greater merit and genius, permit me to recommend Mr. Bushnell to the 



1776. CHAP. XXIV.— TRUMBULL. 295 

office of Captain in that service, which, from his abilities, genius, and integrity, 
I should judge him capable to execute with honor and advantage. The Council 
of this State, now convened, join with me in this recommendation. 
" I am, with very high respect and esteem, 

"Your Excellency's most obedient and very humble servant, 

"Jonathan Trumbull." 

Mr. Bushnell died, at an advanced age, in the State of Georgia. He left a 
handsome property, which was brought on by one of his friends, and delivered 
to the children of his deceased brother Ezra, in Connecticut. Among the prop- 
erty was " some curious machinery, partly built, which had been viewed by sev- 
eral gentlemen," none of whom, however, it is said, could determine the pur- 
pose to which it was to be applied. 

Upon one occasion in Connecticut, in promotion of his scheme for annoying 
the enemy's shipping, Bushnell was captured by the enemy. "Last night," 
wrote Gen. Putnam to "Washington, May 7th, 1779, from Beading, Conn. — "an- 
other party landed at Middlesex, near Norwalk, in quest of one Capt. Selleck, 
who happened to be absent ; but a Mr. Webb, late a lieutenant in the train, two 
of the inhabitants, and the ingenious Dr. Bushnell, fell into their hands. As the 
last mentioned gentleman, who was there in the prosecution of his unremitted 
endeavors to destroy the enemy's shipping, is probably known to very few peo- 
ple, it is possible he may not be discovered by his real name and character, and 
may be considered of less consequence than he really is." 



C HAPT E R XXV. 
1776. 

Trumbull and the Northern Army. His letter to Washington upon the 
failure of the Expedition into Canada. He urges reneiwed exertions 
for the defence of the Northern Frontier. They are to be made. His 
own preparations therefor. Distressed condition of the Northern 
Army at this time. Trumbull's efforts for its relief. The enemy 
about to descend, in great force, from Canada, and occupy the whole 
country south. Trumbull, therefore, aids to form a late squadron 
ample for defence. His efforts, in other respects, to reestablish the 
Northern Army. The testimony here of General Gates to his conduct. 
Arnold's defeat. Trumbull communicates the news to the States ad- 
jacent to Connecticut. He continues to refurnish the army. Gen. 
Schuyler warraly acknowledges his services. His son Col. John Trum- 
bull receives the American prisoners taken at the defeat of Arnold. A 
curious conference, involving the Governor, between Sir Guy Carleton 
and Gen. Waterbury. Gen. Gates renews his thanks to Trumbull. 
Many officers of the Northern Army are recommended by Trumbull to 
rewards. He sympathizes with their grievances, and gives them coun- 
sel. Case of Gen. Schuyler in this connection Soothing letters to 
him from Trumbull 

While Trumbull was engaged, as has now been seen, with 
the Main Army under Washington, and with the defence of 
Long Island Sound, and the sea-coast of Connecticut — he at 
the same time kept up his exertions in behalf of the North- 
ern Army — a department in which we turn again to view 
him. 

In July this Army — after having been, to the extent of his 
ability, reenforced and supplied by Trumbull, in the months 
of January,* March, April, and May — had been compelled 

*"Your letters," wrote Trumbull to Washington, Jan. 21st, 1776 — "of the 
SOth and 21st instant, are received. I thought fit this morning to acquaint Colo- 
nel Burrall, appointed to command tlie regiment destined to Canada from hence, 
that a month's pay will be advanced to officers and men by you. This additional 
encouragement will enliven them to the service. * * A month's pay ■waa 
promised the men by my proclamation. ■* * The men in that quarter are ■well 
Bpirited and zealous, but have yet received no intelligence of the progress made 
in the business. Shall give you every necessary intelligence as it comes to my 
knowledge. Every necessary requisite for the march of this regiment will be 
provided on the best terms in my power." 

" The battalion raising in this Colony," wrote Trumbull again to Washington, 
Feb. 5th, 1776 — " to march to the assistance of our friends at Canada, are enlisted 



1776. CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. 297 

to retreat from Quebec. The battle of the Three Eivcrs, so 
disastrous to it, had been fought — and the Americans had 
evacuated Canada — post after post yielding to the British 
force which followed close in the rear, until — with their bag- 
gage only saved, and military stores — worn, dispirited, and 
sick with the small pox — they retreated to Crown Point — 
and soon to Ticonderoga, where thev made a stand. Hear 
Trumbull now upon this reverse. 

" The retreat of the Northern army, and its present situation " — he 
wrote, July fourth, to General Washington, in a letter which we here 
quote in full — "have spread a general alarm. By intelligence from 
Major-General Schuyler, received last evening, I have reason to conclude 
that they are now at Crown Point and Ticonderoga, in a weak state, and 
under the necessity of an immediate reenforcement, to enable them to 
make a stand, and prevent the enemy from passing the Lake and pene- 
trating into the country. The prevalence of the small pox among them 
is every way unhappy. Our people, in general, have not had that dis- 
temper. Fear of the infection operates strongly to prevent soldiers from 
engaging in the service, and the battalions ordered to be raised in this 
Colony fill up slowly ; and though no measures be taken to remove the 
impediment, may not the army be soon freed from that infection ? Can 
the reenforcements be kept separate from the infected ? Or may not a 
detachment be made from the troops under your command, and the mili- 
tia raising in the several Colonies, and ordered to New York, of such 
men as have had the small pox, to be replaced by the troops raising for 
the Northern Department? Could any expedient be fallen upon, that 
would afford probable hopes that this infection may be avoided ? I be- 
lieve our battalions would soon join the Northern army. I shall omit 
nothing in my power to expedite them. 

"The retreat of the army from Canada exposes the Northern frontiers 
of New York and New Hampshire to the ravages of the Indians, who 
will doubtless be spirited up to fall upon them. Some of the settlements 
on Onion River, I am informed are breaking up and removing, and the 
whole filled with the most disquieting apprehensions. Some powder and 
lead, upon application, have been supplied them from this Colony ; but 
the settlers there, from their infant state, and consequent poverty, are 
unable to devote themselves to the defence of the frontiers, unless they 
should be enabled to hire laborers to carry on the business of their farms 
in their absence. I could therefore wish, that your Excellency might think 
proper to recommend it to the Continental Congress, to order a battalion 

to serve until the 1st of February next, with bounty, pay, wages, and allowances, 
agreable to resolve of Congress, sent me by the express who last came to you 
this way." 



298 CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

to be raised and stationed there, for the defence of those settlements. It 
would, I trust, be immediately filled up with a hardy race of men in 
that quarter, well adapted to repel the attacks of the savages, and ready 
to join and support the Northern army, upon occasion, and at all times 
may scour the woods, and furnish intelligence of the enemy's motions. 

"If those settlers are driven back, besides the loss of their property, 
a much heavier expense will fall on some of the Colonies for the support 
of their families, than the charges arising from the raising and maintain- 
ing a battalion of Continental troops ; and we shall still have a frontier 
to defend. 

"The anxiety of the friends and relations of many, if not most, of 
those settlers who emigrated from this Colony, and the importance of the 
matter, will, I trust, be my sufficient apology for wishing to engage your 
influence with Congress to support the motion I judge advisable and 
shall make, to have a battalion raised out of, and stationed on, those 
frontiers. 

^^By a letter from General Schuyler, of the 1st instant, I am advised 
that Generals Schuyler, Gates, and Arnold, were to set out on Tuesday 
morning. I trust they are by this time at the end of their journey, and 
hope their presence may have a happy effect towards retrieving affairs in 
that quarter. I am, with great truth and regard. Sir, 

" Your most obedient, humble servant, 

"Jonathan Trumbull." 

But with the failure of the expedition to Canada, did not 
end American hope and exertion. It was, universally, 
deemed of the utmost importance to defend the Northern 
Frontier — and as the theatre of action, by the retreat of the 
Americans, "approached nearer home, the scenes assumed a 
deeper interest." The possession of Lakes Champlain and 
George — the highways from the North to Albany — which 
might lead to the acquisition of Albany by the enemy, and 
so to a free cooperation between their forces at the North 
and in New York, and to a fatal severance, therefore, between 
the eastern and the middle and southern States — was to be 
warmly disputed. The British army must at all events, rea- 
soned every American, be kept back. Busy preparations, 
consequently, during the whole month of July, were made 
for accomplishing this vital object — and into all these prepa- 
rations, both by land and water, Trumbull entered with un- 
diminished activity. 

And first as regards a fleet to oppose the enemy on the 



me. CHAP. XXV. — trumbull. 299 

Lakes. For this purpose, lie immediately organized two 
companies of ship-carpenters — under the charge respectively 
of Job Winslow* and Jonathan Lester — and sent them both 
on to General Schuyler, with letters commending them to his 
care, and extolling their skill. "They will march next 
■week," he informed Washington, July sixth — "and carry 
their tools with them to go to that work at Crown Point." 

Further to aid the operations in this direction — at an ex- 
pense — which was advanced — of three hundred pounds — he 
sent one thousand felling-axes to Schuyler, upon the hitter's 
request.f He sent also to the Paymaster of the Northern 
Department — his own son — the sum of eighteen hundred 
pounds in money — and again asked for old gun barrels, locks, 
&c., which he intended to have repaired, and fitted up into 
good guns and bayonets for future service. At the same 
time he was active in hastening on the battalions which had 
been ordered for the North;}: — and in urging upon Con- 
gress! — as he had already done upon Washington — the for- 
mation of a special battalion for the protection of the front- 
iers of New York and New Hampshire against British and 
Indian ravages. 

The American army, during the period just now ^^nde^ 
consideration, was in a most distressful condition — as is fa- 

* "Eeceivecl," says, July 1st, Job Winslow — a head carpenter from Connecti- 
cut — in a paper still preserved — "of the Hon. Jonathan Trumbull, Esq., Gov- 
ernor of the Colony of Connecticut, the sum of fifty pounds lawful money, to be 
used for advance wages to myself as Head Carpenter, and twenty-five other ship 
carpenters to go under me, for building and constructing batteries, vessels, and 
other buildings, under the direction of Major General Schuyler, or any persons 
at his direction, at Crown Point, Ticonderoga, or other places in the province of 
New York or Quebec." A similar receipt was also given by Jonathan Lester of 
Norwich, another approved ship builder, who, under directions from the Gov- 
ernor, organized another band of twenty -five ship carpenters for the North. 

t'"Your Honor's goodness, and the dispatch with which everything comes 
from you," responded Schuyler at this time — "will expose you to much trouble 
and many applications, but as I know where your consolation lies, I do not hesi- 
tate to beg your assistance on this occasion." 

:J;"The troops from this State, destined for the northward," he wrote Wash- 
ington, August fifth — "are marched to Bennington, and from thence to Skenes- 
borough." 

§ "Tlie retreat of our army from Canada," he wrote Congress, July fifth, has 
" created great consternation" in the New Hampshire Grants. "May I not ven- 
ture to suggest," he adds, "the expediency of raising a battalion of troops, in 
the pay of the Continent, upon those Grants." 



300 CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

miliar History — from the ravages of the small pox, want of 
harmony, and from insubordination. Of this Governor 
Trumbull was kept accurately informed, and at no time, 
therefore, were his services more useful, or bestowed with 
more anxiety. His son — Colonel John Trumbull — then ad- 
jutant to General Gates at the North — often wrote him 
minutely about the condition of the array. "My first duty," 
he told his father — as he repeats in his "Eeminiscences of 
his own time" — "after my arrival at Crown Point, was to 
procure an accurate return of the number and condition of 
the troops. I found them dispersed, some few in tents, some 
in sheds, and some under the shelter of miserable brush huts, 
so totally disorganized by the death or sickness of officers, 
that the distinction of regiments and corps was in a great 
degree lost; so that I was driven to the necessity of 
great personal examination, and I can truly say that I did 
not look into a tent or hut in which I did not find either 
a dead or dying man. I can scarcely imagine any more 
disastrous scene, except the retreat of Bonaparte from 
Moscow."* 

Of all this — and of the state of the Northern Army in 
every particular — Trumbull informed Congress — in a letter 
bearing date July twenty-sixth.f But Congress could not at 
the moment furnish the necessary succor. Neither could 
General Washington. It is a state of things, wrote the latter 
to the Governor, " calling aloud for the most vigorous exer- 
tions" — but "we," at New-York, he added, "can afibrd no 
relief" Upon Trumbull, therefore, mainly, devolved this 
task of relief. He consequently counselled with General 
Schuyler about the construction of hospitals for the sick, 
and sent on to the North stores of clothing, and provisions, 
and medicines. He sent also Major John Ely — an eminent 
physician and surgeon — to do all in his power to contribute 
to the health of the army — and with Doctor Ely he sent 

*"May Heaven grant," wrote Schuyler also to Trumbull about tliis time — 
" that when our posterity relate to eaeh other the pain of the struggle, they may 
feel and reflect on the blessings of the event 1 " 

•j- This letter was addressed to his son-in-law, William Williams — then a Mem- 
ber of the Continental Congress — and was read to this Body for their own partic- 
ular information and action in the premises. 



1776. CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. 301 

Peter Granger — a French neutral and an excellent nurse — to 
take care of those sick with the small pox.* 

Nor did Trumbull forget to do all in his power to promote 
that subordination and harmony among the Northern troops, 
about the want of which so much and just complaint was 
made at this time. He had been particularly requested by 
Schuyler and others to use his influence upon this matter, 
and " aid in eradicating colonial distinctions in the army " — 
and he complied fully with the request. He appealed to the 
troops from Connecticut on the subject, " with all the earnest- 
ness the nature and importance of the subject required."f 
He appealed to Gates;}: — and he addressed his two sons, then 
connected with the army, and others of influence. 

"T am sorry to find so many supersedeases, jealousies, and uneasi- 
nesses," he wrote, for example, to his son Jonathan, July eighteenth — 
" but at a time when our all is at stake, 'tis best to bear and forbear — to 
settle points of honors and rewards at a more convenient season. If we 
fail through neglects occasioned by rank and pay, it will be too late to 
retrieve the dishonor, and we shall then have to lament the bitter fruits 
of pride and covetousness. If we succeed, we may at leisure settle 
merits, honors, and rewards. § Humanum est err are — Will not the mag- 

*" This disease," he wrote to Congress, "is a more terrible enemy than the 
British troops, and strikes a greater dread into our men who have never had it." 
And, consulting how best to counterbalance this great impediment to the recruit- 
ing service in Connecticut, he inquired of this Body if some of the New- York or 
Jersey battalions, which had, generally, passed through with that distemper, 
might not take the place of some of the Connecticut troops. " This," he added, 
would "greatly facilitate the filling up of our regiments." 

+ "I have," he says, writing Schuyler, July thirty -first — " agreable to your 
request, recommended to the troops of this government to cultivate harmony and 
a good understanding with the troops from other States, as well as among them- 
selves, and have pressed it upon them with all the earnestness the nature and 
importance of the subject requires. I shall be very happy to find anything I 
have done, or can do, may contribute towards eradicating the evil." 

X " Why is it not best," he wrote Gates — repeating the suggestions he had al- 
ready made to the General Congress — " and even just, that each command the 
same body of men as expected, without respect to the place where — Gen. Gates 
above, and Gen. Schuyler below ? The good of the general service is the great 
object. I wish to cast in my mite toward that end." 

§ Trumbull's opinion on the subject of army promotions, is worth quoting 
here — because he places them, not on the basis of mere seniority in commission, 
but on the substantial basis of merit. Writing to his son Joseph, he says: 
" Promotions made in exact succession, which some challenge, would soon ruiu 
our army. Honor in that way would soon be lost, and Quixotism supply its 
place. Others, not ourselves, ought to judge of our merit, bravery, and fitness. 
26 



802 CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

naniraity and generosity of the northern generals prevent altercations 
between them? Congress can find thera honorable employment. — Is it 
best for you to fall through the back door ? — Is it not best to catch before 
the fall?"* 

Thus, one way and another — in quarters of highest influ- 
ence — did Trumbull exert himself to restore harmony in the 
Northern Department — and at a time too when this harmony 
was of most vital importance. For now — in August — the 
enemy, with incredible exertion, had prepared a large naval 
armament to seize possession of the lakes — and, it was re- 
ported, had a force of eight thousand men, with which to 
descend — drive the Americans before them — and occupy, as 
they advanced, the whole country to the south. The control 
of the lakes was, of course, indispensable to their plan. 
Every nerve, therefore, was strained by our army to form 
an ample lake squadron for itself, by which to prevent this 
result — and in this effort, as usual, Trumbull participated. 

Schuyler sent to him for live captains to command the 
armed vessels on Lake Champlain. Trumbull immediately 
procured them. He raised also some crews of seamen, f and 
sent these on — and with these, additional land troops also — 
and with all, fresh clothing, tents, camp kettles, axes, medi- 
cines, and various other important articles.;}: Of these pro- 
ceedings he gave due notice, from time to time, to General 
Gates — much to the joy and encouragement of the latter — 
to whom he often, with pious zeal, expressed the hope that 
" the Great Euler of all would grant that the event might 

A person may be fit for the post given him, and altogether unfit for the 
next." 

* "Is there no Achan among ns?" — he wrote to his son Joseph — "is not our 
faihire in Canada owing to the political manoeuvres of secret enemies — internal- 
hypocritical, crafty malignants — who subtilely have occasioned procrastination. 

Some speak very freely of . I fear the resentments of an injured people. 

I wish the best. Purgations are sometimes very healthy to the human body, 
altho' they occasion some gripings." 

t General Arnold, July 30th, with the approbation of Gates, applied to him 
for three hundred. 

X Upon this occasion, Trumbull — without waiting directions from Congress — 
ordered all the clothing -nhich had been purchased, under its avthority^ in Con- 
necticut, to be immediately forwarded — and besides — to purchase more, and 
tents also — issued an order, in favor of J. Fitch of Newhaven, for three hund- 
red pounds. 



17T6. CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. 808 

correspond with the justice of our cause " — and to whom also, 
with a noble humanity, he often spoke of the sick — those 
particularly in the hospital of St. George — asking that both 
the invalids for whom there was a prospect of recovery, and 
those who probably never would regain their health, should 
all be sent home. "I flatter myself," he wrote — that some 
lives may be saved, and at the same time the zeal and 
strength of the army not be diminished," — "I am happy to 
hear," he added — " that the army begins to emerge from the 
state of distress and dejection that succeeded their retreat 
from Canada."* 

" His Excellency " — wrote Gates to Washington of Trum- 
ouU at this time — " has, from the beginning of the misfor- 
tunes of this Army, done everything in his power, to rees- 
tablish it in health and power. — Too much cannot he said in 
his praise. ^^ — "I am obliged," responded Trumbull to Gates, 
with characteristic modesty — " for the kind mention you are 
pleased to make of my exertions — which shall not be want- 
ing — and I shall esteem myself happy if any endeavors of 
mine can serve the just and glorious cause in which we are 
engaged." 

Everything now — in September — at Ticonderoga and vi- 
cinity — looked promising. The whole summit was crowned 
with redoubts and batteries — all manned, on both sides the 
lake. The fleet, under Generals Arnold and Waterbury — 
consisting of a brig, several gal lies and gunboats, mounting 
altogether more than one hundred guns — proceeded down 
the lake to look for the enemy. The hopes of Governor 
Trumbull, and of all Americans, were high and flattering as 
to the result. 

But these hopes were destined to disappointment. On the 
eleventh of October the two fleets met — engaged — and Ar- 
nold was defeated with great loss. Most of his vessels were 

* To his son Joseph, Aug. 24th, he writes as follows : " The army at the north- 
ward is strengthening fast. Carpenters, sea captains, rigging, and duck, with 
£2200 value in various kinds of clothing, and 1000 felling-axes, are forwartled to 
them. The men begin to appear in good spirits. The armed force on the lake 
is become formidable. I trust they will command the lake this season. May 
the Lord of Hosts, the God of our armies, be in the midst of both — that at 
New York, and the Northward — and give success and victory I " 



304 CHAP. XXV, — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

either taken or destroyed, and with the exception of a few 
who got on shore, or in a few gunboats struggled back to 
Ticonderoga — after quite a smart action on the twelfth — • 
their crews, with General Waterbury, remained prisoners of 
war. It is remarkable that in this engagement the only gal- 
ley saved was the Trumbull, commanded by Captain Wig- 
glesworth. 

The news was at once transmitted to the Governor by 
General Schuyler — and Trumbull in turn communicated it 
to the Governors of adjacent States — still, in spite of defeat, 
with words of encouragement and hope — and he proceeded 
himself, with his accustomed activity, to replenish the army. 

" Please let me know," he wrote Gates, but four days after 
the disaster — " let me know by the return of this post the 
situation you are in, and whatever is needful, in our power 
to supply, that we may forward the same." And on went 
again, tents, clothing, provisions, medicines, shingle nails, 
two hundred iron spades and shovels, and some new compa- 
nies of militia — together with a particular request from 
Trumbull for the names of such ofl&cers in the old as were 
willing to serve in the new Northern Army — then to be or- 
ganized — and were fit for service. " The first of the militia 
have just arrived," wrote Schuyler to him from Saratoga, 
October twenty -first. "Give them double bounty," said 
Trumbull in reply. " The sufferings of the army last year 
in the northern department, render this necessary. To pre- 
vent as far as possible every occasion of complaints of a sim- 
ilar nature this year, seems as well to be dictated by sound 
policy as by justice to the soldiers." — " Your attentions to 
supply the army," answered Schuyler — "merit the warmest 
acknowledgments of every friend of his country. You have 
mine most unfeignedly." 

Though winter was approaching, with its expected abate- 
ment of sickness in the army, and the Northern Campaign 
must of necessity soon close — still solid preparations for 
another were, in the view of Trumbull, then to be made. 
He was full of hope. " I am glad," he said, again address- 
ing Gates — " that there is so near a prospect of our troops 
being relieved, by the approaching season, from the predoni- 



1776. CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. 805 

inant plague of the Lake, which it seems is inevitable, and 
must be endured — with this only gleam of comfort, that our 
enemy's end of the ship will sink first.'''' 

That enemy — it must be conceded — was as much to be 
dreaded through the humanity and policy of its commander — 
Sir Guy Carlton — as through the force of its arms. So kind 
was this officer's treatment of the prisoners who fell into his 
hands, after the engagement ou the lake, that he laid them 
all under the deepest obligations of gratitude. It fell to the 
lot of Governor Trumbull's son John, adjutant to Gates, to 
receive them from Captain Craig. 

" The usual civilities," writes the son upon this subject — " passed be- 
tween Sir James and me, and I received the prisoners. All were warm 
in their acknowledgments of the kindness with which they had been 
treated, and which appeared to me to have made a very dangerous im- 
pression. I therefore placed the boats containing the prisoners under 
the guns of a battery, and gave orders that no one should be permitted 
to land, and no intercourse take place with the troops on shore, until 
orders should be received from Gen. Gates. I hurried to make my re- 
port to him, and suggested the danger of permitting those men to have 
any intercourse with our troops ; — accordingly they were ordered to 
proceed to Skenesborough, on their way home, and they went forward 
that night, without being permitted to land." 

Conspicuous among the prisoners that fell into the hands 
of Carleton — as we have noted — was General Waterbury, of 
Connecticut — between whom and the former an incident 
occurred of much interest as involving, in the view of an 
enemy, Governor Trumbull's authority in his public acts. 
Carleton particularly invited Waterbury on board his own 
ship — the Eoyal Charlotte — and down into the cabin — where 
he asked the latter to show him his commission. Waterbury 
handed it to him — and Carleton, observing that it was signed 
by Governor Trumbull of Connecticut, at once held out his 
hand, and said he — " General Waterbury, I am happy to take 
you by the hand, now that I see you are not serving under a 
commission and orders of the rebel Congress, but of Gov- 
ernor Trumbull. You are acting under a legitimate and 
acknowledged authority. He is responsible for the abuse he 

has made of that authority. That which is a high crime in 
26* 



306 CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. 



1776. 



him, is but an error in you ; it was your duty to obey him, 
your legitimate superior." 

Soon after the defeat of Arnold on the lake, the Campaign 
of 1776, at the North, was closed. But though closed. Gov- 
ernor Trumbull still continued, from time to time, to furnish 
supplies for that quarter, when needed. It seems that in this 
respect his patience was exhaustless — his zeal at all times 
unwearied — and his success remarkable. Well, therefore, 
might General Gates renew to him, as he did, his thanks. "I 
have a thousand obligations to you for your attention and 
care of the army in this department," he said. " The Con- 
gress have in some instances forgot us ; but they are excus- 
able in the vast demand that has been made upon them nearer 
home. Medicines, which with clothing you are forwarding 
to us, are articles in the utmost request. How much we are 
obliged to you for your regard of us, I think my masters will 
tell you also — they acknowledge that. You make me happy 
in acquainting me that camp equipage is coming for your 
regiments. All things conspire to make me believe that 
America will be free ! " 

Ere, in connection with Trumbull, we quite drop the 'cur- 
tain for the year 1776 upon the Northern Campaign, one 
thing important remains to be mentioned. It is the circum- 
stance that he was often applied to in behalf of numerous 
officers at the North, both to recommend them, in the way 
of appointments and rewards, to the attention of others — • 
particularly to Washington and the Continental Congress — 
and to sympathize and counsel with them in what they 
deemed their grievances — a duty which he always discharged 
with ready kindness, and exemplary regard to what he 
thought the justice of the case. Among such applicants for 
his interest with Congress, were, particularly, General Water- 
bury, and Captain Noah Phelps — the last, one of the heroes 
at the capture of Fort Ticonderoga by Ethan Allen — both of 
whom he warmly recommended as " worthy of the kind 
notice and regard of the country." And conspicuous among 
those with whose discontent he was made specially acquainted, 
was General Philip Schuyler himself His case deserves par- 
ticular mention. 



1776. CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. 807 

The feelings of this officer had been wounded by what he 
deemed a supersedeas of himself — a senior in command — 
through the appointment, by Congress, of General Gates to 
the head of the Northern Army. He had other causes too 
of discontent. Unpleasant rumors in regard to his capacity 
and conduct had been circulated — and to Trumbull, there- 
fore, early in August, he poured out his complaints. 

"Your assiduous attention," responded Trumbull — " to the great con- 
cerns of the public at this important period, is, in the minds of the con- 
siderate, a most undissembled declaration of your hearty attachment to 
the United States of America. Whatever reports may have been spread 
by the disaffected, or opinions held by the mistaken or ill-informed, I hope 
neither your character nor the cause of our country will eventually suffer 
thereby. Your painful industry and substantial services to the public, 
cannot fail to remove all jealousy from the well-affected. As to Tories, 
no very good offices to one in your place can be expected from them. I 
flatter myself that no misrepresentations of theirs will have credit enough 
in this State greatly to wound your character, or prevent your usefulness. 
It requires the wisdom of a Solomon and the patience of a Job to endure 
traduction, or regard a slander with the contempt it deserves. I heartily 
wish the injury may not give too much anxiety to a mind possessed of a 
conscious rectitude of intention." 

Whatever effect this letter may have had in soothing the 
feelings of Schuyler, "the line of conduct .which Congress 
held with him," he wrote to Trumbull — " would put it out 
of his power to continue in any office where the appointment 
must come immediately from them." So he determined to 
resign his command — did so — and informed Trumbull of the 
fact, and that he should publish a narrative in defence of his 
conduct. 

" That you have sent Congress a resignation of your command," re- 
sponded Trumbull — who, from his long and close association with Schuy- 
ler, entertained an idea of his ability and patriotism, which was not in 
harmony with that at the time entertained in Connecticut, or in New 
England generally — " that you are obliged to vindicate your character by 
publishing a narrative of your conduct — are matters I cannot hear of but 
with deep concern. I make no doubt of your ability to justify yourself, 
yet fear the consequences of such an appeal, at this time especially. I 
wish to see your character stand as fair with the world as it does with me, 
but cannot wish that Congress should accept your resignation — that your 



308 CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

ability and zeal should be lost to the country when she most needs them, 
or that matters of so much delicacy and importance as those which have 
passed through your hands, and have been under your direction, should 
be laid open to the world, when our enemies may derive such advantages 
from the discovery, and our friends be discouraged and disheartened. 
May I prevail with you to suspend your publication a little while ? Per- 
haps your character may be vindicated from the aspersions you consider 
it to labor under, from another quarter, and in a manner more honorable 
to you, and less unhappy to the country. Your resolution to continue to 
love and serve your country to the utmost of your power in a private 
station, does you much honor, and corresponds with the idea I have 
entertained of your patriotism ; but I flatter myself I shall yet continue 
to see you fill and adorn a sphere of greater extent and usefulness." 

Thus witli words of kindness — with prudent counsel — 
with his country on his heart — as upon every occasion, to 
all, where his advice was sought — did Trumbull soothe his 
co-patriot and friend, General Schuyler. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 
1776. 

Aisr alarm from Rhode Island. The enemy seize Newport. The Connec- 
ticut measures for defence, and the Governor's cares and duties. The 
prisoners of this year. The Mayor of Albany, the Mayor of New York, 
Governor Brown of New Providence, and Governor Franklin of New 
Jersey, conspicuous among thena. Trum.hull charged specially with 
their custody. Case of Franklin particularly described. Other prison- 
ers — where from — where confined. Connecticut is overhurthened with 
them. Trumbull writes the New York Congress on the subject. His 
letter. The care taken of them in Connecticut Trumbull's treat- 
ment of them illustrated. He was eminently humane His duties 
and conduct in promoting their exchange. 

We have followed Governor Trumbull now in his connec- 
tions with the Eevolutionary Struggle, north near Canada — 
and upon the west and south, on the seashore and the Sound, 
near Connecticut — almost all around, and close upon the 
boundaries of the State at whose helm he stood. And we 
have reach the closing month of 1776. But we have not yet 
reached the close of Trumbull's labors during this eventful 
year. For as this year drew to its end — dark with the dis- 
appointment of American hopes — gloomy as if the winter of 
Liberty was coming with the winter of the seasons — fresh 
alarm broke out from a new direction, also adjoining Connec- 
ticut — from the east — from the hitherto untouched and com- 
paratively secure quarter of Rhode Island. 

December ninth, the Governor and Council heard that a 
large British fleet was pushing up Narragansett Bay, towards 
Newport and Providence. It was the same which had been 
seen, December sixth — their "design unknown" — at anchor 
off New London harbor. It was that which General Howe — 
hoping to keep the forces of New England occupied at home, 
and so to prevent their rendering any aid to Washington in 
New Jersey and Pennsylvania — had sent, bearing about four 
thousand troops under Sir Henry Clinton, to make a diver- 
sion to the eastward. Governor Trumbull at once ordered 
the eastern regiments of Connecticut to march to Rhode 



310 CHAP. XXVI. — TRUMBULL. ' 1776. 

Island for its defence. But the enemy soon landed — at New- 
port — on a Sabbath Day — meeting with little or no resist- 
ance — and from this point Clinton, defended and aided by 
the strong fleet under Sir Peter Parker, threatened the inva- 
sion of all the adjoining States. 

It was a crisis of imminent peril. The General Assembly 
was informed of it, and four members from the Governor's 
Council — Eliphalet Dyer, Eichard Law, Nathaniel Wales, 
Junior, and Titus Hosmer — were sent to Providence, to con- 
sult — December twenty-third — with Committees from the 
other New England States, and report measures for "mutual 
and immediate defence and safety."* These gentlemen re- 
ported ten hundred and ninety-two men as the quota of 
troops to be raised by Connecticut for the emergency — and 
the Governor and Council were empowered to raise them — 
particularly from Colonel Ely's battalion — and send them to 
the scene of danger in the "most speedy way." And the 
Governor besides, was directed to state to the Continental 
Congress the "reasons and necessity" of the meeting of the 
New England Committees at Providence, and transmit a copy 
of their proceedings — which he did. 

His Proclamation for raising the men assigned, was at once 
issued. They were to join the army under General Spencer 
at Providence. So he directed. He sent for the captains 
who were to serve — commissioned them — and pressed them 
to proceed with their enlistments. He instructed Commissa- 
ries to provide and transport to Ehode Island, pork, flour, 
and other supplies. He ordered Major Ebenezer Backus, 
with troops of Lighthorse, to march to the exposed quarter. 
He employed couriers for this quarter, and affixed their 
stages. He did evervtliing, in short, which the occasion de- 
manded, with promptness — and though — for reasons which 
will fall under our observation the next year — the expedition 
proved in the end a failure, so far as the expulsion of the 

* Dec. 21, 1776. " Col. Dyer, Messrs. Law, Wales, and Hosmer are setting out 
as Commissioners to meet with such as may be appointed in the N. E. States at 
Providence, the beginning of the week, to consult on raising an army for their 
defence till they can receive instructions and directions from Congress. — The 
enemy possess Ehode Island — lie still there for the present." — Governor's letter to 
Ms son Josejfth. 



1776. CHAP. XXVI. — TRUMBULL. 311 

enemy from Newport is concerned — yet Connecticut, in the 
emergency, under the guidance of lier Chief Magistrate, did 
all that could be expected from her patriotism and her re- 
sources. 

This — for the east — was the fifth large draught of men, 
for actual service in different quarters, which had been made 
upon this State during the present year. That first one, from 
the western section of the State, which was marched for the 
defence of New York — that second, for the defence of New 
London and Long Island — that third, from the eastern sec- 
tion of the State, for "Westchester County — that fourth, from 
the extreme western section, again for the defence of the 
western border — and now this fifth and last, in the last month 
of the year, for Rhode Island — kept the hands of Governor 
Trumbull, so far as relates to troops merely, to their organ- 
ization and supply alone, pressingly full of business. 

Through the exertions of these, and the troops of other 
States, upon the land — through the effective vigilance of 
Revolutionary Committees, and bands of the Sons of Liber- 
ty — and through the bravery of Americans upon the water — 
many prisoners were taken during the year with which we 
are concerned. Indeed they multiplied exceedingly on the 
hands of the State — so much so that it early became neces- 
sary to appoint a Commissary,* and a special Committee, to 
aid in their charge. These appointments, however, did not 
relieve the Governor from various duties respecting them. 
For as Chief Magistrate he superintended them all — received 
applications both from themselves, and from those who, in 
a subordinate capacity, overlooked them — and was himself, 
in many instances, specially charged with their custody. 

Conspicuous among those thus entrusted to his special 
keeping, were a Mayor of Albany^ whose name we do not find 
given — David Mattheivs, Mayor of the City of New York — 
Montford Brown, Governor of New Providence — and Gov- 
ernor Franklin of New Jersey, a natural son of the illustri- 
ous Benjamin Franklin. 

Matthews, was taken first to Litchfield jail,f and thence to 

* Epaphras Bull, of Hartford, was first appointed, 
t While ^t Litchfield, he was under the care of Capt. Moses Seymour. 



812 CHAP. XXYI. — TEUMBULL. 1116. 

Ilartford, where he was closely watched. Brown — who, with 
many others, as has been heretofore narrated, had been cap- 
tured by Admiral Hopkins — was brought to "Windham 
County jail — where Governor Trumbull gave him his parole, 
and treated him with great kindness, until, in September, he 
delivered him up — at the same time with the turbulent GTov- 
ernor Skene — to General Washington — to be exchanged, the 
one for Lord Stirling, and the other for a Mr. Lovell.* 
Franklin — as remarkable for his rank toryism as was his 
father for his distinguished patriotism — was by far the most 
prominent of the four prisoners to whom we have now 
alluded, and his case deserves particular notice. 

On the Fourth of July 1776 — the very day of the Decla- 
ration of Independence — he was brought into Connecticut — 
escorted by a guard of which Thomas Kenny was Chief Offi- 
cer — having been seized by a Convention of his own Prov- 
ince as a virulent enemy of the Colonies, and by this Conven- 
tion consigned to Governor Trumbull, who was desired to 
take his parole, and if he refused to give it, then to treat him 
according to the Kesolutions of Congress respecting prisoners. 

A parole was accordingly prepared. Franklin urged the 
Governor to alter it, so that he might have liberty to return 
to New-Jersey. This was refused. He then asked that he 
might go to Stratford. This also was refused. He then sent 
word to the Governor that he might do with him as he 
pleased — and signing his parole, he was removed to Walling- 
ford — from which place, however, after about two weeks, he 
was permitted — still on parole — to go to Middletown. After 
remaining at this last place several months, he wrote, again 
asking to return to his family in New-Jersey — a privilege, he 
said, which had been allowed to other gentlemen who had 
been sent to Connecticut as tories — and he remonstrated, "in 
terms more sharp than decent," against Trumbull's neglect 
in not answering a former letter which he had written him. 
But this re-application was refused. 

Subsequently, an order reached Trumbull from Congress, 

*Sep. 27, 1776. "Gov. Brown is to be exchanged for Ld. Stirling, and Gov. 
Skene for Mr. Lovcil, and the two Governors are to set out from Middletown 
next Tuesday noon." — Governor's letter to ?iis son Joseph. 



1776. CHAP. XXVI. — TRUMBULL. 313 

directing his confinement without pen, ink, or paper. "He 
has" — said the Eesolutions of Congress respecting him — 
"sedulously employed himself," since his removal to Con- 
necticut, "in dispersing among the inhabitants the protec- 
tions of Lord Howe and Gen. Howe — styled King's Com- 
missioners for granting pardons, &c., — and otherwise aided 
and abetted the enemies of the U. States." And the Gov- 
ernor was requested not only to confine him in the manner 
stated, but to allow^ no person or persons to have access to 
him, save such as he himself should properly license for that 
purpose. Trumbull, therefore, had him forthwith conveyed, 
by the Sheriff of Hartford County, to Litchfield jail — where, 
in the keeping of Lynd Lord, and under a special guard — at 
an expense, for a little over a year, of above one hundred 
pounds — he was closely watched — not, however, without his 
securing, now and then, a chance to hold treasonable inter- 
course.* 

When taken from New Jersey, he had possessed himself 
of a chest containing important State records. Governor 
Livingston of New Jersey, therefore, wrote Trumbull, wish- 
ing the State authorities of Connecticut to interpose, and 
cause Franklin — and his servant Thomas, who was suspected 
of being privy to the concealment — to be examined on oath 
respecting it. This was done, through Matthew Talcott, ap- 
pointed by the General Assembly for the purpose — with 
what result, however, we do not ascertain. 

Such was one notorious oficnder, with whose custody the 
Governor of Connecticut was charged the present year — one 
whom the Journals of the day heralded as "exceedingly 
busy in perplexing the cause of liberty," and whose princi- 
ples, connections, abilities, and address, rendered him a most 
dangerous enemy. 

But besides the prisoners now mentioned, very many 
others, as already suggested, were sent this year to the 
charge of Trumbull. Washington, while encamped in the 
City of New- York and vicinity, consigned them in great 
numbers. Trumbull confined these chiefly at Litchfield and 

*As once with a Capt. Camp — against whom Newhaven complained to the 
General Assembly for holding such intercourse. 
27 



314 CHAP. XXVI. — TRUMBULL. 1776. 

Norwich. Once, a party of twenty-two — taken at one time, 
in July, on board a barge of the British fleet, as they were 
sounding a channel below New-York — were sent. Trumbull 
confined these at Farmington. The Albany Committee also 
sent large numbers — in August, particularly, very many — 
disaffected persons chiefly — some of whom were confined in 
the jail at New-London, and some were placed at East Had- 
dam, under their parole of honor to continue there, and not 
to do or say anything in prejudice of the United States, or 
their acts or resolves, on penalty of close confinement.* 
Many prisoners also were sent from Massachusetts — some 
from Ehode Island — many from Long Island — and quite a 
number from the Northern Army. They were distributed — 
besides in the towns already mentioned — also in Hartford, 
Simsbury, Salisbury, Durham, Middletown, Glastenbury, 
Saybrook, New-London, Preston, Windham, Colchester, and 
elsewhere. The jails and secure places in Connecticut were 
in fact — as Governor Trumbull said — even by August, so 
"filled" that it was "difficult" to find room for more — and 
they so tasked- his care, and that of the State, that we find 
him at this time addressing the New- York Provincial Con- 
gress in the following terms : — 

"Enclosed," he writes, August tenth — "is a copy of a letter from a 
Committee at Albany, by Ensign John Fiske, who escorted under guard 
from Albany twenty-three prisoners represented to be inimical to the 
rights of these States, to be secured and taken care of The jails here 
are so filled that it is difficult to find a proper place of security for this 
additional number. For the present they are ordered to the jail at New- 
London, and I shall expect soon a resolve from your Convention in what 
manner you will have them treated, and how, or by what means sup- 
ported. 

" The Mayor of Albany, and five others sent with him by the Com- 
mittee of that city some time ago, are at Hartford. Those sent by your 
body under the care of Mr. De Peyster, are imprisoned at Hartford, Nor- 
wich, and Litchfield. 

" The present necessity, attention to the service of the U. States, and 
real affection for our sister State of New- York, under the present calami- 
ties of a siege and invasion, induce us to receive such troublesome and 

* The Albany prisoners were afterwards sent to Preston — where some of them 
were allowed to labor for their own support, under the inspection of a Commit- 
tee — and others, as being "particularly dangerous," were strictly confined. 



1776. CHAP, XXVI. — TRUMBULL. 315 

inimical men into our care and custody. We wish to have them re- 
moved, and to be released from the trouble they occasion, as early as is 
convenient." 

The prisoners sent to Connecticut — be it written to the 
credit of this State, of Trumbull, and of his agents in the 
matter — received the best treatment consistent with their 
situation. The Governor was eminently humane in all that 
he did concerning them. He received their applications with 
attention, and whenever he could — consistently with se- 
curity to the great cause with which he was identified— 
granted their prayer. 

Did John Eapalji, for example, who was confined at Nor- 
wich, and destitute of clothing, ask to return to Long Island 
to procure it? Upon giving his parole to be back again 
within two weeks, and to do naught against the States, the 
Governor not only allowed him to go, and bring back neces- 
saries for himself, but also for such other of his fellow-pris- 
oners as he could. 

Did Alexander Campbell, William Pemberton, and eight 
others, again, ask a similar permission for the same purpose ? 
Under the care of a Committee to attend them, and under 
their parole faithfully to return, they had leave to go. 

Did Duncan Stewart, the English Collector for the port of 
New-London — where, with no other restraint than that of 
being forbidden to leave town without permission from the 
Governor, he resided — ask to visit New-York ? Leave was 
freely given — to stay three months — and soon to depart 
again, with a passport from the Governor's own hands, to 
take all his family and effects, and sail for England.* 

Thus kind was Trumbull in numerous other cases. And 

* " The populace took umbrage at the courtesies extended to the English Col- 
lector. At one time, when some English goods were brought from New- York 
for the use of his family, the mob at first would not permit them to be landed, 
and afterwards seized and made a bonfire of them. The ringleaders in this out- 
rage were arrested and lodged in jail ; the jail doors were broken down, and 
they were released, nor were the authorities in sufficient force to attempt a re- 
commitment. It was indeed a stirring season, and the restraints of law and 
order were weak as flax. It is however gratifying to know that Mr. Stewart was 
allowed to leave the place with his family, without any demonstration of personal 
disrespect. He departed in July, 1777." — Miss Caulkins' History of N. London^ 
p. 511-12. 



316 CHAP. XXVI. — TRUMBULL. IIIG. 

the State Commissary and Committee for prisoners, were 
from time to time enjoined by bim to make suitable provis- 
ion for them all. They were directed to send to him — certi- 
fied under oath — true accounts of their numbers, of their 
manner of treatment, of the resources for their support, and 
of the conduct of the captives — in order that he might him- 
self see that they were used with justice and humanity — or 
if otherwise, might rectify any error or abuse, or report the 
same to his Council, or to the General Assembly, for their 
correction or reproof Conduct this how strikingly in con- 
trast with that of the enemy towards American prisoners — 
who were left — alas, almost habitually — in hunger, in cold, 
in nakedness — without medicines, without care — alone in 
dungeons, or crowded into heaps — to die like beasts ! And 
all this humanity, on the part of Trumbull, was ever exer- 
cised in consistency with the proper security of captives — 
for wherever particular vigilance was required, there he was 
sure to employ it.* 

He had much also to do, in relation to prisoners, in pro- 
moting their exchange — now in person, and now by giving 
directions to various agents and Committees appointed by 
the Legislature in the matter — particularly to Shaw, the 
Naval Agent at New-London.f His correspondence with 
Washington, with Congress, with New- York and Massachu- 
setts, was extensive on this subject. Cartels for the redemp- 
tion of prisoners, bearing his communications and his mes- 
sengers, frequently passed in and out from the harbors of 
Connecticut — particularly between New-London and New- 
York, and New-London and Newport — and the sad condi- 
tion of many of the returned American captives frequently 
called for an application both of his commiseration and his 

* As once at Hartford, for example, when — upon information that the prisoners 
there liad intercourse with tories from without the jail — he ordered additional 
guards, and a yard, with pickets or plank, to be erected around the jail in the 
best and most prudent manner — and as once again, upon a similar occasion, when 
he doubled the guards around Newgate Prison. 

+ Exchanges were particularly numerous in the marine department — as the 
batch of prisoners taken from on board the sliips JoJai, Clarendon, and Sallt/, hy 
American cruisers, and, in December, exchanged at New-London, under the di- 
rection of Trumbull, illustrates. 



1776. CHAP. XXVI. — TRUMBULL. 817 

bounty. Ethan Allen, incarcerated with eighteen others — - 
taken near Montreal — in the common jail at Halifax — for 
whose release Trumbull wrote pressing letters to Washing- 
ton, to Congress, and to the " Commanding Officer at Bos- 
ton," praying their "seasonable and friendly interposition" 
for the speedy exchange of this distinguished captive and 
his companions — never forgot the compassionate attention. 
His brother Levi, who was sent on by Connecticut to visit 
him in jail — with one hundred and twenty pounds in his 
pocket, from the Treasury of the State, for the relief of 
these prisoners — told Ethan of the Governor's heedfulness, 
and it rejoiced his heart. 

27* 



CHAPTER XXVII. 
1777. 

Trumbull opens the year ■with, a Proclamation for a Fast. He devotea 
himself to recruiting the Continental Army. The system of additional 
bounty in this connection, and a letter from him on the suhject. Press- 
ing requisitions from. Washington for more troops. Trumbull re- 
sponds — and how. Menaced devastation from the enemy. Trumbull 
prepares. Danbury laid in ashes. Measures taken by him in conse- 
quence. His Proclamation against home depredators. He guards 
against sinailar attacks, and for the present successfully. Gallant 
expedition of Col. Meigs to Sag Harbor, and report of the same to 
the Governor. He perseveres in his plans for home defence. Sends 
a Company of Rangers to the seashore. His labors in the department 
of supplies. Connecticut the Provision Sta.ti!. 

In harmony with his own deep sense of dependence on 
an all-wise Ruler of the Universe — in accordance with his 
view of national calamity as the result of "ill-deserts," of an 
undue general forgetfulness of God and all his mercies — and 
from a hope that through a public acknowledgment of trans- 
gression, by penitence and by prayer, the People might pro- 
pitiate anew the favor of Heaven — Governor Trumbull 
opened to Connecticut the eventful year of 1777, by a Proc- 
lamation for a Public Fast. It was his desire and direction — 
as in the document he proceeds to promulgate — that the 
Great Father of all should be supplicated " to animate the 
whole body " of his fellow-citizens *' to rise in the cause of 
their oppressed, bleeding country, to a zeal and exertions 
proportioned to its vast magnitude and importance."* 

» The Proclamation bears date January eleventh, 1777. " Fervent and united 
supplications," he proceeds to say, should be offered up " for the United States 
of America — for their Kepresentativcs in General Congress assembled, that he 
would bless and honor them as Instruments, under his own divine direction and 
counsel, of guiding and conducting the People through all the struggles and 
convulsions which attend the great controversy in which they are engaged, and 
bringing them into a settled and confirmed state of government, peace, and 
safety ; that he would abundantly bless the people and rulers of each particular 
State, and increase, strengthen, and perfect the general union of the whole ; that 
the Commander-in-chief of the forces of the United States may be the care of 
divine Providence, and under divine direction ; that all our officers and soldiers 



1777. CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 319 

The year at whose threshold we now stand, so far as lead- 
ing military events are concerned, was marked by skir- 
mishes in the Jerseys — by expeditions of the enemy up the 
North Eiver, and into Connecticut — by the expedition of 
Colonel Meigs to Sag Harbor — by the continued presence of 
the foe in Rhode Island — by the movement of the British 
fleet up the Chesapeake — the Battle of Brandywine — the 
occupation by the enemy of Philadelphia — the attacks upon 
Fort Mifflin and Red Bank — by the Battle of Saratoga — 
and by the British capture of Forts Montgomery and Clinton 
on the North River — events with all of which Trumbull was 
more or less connected — but particularly with those which 
occurred at the North. 

The winter and spring of this year, as is well known — 
although in the plan of Washington intended as a period of 
active effort to break up and disperse the enemy — was yet 
spent mainly in making preparations for the campaign that 
followed — particularly in recruiting the Continental Army, 
which at the close of 1776 — from the expiration of enlist- 
ments, a general aversion to service induced by the misfor- 
tunes of the year which had passed, and the seemingly over- 
whelming force of the enemy — was thinned down to almost 
a shadow. Trumbull's attention, therefore, at this time, was 
specially bestowed on the recruiting service — and on this 
subject he was soon engaged in correspondence with Con- 
gress, with General Washington, and with General Heath, 
General Greene, and others. 

One of his letters upon this matter deserves to be quoted 
here in full — because, especially, it vindicates the step taken 
at this time by Connecticut, and by the New England States 
generally, of granting an additional bounty to their quotas 
of the Continental Army — vindicates it against an objection, 



may be blessed with the presence and fear of the Lord of Hosts and the God of 
armies, and all our enterprises by sea and land, in defence and for the protection 
of our country, be greatly succeeded; and that God in infinite wisdom and good- 
ness, would bring great and lasting good to his people out of the evils and 
troubles of the present day, and in his own due time, restore peace, and cause 
truth, righteousness and charity to prevail in this whole land ; break every yoke 
of the oppressor, and let the oppressed go free ; bless all the nations of the earth 
■with light and liberty, and fill the world with the knowledge and glory of his 
great name." 



320 CHAP, XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 1777. 

quite extensively indulged — and made botli by "Washington 
and by Congress — that it would produce discontent and dis- 
order in the army. The letter — bearing date February 
twenty-first — was addressed to the Commander-in-chief, and 
proceeds as follows : — 

" We have now granted to our proportion of the sixteen battalions the 
additional bounty of thirty-three dollars and one-third, estimating that 
proportion at one thousand men. In making this estimate, we are gov- 
erned by the proportion which the quota assigned by Congress to this 
State bears to the whole number to be raised, namely, as eight is to 
eighty-eight. This I trust will put the officers you have appointed in 
this State upon an equal footing with those of the eight regiments 
allowed to us before, and remove every impediment in the way of raising 
these men. 

" I am not insensible that the step taken by the New England States, 
of granting an additional bounty to their quotas of the Continental army, 
is objected to, as tending to produce discontent and disorder in the army. 
You will, therefore, permit me to state the reasons which have prevailed 
to induce the giving it, and the manner in which this State hath been 
drawn into it. 

" The length and severity of our winters in this climate are such, that 
a soldier can neither clothe or support himself, or a family, so cheaply as 
he can at any time in a southern climate. Many, indeed most of our 
soldiers, have small families at home dependent, in a good measure, upon 
the savings they can make out of their wages for subsistence, which must 
always be the case while most of our youth marry at the age of twenty- 
one, or thereabouts. The almost total interruption of commerce, and 
the scarcity of materials for manufacturers, have and must still greatly 
increase the prices of clothing and other articles, while the demand for 
all kinds of provisions for the army has likewise rendered every necessa- 
ry article of subsistence much dearer than at the commencement of hos- 
tilities. At that time the wages given to a common laborer were about 
forty shillings per month ; now ten dollars are rather less than a medium, 
and all articles of produce are risen in proportion. Add that the seaman 
is offered twenty dollars per month, and tradesmen and artificers in propor- 
tion. Neither is this chargeable to any ill principle, but the necessary 
consequence of drawing off so many of our men into the service. When 
these facts are considered, it was thought to be very apparent, that a 
New England soldier cannot, and in justice ought not to serve upon the 
same pay and allowances that were given in 1775, or that one from the 
Southern States, where his expense for clothing and subsistence for him- 
self and family is so much less, now can. Our people in general are so 
fully persuaded of this difference, it is alleged that it would be fruitless, 
as well as unjust, to attempt to engage them upon it, and vain to expect 
success in the attempt. 



1777. CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 821 

" These considerations induced the Massachusetts Assembly, in Octo- 
ber, to offer an additional monthly pay. The Assembly of this State 
who had before rejected the measure when proposed by some of their 
own members, followed their lead, and offered the same additional pay ; 
but when they were advised of the disapprobation of Congress, and had 
your Excellency's objections laid before them, they cheerfully retracted, 
and determined to trust to the bounties and pay of Congress, with some 
encouragement in furnishing them with necessaries at prime cost, to in- 
duce them to enlist. In the meantime, all the other New England States 
offered large additional bounties ; Massachusetts and New Hampshire, 
sixty-six dollars and two-thirds ; Rhode Island, twenty dollars. It was 
soon evident that these bounties would entice a great part of our men into 
the service of the States contiguous to us on the east and north, which, 
beside the obstruction which would thence arise to the filling up our own 
battalions, would be highly prejudicial to the agriculture of this State, 
and, in effect, to the general service, as the army must still depend, for a 
considerable part of its subsistence, on this State. 

" In this situation the matter rested until the enemy took possession 
of Newport. It then became necessary to provide for the immediate de- 
fence of the New England States, and Commissioners met at Providence 
to concert proper measures for that purpose. They immediately agreed 
to raise an array of six thousand men for a temporary defence, until the 
Continental army might be raised. 

" Sensible that an attempt to raise a separate army for their own 
defence, must effectually obstruct the raising a Continental army, and 
otherwise be liable to great objections, they considered raising the Con- 
tinental battalions speedily, as the only sure means of defence against the 
enemy, should they fall upon any of these States ; and proceeded to de- 
liberate upon proper measures for this purpose. 

" The rapid increase of the prices for the necessaries of life operates 
strongly to discourage soldiers from enlisting. These they attempt to 
limit by recommending prices to be aflSxed by law, beyond which they 
might not rise, by recommending that a stop be put to emitting further 
bills of credit, and measures be taken to reduce the quantity now circu- 
lating. 

" The number of men employed on board privateers and merchant 
vessels, formed another obstacle to raising an army. They recommend- 
ed an embargo upon all privateers and merchant vessels, except those 
sent after necessaries by permit, until the army was raised. 

"The bounties offered by other States were alleged as an impediment 
to raising the quota for the army in this State and Rhode Island. The 
Commissioners from this State strongly urged, that the additional boun- 
ties should be withdrawn, and encouragement, by suppljMng necessaries 
at a certain price, be substituted in their place. In this they were over- 
ruled ; and then, sensible of the mischief that might arise from the great 
bounties given by the other States, they consented, in case Massachu- 



322 CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. I1*i>j. 

setts and New Hampshire would reduce their bounty to thirty- 
three dollars and one-third, to recommend to the State to give the same 
bounty to our soldiers, which was agreed to, and recommended 
accordingly. 

" Our Assembly, with reluctance, for the sake of uniformity, and to 
avoid what they considered as a greater evil, acceded to the recommend- 
ation, and offered the proposed bounty. 

"I must leave the other New England States to give their reasons for 
the measures they have adopted, and only add, that it is my wish and 
desire that all jealousies and occasions of disunion, and animosity of the 
several States, may be avoided and laid aside. It is not wonderful, that 
diversity of sentiment happens at a time that government is so far con- 
vulsed and unhinged. It is necessary, as far as possible, to become all 
things to all men, and not suffer our enemies to avail themselves of any 
discord or disunion among these States. I am. Sir, with great truth and 
respect, your obedient, humble servant, 

"Jonathan Trumbull." 

As concerns the Main Army now, under Washington — to 
which first, in connection with Trumbull, we direct the 
Header's attention — it is to be noted that it was the policy of 
the Commander-in-chief, just at this time, to divert the forces 
of the enemy from Philadelphia. In January, therefore, he 
requested the Governor of Connecticut to place the quota of 
troops to be then raised in his State, eastward of New York — a 
request with which the latter readily complied. He proceed- 
ed to collect one thousand men for the purpose — which was 
the proportion for Connecticut in sixteen regiments that were 
to be levied in the United States. 

Early in March again — when great apprehension existed 
that the enemy would move up the North Kiver — a pressing 
requisition from Washington for two thousand more men — 
to be marched to Peekskill — reached Trumbull. " I am 
persuaded," said Washington upon this occasion — " from the 
readiness with which you have ever complied with all my 
demands, that you will exert yourself in forwarding the 
above-mentioned number of men, upon my bare request. — 
The enemy must be ignorant of our numbers and situation, 
or they would never suffer us to remain unmolested ; and I 
almost tax myself with imprudence in committing the secret 
to paper; not that I distrust you, of whose inviolable attach- 
ment I have had so many proofs, but for fear the letter 



1777. CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 323 

should by any accident fall into other hands than those 
for which it is intended." 

Trumbull immediately applied himself to fulfil this last 
request from Washington. He issued a Proclamation for 
the purpose — directing proportionate detachments of men 
from ten Connecticut regiments. He sent special letters of 
instruction to the field-officers concerned — and at the same 
time, with his Council, took active measures for filling up 
the regular quotas from the State for the Continental Army. 
Committees of aid were raised in each town— ^and by order 
of his Council, the Governor himself stimulated their exer- 
tion, to the utmost — earnestly recommending "the virtuous 
sons" of Connecticut — all, "without delay — to offer them- 
selves for the service of God and their country, in the right- 
eous cause, and to prevent the disagreeable necessity of the fre- 
quent rotation of men from the militia," whereby, he affirmed, 
"the husbandry and manufactures were so much injured."* 

Nor did the exertions of Trumbull at this time in the re- 
cruiting service stop here. The calls for fresh troops becom- 
ing incessant, and little progress, for reasons already assigned, 
being made in filling up the Continental battalions — the Gov- 
ernor and Council, April twelfth — for the purpose of hasten- 
ing the completion of an army — issued a joint Proclamation. 
It is a long, and in parts, an eloquent document — evidently 
written by the Governor himself — in which it is urged, that 
the time swiftly approaches, nay has almost arrived, when, 
without more vigorous and successful efforts, all will he lost — 

* "Not unmindful," as says the Eecord of his own, and of the proceedings of 
his Council at the time — "not unmindful of the difficulties which might be oc- 
casioned by culling away so many men at that busy season of the year, yet they 
[the Governor and Council,] considered the unspeakable importance of the cause ; 
that the burthen lay equally on all the States ; that the contest in all probability 
would be short, if the people would be true to themselves ; that the war would 
have been closed even before that time, if our exertions had been equal to the 
strength which God had given the country for defence ; that the blessings con- 
tended for were what the Almighty had bestowed upon us, with full confidence 
that we would continue our faithful endeavors; that future generations would be 
established in the best and highest civil and religious liberty, or bound by the 
most galling yoke of wretched slavery, according to our conduct and exertions 
for liberty for a very short time longer; and tliat in the highest probability, had 
the army been once filled, the country would have had no farther occasion t© 
have called for the militia, but could have made an effectual stand against all the 
efforts of the enemy, with a fair prospect of a speedy termination of the war." 



32i CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 1777. 

and that the great laws of reason, virtue, and self-preserva- 
tion, call aloud for universal attention to the matter of enlist- 
ments — which, it is added, cannot longer be neglected " with- 
out a dismal certain prospect, if constant rotations of the 
militia and husbandmen must be called off, of being devoured 
hy famine r'' 

Well might the Proclamation thus appear — for at this time 
the enemy were making active preparations for their burning 
and plundering expeditions up the North Eiver to Peeks- 
kill — up the Sound, for Danbury, and wherever else along 
the Connecticut coast they might find magazines of military 
stores, or property of any description, to seize or destroy. 
The whole western frontier of the State was reported by 
General Silliman to the Governor, as being in consternation 
on account of expected hostile attacks. 

Raise your own brigade for defence then, in that quarter, 
wrote back Trumbull — watch the enemy most vigilantly — 
give me the earliest intelligence of every alarming appear- 
ance in your department. And he proceeded himself to re- 
new his own orders to the guards all along the coast to be on 
the alert. He sent new cannon, and powder, and shot, for 
Stamford. He raised a new company of artillery for Fair- 
field. He ordered Colonel Latimer, with a fresh troop of 
two hundred men, to take post at New London. He mount- 
ed six new field pieces at this point, and in Groton — and 
with his Council, personally inspected the fortifications at 
both these places. In short, as in previous years, the Gov- 
ernor made all possible preparation to ward off" the depreda- 
tions that were threatened. 

But spite of every precaution, an incursion came — and, for 
the first time, the foot of a foreign invader pressed the soil 
of old Connecticut. On the morning of April the twenty- 
fifth, the pestilent Tryon of New York — who had now add- 
ed to his other titles that of a Major General in the British 
service — attracted by the fact that Danbury had become a 
large depot for military stores — and thirsting to avenge him- 
self on a State which more than any other — through its mili- 
tia especially under Wooster, and its dashing volunteers un- 
der Captain Sears — had vexed the repose of his administra- 



1777. CHAP. XXVII. — TEUMBULL. 325 

tion — disembarked, from an imposing naval armament of 
twenty-six sail, two thousand men on Cedar Point, the eastern 
jaw of the river of Saugatuc. The time he had chosen for 
his enterprise was, for him, most opportune. Large numbers 
of the male population of Fairfield County were away de- 
fending the soil of other States. And without serious oppo- 
sition, therefore, at first — signalizing his march by scattering 
alarm among defenceless women and children, and by batter- 
ing a church at Eeading on the Ridge with volleys of can- 
ister and grape — on Saturday, at about three o'clock in the 
afternoon — with a proud array of inflmtry, cavalry, and artil- 
lery — he entered the fair town which his vengeance had 
doomed to destruction. 

The excesses which "characterize an unmerciful and exas- 
perated enemy," soon followed. Night fell upon his soldiers 
in the fumes of a debauch — drunken, most of them, on the 
stores they had found of "rebel rum" — lurching as they 
walked, or clinging to fences or trees, or lying imbruted and 
sprawling in streets and door-ways. 

Early in the morning — morning too of the hallowed day — "while it 
was yet dark, the signal is given, and on a sudden, a livid and unnatural 
glare chases night from the sky. The torch is carried from house to 
house, and from store to store. From the sacred recesses of home, from 
the roofs that guard the hard-earned savings of a frugal people, the fire 
breaks upon the surrounding daikness, and joins in the general havoc 
of the element. The aspiring tongues of flame climb and curl around 
the spire of the Congregational Church, until it totters and falls into the 
burning mass. The sun, as it rises, looks only upon the flickering em- 
bers of a once smiling village, save where, here and there, a solitary 
house stood unscathed, but branded with the indelible stigma,* of har- 
boring only traitors to freedom. By the cold light of early dawn, is 
seen, not the stealthy savage, but the disciplined army of a Christian 
king, stealing away from the desolation they had caused, and from the 
avenger on their heels, while the aged and the young, the sick, the help- 
less, and the infirm, gather round the smouldering ashes, for that warmth, 
which is all that is left of the comforts of home."t 

Nineteen dwelling houses, the Congregational Church, 
twenty-two stores and barns, with all their contents, sixteen 

* A white cross, conspicuously painted on every tory's dwelling, and outbuild- 
ings, and on the Episcopal Church. 
+ Hon. H. C. Deming's Oration on Gen. David Wooster. 
28 



326 CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 1177. 

hundred tents, more than one thousand barrels of flour, two 
thousand bushels of grain, several hundred barrels of beef, 
and more than three thousand barrels of pork, fell a prey to 
the devouring element. And the glutted foe — vainly, though 
bravely opposed, on their return march, by seven hundred 
undisciplined militia, under the intrepid, but death-doomed 
Wooster, and under Silliman and Arnold — superior numbers, 
and their own resistless showers of grape and small shot, 
protecting their way — gained in safety the refuge of their 
ships. 

It was on the evening of the very day on which Danbury 
•was thus set on fire by the British troops that Trumbull, by 
express, received news of the startling event. There he was 
at the time — at Lebanon — sitting with his Council on the 
Lord's Day — as frequently, during the war, he was obliged 
to do. All the day before, he had been exceedingly busy. 
He had been preparing and sending letters on to Boston and 
New Hampshire, pressing the authorities there to hasten their 
troops forward to General Gates at the North. He had been 
arranging for a guard of "four men, each night, two at a 
time," for the important foundry at Salisbury. He had 
been writing instructions to the naval agent of Connecticut 
at Boston, Mr. Elliot, in regard to Connecticut prizes — three 
valuable ones, which one of his own commissioned naval 
officers — Captain Smedley of the brig Defence — had then 
recently taken, and carried into ports at the east. The day 
following, he doubtless thought, while thus engaged — was to 
bring him relief from labors like these, and the grateful 
repose of pious devotion. But War knows no Sabbaths. 
The evening of Saturday found a panting post-rider at his 
door with the report that Tryon had just landed at Cedar 
Point, and that other ships of the enemy were making their 
predatory way up the North Eiver. And now, Sunday eve- 
ning — Danbury, he heard, was in ashes.* 

* " Amidst this scene of fear and sympathy, of hurry and flight, a Mrs. Clark, 
wife of Capt. James Clark, a woman of singular fortitude, remained after the 
inhabitants had retired, to dispose of her family and secure her goods, and was 
in fact the last whig female that left the town upon the entrance of the enemy." 
(From " Kemarks upon the British Expedition to Danbury," by Elisha D. Whit- 
tlesey, in the New York Historical Society's Collections, 2d Series, Vol. H., Part 
I., p. 230.) 



\1*n. CHAP. XXVII, — TRUMBULL. 327 

To the new and perilous crisis, therefore, he turned at 
once, and met it with anxious consultation, and ready expe- 
dients. He ordered General Huntington on to the scene of 
danger. He armed him with power to collect the militia in 
the western quarter of the State, and to hurry up the Conti- 
nental troops. Apprehending that the enemy might sud- 
denly change their point of attack from the western to the 
eastern parts of the State, he instructed the Colonels of four 
eastern regiments to hold their companies in readiness " to 
act on the most sudden alarm" — and at the same time 
ordered stores, for every emergency, to be provided in all the 
towns of the State. 

The measures thus taken fortunately warded off any im- 
mediate renewal of aggressions upon Connecticut. Tryon, 
dreading the alarm his expedition had created — after lying 
for awhile at his anchorage in the harbor of Huntington, 
Long Island — returned to New York — and Governor Trum- 
bull, from rendering military support to those who had suf- 
fered by the wanton incursion of the British General, turned 
to aid them in a new form. 

Many tories at Danbury, and even certain parties among 
the American troops there — low, unprincipled militia-men 
and others — taking advantage of the general confusion and 
alarm, plundered the distressed inhabitants of such goods 
and effects as chance, or the neglect of the enemy had left 
them — and to such an extent as to call loudly for the inter- 
ference of the power of the State. This power was promjitly 
applied — and in the shape of a public Proclamation from 
Trumbull himself — who — after reciting the outrage, and 
launching against it his loudest rebuke — commanded every 
offender, and every person who had either found or taken 
any effects of the sufferers, straightway to make restitution — 
under penalty, for neglect or disobedience, of suffering the 
full pains of the laws against theft and larceny. And he 
empowered the Civil Authority and Selectmen of towns, and 
Grand Juries, to take the most vigilant measures for carrying 
this his command into effect. They were to call before them 
all suspected persons whomsoever — and examine them — and 
the same report to the Governor — in order that — as his Proc- 



828 CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. lilt. 

lamation concludes — "justice may be done against sucli 
high-lianded offenders — that all may be made to know 
that the persons and properties of all the inhabitants of 
this State, whatever their character or denominations may 
be, all shall be protected against such daring violations 
thereof." 

The interval which succeeded the Danbury Alarm — 
down to the time when Washington marched with his 
main army southward towards Philadelphia — both so far 
as regards the defence of the western frontiers of Connec- 
ticut, and of its sea-coast — was occupied by Trumbull in 
a manner quite similar to that which we have already 
described. 

So far as troops are concerned, he had to raise two new bat- 
talions, of seven hundred and twenty-eight men each — one 
new company of Eangers, consisting of ninety men, which 
the General Assembly placed under his own particular direc- 
tion — and one new company of Artillery-men. All of these 
he had, of course, to supply — to distribute at various points, 
or keep in readiness every moment for action. 

As a renewed attack upon Connecticut, or its neighbor- 
hood — or up the North Eiver — was a matter of daily expecta- 
tion, he ordered General Silliman's brigade, and one-fourth 
of General Ward's, to be prepared for an instantaneous march 
to the western border. He directed Colonel Ely to gather 
the residue of his regiment at New London — Colonel Enos 
to gather his own soon as possible at Newhaven — and 
Colonel Douglas to be ready with the companies of his bri- 
gade to march to any place attacked. He sent one-quarter of 
seven regiments of militia and of the Alarm List, to man the 
forts of New London and Groton. He detained four hund- 
red Continental troops under General Parsons to defend 
Greenwich and the adjacent country. He provided addi- 
tional cannon, round shot, grape shot, powder — of which he 
made large collections — ammunition-carts, draught horses, 
tools, utensils, and provisions, for the fortifications, soldiers, 
and guards along the whole sea-line and western line of the 
State. He gave orders continually to artificers, paymasters, 
muster-masters, and commissaries in everj^^ direction. He 



im. CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 829 

sent instructions constantly to the chief commanding officers 
throughout the State.* 

And well was Trumbull rewarded for this his extraordi- 
nary activity of preparation — for during the whole interval 
with which we are now concerned, he kept the enemy at bay. 
They had no opportunity to penetrate Connecticut. On the 
other hand, they found themselves, on one brilliant occasion, 
attacked and overpowered by some of the forces that Trum- 
bull had raised. We refer to the gallant expedition of 
Colonel Meigs from Sachem's Head to Sag Harbor. How 
must the Governor's heart have thrilled with satisfaction, 
when — in the beginning of June — he read the following let- 
ter — dated Newhaven, May thirtieth — from General Parsons ! 

"I sincerely congratulate your Honor," proceeds the General — "on 
the success of our arms on Long Island. Col. Meigs left Sachem's Head 
on Friday, at 1 o'clock, P. M., with a detachment of 160 men, officers 
included, and landed within three miles of Sag Harbor, about one at 
night ; and having made the proper arrangement for attacking the en- 
emy in five different places, proceeded in the greatest order and silence 
within twenty rods of the enemy, when they rushed on with fixed bayo- 
nets, upon the different barracks, guards, and quarters of the enemy ; 
while Capt. Troop, with a party under his command, at the same time, 
took possession of the wharves and vessels lying there. The alarm soon 
became general, and an incessant fire of grape and round shot was kept 
up from an armed schooner of twelve guns, which lay within 150 yards 
of the wharves, for near an hour ; notwithstanding which, the party 

* Here is a specimen of his instructions in one instance to a commanding offi- 
cer. We give it but as one out of hundreds of similar communications. 

" You will take care," he wrote Colonel Ely at New London, July eighteenth — 
"that the men are kept clean, and to duty. * * You wiU take care and pre- 
vent all kinds of embezzlements and abuses of arms, ordnance stores, tools, and 
utensils owned by the public. * * You will take care that the military offi- 
cers and the matrosses attend, and do faithfully their duty, and from time to time 
give information and all needful intelligence to this Board. You will attend to 
the services to be performed by every part of your regiment ; to see them duly 
ordered and performed, and direct advice to be given you in case of the appearance 
of an enemy, or an attack ; you will put all in proper posture of defence, and on 
every necessary occasion forward intelligence to me, and make needful alarms. 
You will give the necessary orders for preventing the landing of the enemy. Y ou 
will, as soon as may be, send me a return of your regiment, in due form. And 
you will attend and obey all orders you may receive from me, or other your su- 
perior officers. You are also to take care, and make all proper enquiry of all 
such vessels, boats, &c. , as pass the fort, and attend to the law and the orders 
■which may be further given for your direction." 
28* 



330 CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 1777. 

burnt, all the vessels at the wharf, killed and captured all the men who 
belonged to them, destroyed about one hundred tons of hay, large quan- 
tities of grain, ten hogsheads of rum, and other West India goods, and 
secured all the soldiers who were stationed there ; the prisoners are about 
ninety, among whom are Mr. Chew and Mr. Bell. I have the satisfac- 
tion of being informed that the oflBcers and men, without exception, be- 
haved with the greatest order and bravery, and not a man on our side 
either killed or wounded. 

" Eleven vessels, great and small, were destroyed in the above affair, 
and the prisoners taken were about one-third seamen — the others gener- 
ally American recruits, and sent to Hartford."* 

The residue of the year 1777 — so far as the Home Defence 
which we have now under consideration, is concerned, was 
spent bj Trumbull in services such in the main as those that 
have now been described. Save in his addition, in Septem- 
ber, to the troops on the seashore, of the new company of 
Eangers ordered in May — under Peter Griffing, whom he 
commissioned as commander — and save also exertions which 
he made, during the fall, to fill up the two battalions, of 
seven hundred and twenty-eight men each, that had been 
specially ordered for the defence of the State — nothing 
occurred in this department to vary his former routine of 
duties. 

As regards supplies — during the whole of the year 1777 — 
notwithstanding the removal of the Main Army under Wash- 
ington from Connecticut and vicinity to a new region around 
Philadelphia, whence it might have been expected to have 
drawn its support — Trumbull seems to have been equally 
laborious as in the two preceding years. Embargoes and 
permits, for the purpose of securing provisions of various 
sorts, were quite as numerous this year as before — the latter, 
even more so. He gave them for the transportation of West 
India goods to the army in New York, and of sugar, rum, 
tea, and coffee, to the army in New Jersey. He gave them 

* As a mark of their approbation of the conduct of Colonel Meigs upon this 
occasion, " Congress," says Chief Justice Marshall, " directed a sword to be pre- 
sented to him, and passed a resolution expressive of the high sense entertained 
of his merit, and of the prudence, activity, and valor, displayed by himself and 
his party, in this expedition." — He moved in it " with such uncommon celerity, 
as to have transported his men, by land and water, ninety miles in twenty-five 
hours." 



1777. CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 831 

for jflax to be carried into Massachusetts, and made into 
clothes for the American troops. He gave them for vessels 
to go out with produce to the West Indies, and return loaded 
with salt and munitions of war.* It was his policy to keep 
the State stocked with the various articles necessary for sub- 
sistence — and he succeeded — so that he was not only able to 
provide, to a great extent, for the American army, but also 
for some of the inhabitants of other States, when they were 
in want — as he did, upon several occasions, for some in the 
State of New York, and for the inhabitants also of Nan- 
tucket. Connecticut, under his wise administration of its 
resources, became known throughout the War of the Revo- 
lution, as emphatically " the Provision State ! " 

* He gave them for numerous transport wagons, that with grain, butter, cheese, 
pork, and beef, were destined for various points in Massachusetts, New Jersey, 
and even distant Pennsylvania. Once, on account of a deficiency in flour, he 
Bent the Spy, Capt. Niles, to Virginia to procure it — and once to Bedford for 
goods. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 
1777. 

TRtTMBntL hears that the British fleet has sailed southward, hut may 
speedily return. His preparations in consequence. Himself and 
Rhode Island military affairs. Military affairs at the North. Trum- 
hull continues to strengthen the army there. An intervieTsr between 
him and a deputation of Oneida warriors — whom he conciliates with a 
"talk," and with presents. Burgoyne's unchecked progress south- 
w-ards. Defeat of General St. Clair. The shock to the American 
people in consequence. Trumbull expresses his own bitter disap- 
pointment in letters to his son in law Williams. These letters. 
Notwithstanding defeat, he is still active to reenforce the army. The 
tide turns Battle of Saratoga, and triumph of the American arnas. 
Joy of Trumbull. He participates in a solemn Thanksgiving in the 
Church at Hartford 

When the British fleet, in August, had sailed southward, 
and it was apprehended that its movement was only a 
decoy — that, taking advantage of Washington's march with 
the Main Army towards Philadelphia, it would return, and 
attack the posts in the Highlands, on the North Eiver, and 
perhaps Connecticut again — Trumbull was informed of the 
exigency, and called upon for more troops, by an Express 
which reached him at Lebanon.* 

At this time a Convention of New England Committees 
happened to be sitting at Springfield — and availing himself, 
therefore, of so large and authoritative an Assembly, Trum- 
bull at once informed its members of the communication 
he had received, and asked their advice and cooperation. 
He asked also for ammunition. And when informed — 

* " You may think it not necessary to keep a party at the White Plains, but, 
unless we do, the inhabitants will be ruined ; their grass, grain, and cattle will 
all be taken off by the enemy. There are seven hundred militia at the forts 
and different posts, whose time is out to-day, and must be discharged. I have 
advised with General Clinton in respect to calling in the militia, and concluded 
that one thousand should be called for immediately, five hundred from Connecti- 
cut, and five hundred from this State ; and an express was immediately sent off 
to Governor Trumbull, requesting them to be sent without delay." — &en, Pvtnam 
to Washington^ July 31, 1777. 



1777. CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 333 

as lie was, immediately, by General Silliman, and General 
Oliver Wolcott — that, upon his intelligence, they had 
ordered detachments of men to Peekskill, he wrote 
them letters highly approving of their conduct, and sent 
a whole wagon-load of flints on after the troops to 
Woodbury. 

At the same time he ordered General Erastus Wolcott to 
draft four hundred additional men from his own brigade, and 
send them to the same point on horseback — and to the same 
point, in September, he ordered three hundred more from the 
same General's brigade, and three hundred from General 
Ward's command. In November again — collecting two 
hundred additional men from each of the brigades of Generals 
Silliman, Oliver Wolcott, and Ward — and augmenting this 
force with the entire regiment of Colonel Ely^ — and providing 
them all with tents, and with six hundred new camp kettles 
from the furnace at Salisbury — he sent the whole body on to 
Peekskill — to cooperate with the troops already there under 
General Putnam, for the defence of Connecticut and " these 
United States." 

His consultations with his Council, just at this juncture, 
were very constant. Dispatches flew from his Office at Leba- 
non to Putnam, to Washington, and to Congress — and from 
the same point also to Providence and Boston — with each, 
particular of important news, as from time to time, from 
the westward, it reached his own door.* Up nearly to Sep- 
tember — ere the destination of Howe's army was certainly 
known — it was a period indeed of intense anxiety to all 
New England — and to no man in this region probably 
as much so, considering the peculiar exertion he was called 
upon to make, as to Trumbull. It must, therefore, to his 
mind in particular have been a moment of great relief, 
when, August twenty-second, Washington wrote — " the 
enemy's fleet have entered Chesapeake. There is not the 
least danger of Howe's going to New England. Forward 
this account to Gov. Trambull, to be by him sent on to the 
eastward." 

* " Spent the day in preparing letters, and sending expresses " — is a frequent 
entry upon the Kecords of the Council of Safety, at this period. 



33-4 CHAP. XXVIII. — TEUMBULL. 1777. 

And the Eastward, at this time, was also again a point of 
anxiety and labor for the Governor of Connecticut. The 
enemy still lay at Newport. The plan was to dislodge them, 
and to this plan Trumbull applied his usual energies. In the 
beginning of the year he consulted with his Council about it. 
He commissioned Captains of companies for the purpose. 
General Spencer came once and again to visit him in person 
at Lebanon, seeking further aid of men and means — and was 
authorized, in case he could procure cooperation from Massa- 
chusetts, to call upon a number of officers in the eastern part 
of Connecticut, for additional troops. 

In the spring. Governor Trumbull sent him five companies 
of militia, and one thousand pounds. 

As the autumn approached, he sent him, first, fifty-three 
men more — then a lieutenant and twenty-four privates, with 
wrought iron field pieces, and suitable horses and harnesses, 
from Norwich — and next, in October, renewed the order 
for Colonel Ely's regiment to join him, and sent teams 
to transport the baggage of the regiment, and continental 
stores. 

And when — near the close of 1777 — the Governor and 
Council of War of Rhode Island informed him of the great 
danger to Providence from the hostile ships of war then at 
Newport, and of the daily expectation of an attack upon 
this town — Trumbull, upon the emergency, crowned his 
labors for the year for Rhode Island, by ordering five hund- 
red additional men, from the first and fifth brigades of Con- 
necticut, to be marched, without delay, to the point of 
danger. 

But the expedition proved a failure. There was not force 
enough in Rhode Island to dislodge the enemy. General 
Spencer, it is true, proposed to assail the foe at Newport, by 
a landing at Rowland's ferry — on a point of land which pro- 
jects from the island — and he erected a battery upon high 
grounds on the opposite shore. Do not make the attempt 
without the strongest probability of success, was, however, 
his direction from General Washington — " it is right not to 
risk a miscarriage." So the attempt, under the circumstances, 
with an inferior force, and one composed too, chiefly, of 



1777. CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 335 

raw militia — was abandoned, as too hazardous. It was a 
disappointment to Trumbull. The gentlemen,* however, 
whom, in November, at the request of General Spencer, he 
commissioned — with others from Massachusetts and Khode 
Island — to inquire into the reasons of the failure of the ex- 
pedition, reported extenuating causes, and Trumbull acqui- 
esced. 

Better success awaited his hopes and labors in another 
quarter — the Department of the North — to which now we 
again turn the Eeader's attention — a department where, it 
will be remembered, Trumbull took at all times the in- 
tensest interest, and which, therefore, we shall look at some- 
what closely. 

The termination of the Campaign of 1776 in this quarter, 
saw the American army, by the expiration of enlistments, 
almost dissolved. Hardly troops enough were left there to 
keep up an appearance even of garrisons in the forts. They 
were so weak that serious apprehensions were entertained 
that the enemy, in case Lake Champlain should be frozen 
over, would cross the ice, and carry Ticonderoga by a coup 
de main. Schuyler, to be sure — who had now, on the resig- 
nation of Gates, accepted the chief command — was busy 
during the winter in making arrangements for the defence 
of Lake George, and in preparing generally for the ensuing 
campaign. But the business of recruiting went on very 
slowly. Spring had far advanced, and still but a very small 
force had been collected — a small fraction only of the fifteen 
thousand men, whom, in his plan for the campaign, he 
required. 

The British, on the other hand, were exceedingly active. 
Burgoyne had passed the winter in England — where a plan 
for penetrating to the Hudson from Canada by way of the 
Lakes — one portion of the enemy by this route, and another, 
to cooperate and ultimately join it, by way of Oswego and 
the Mohawk Eiver — was completely arranged by himself 

* These Commissioners were, Gen. Jabez Huntington, Brigadier Gen. E. Wol- 
cott, and Nathaniel Wales, Jr., who repaired to Providence for the investigation. 
Trumbull subsequently transmitted the doings of this Court of Inquiry, with aa 
laccompanying letter, to Congress, and this Body referred the whole matter over 
to a Committee. 



336 CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. lim. 

and the Britisli Ministry. In pursuance of this plan, 
troops embarked from England in the spring soon as it 
was practicable to sail up the St. Lawrence. Colonel St. 
Leger, with a party composed of new-raised Canadians, 
American tories, a few Europeans, and a powerful body 
of Indians, marched for Oswego. And General Burgoyne 
in person — in full force in May on the river Boquet, on 
the western bank of Lake Champlain — soon advanced on 
both sides this lake, until, July first, his van appeared 
within three miles of Ticonderoga, and threw up works 
of defence — the van of a formidable army indeed, which — 
furnished abundantly with every military equipment, and 
commanded by officers of the first reputation, and with 
a train of artillery the most powerful ever annexed to 
such an army — prepared for an immediate attack upon 
the Fort. 

But about three thousand men at this time garrisoned the 
Fort — and these, through the industry of Schuyler, had 
been supplied with necessary stores, without calling much 
for aid except in the adjoining country of New-York, New- 
Hampshire, and Massachusetts. 

Governor Trumbull, therefore, had not, as in the two pre- 
ceding j^ears, been overburdened with duty for the Northern 
Department. Still both in the winter and spring of 1777, 
he had done something for it — for it was never out of his 
mind. Early as February, he had received a letter from 
Schuyler, which expressed very strong expectation of a 
speedy attack on Ticonderoga, and pressed for men and sup- 
plies. In April he received another, to the same effect, from 
General Gates, with a request that he would communicate 
the information to Massachusetts, and New-Hampshire, and 
urge on their preparations. In June he received other let- 
ters of similar purport, from Colonel Burrall, General Poor, 
and General Fellows. To all these communications he paid 
attention, and sent on men, more or less, to reenforce the 
army — at one time drafting one-half of Colonel Burrall's 
regiment for the purpose, and equipping them fully to 
march, all or a part, as the exigency of the case might 
require. 



1777. CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 837 

Nor, prior to the appearance of Burgojne's arm}' before 
Ticonderoga, did he forget to aid the service at the North by 
continiung to exert a favorable influence upon the Indians 
of the Six Nations — particularly the Oneidas — in detaching 
them from the British, and allying them to American inter- 
ests. He was familiar with all their conferences and treaties 
hitherto, with Schuyler, and with others — and now, in March 
of the present year, himself and his Council were visited by 
a deputation of their warriors from Oneida, accompanied by 
Mr. Kirtland — and "they held a long talk" together — ^just 
as in January the Governor had done with fifteen of the 
Chagnawaga Chiefs.* 

These warriors were travelling through the States for the 
purpose of obtaining information regarding the war, and of 
reporting to the Six Nations. Governor Trumbull received 
them with great hospitality. He repeatedly met them before 
his Council. He listened to their speeches, and made appro- 
priate replies — and after thoroughly conciliating their friend- 
ship and good wishes in behalf of the American cause, dis- 
missed them, with handsome presents — among other things, 
with a finished gun, gun-lock, belt, and stringsf — to pursue 
their journey. Kayendalongueva — Williamko, head war- 
rior — Thaghnegtotis, pine splinter — Hendrake, second war- 
rior — Shaleslago, blazing spear — Quedd, alias Peter — Yegh- 
leytitzi, alias Joseph — Thaghlaghquisene, alias William — 
and Yolonghyagewea, clear sky — left Lebanon highly de- 
lighted, and carried back to their Indian allies most favorable 
reports both of the " Chief" of Connecticut, and of New- 
England generally. 

June 30. " Advice was received from Gen. Schuyler," say the Pro- 
ceedings of the Council of Safety at this date — " that the British fleet 
and army had advanced as far- as Crown Point, and that a strong party 

* " On the 15th instant there came 15 of the Chagnawaga chiefs or great men, 
to see my father, and are now on their way to camp " — says David Trumbull in a 
letter from Lebanon, Jan. 14, 1777, to his brother Joseph. 

t The gun, which was a beautiful article, costing twenty-three dollars, was pro- 
cured by Colonel Elderkin — and the Governor's son-in-law, Col. Huntington, 
furnished the lock, which was of very curious and elaborate construction. They 
were both manufactured in Connecticut, and were presented avowedly as t>jjtci- 
mem of Atnerican manufacture. 
29 



838 CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. ITIT. 

had gone by way of the Creek, for the purpose of falling in between 
Ticonderoga and Skenesborough — and that another detachment had 
marched on the west side of Lake George, in order, if possible, to cut off 
Lake George, &c., and requested that the militia might be ordered to 
march soon as possible to their assistance, and rendezvous either at Fort 
Edward or Fort Ann." 

Here commenced with the Governor again active duties for 
the Northern Department. He immediately made General 
Wolcott aware of the impending danger, and instructed him 
to hold his whole brigade in readiness for service — to draft by 
rotation one-half of it — and upon such information as he 
should receive, to march for the assistance of the Northern 
army, or for the relief of any place attacked, either on the 
North River, or at the Northward. And at the same time 
he sent to Wolcott a team loaded with powder, lead, and 
flints, and directed him to procure from Salisbury a load of 
cannon shot. 

But the reenforcements from Connecticut, as well as those 
from other States, came all too late for General St. Clair. 
On the fifth of July, in the night, with all his troops, his in- 
valids, and stores — believing that he could not withstand the 
superior force of the enemy — he evacuated Ticonderoga, and 
Mount Independence. And, taking his way — a portion of 
his troops through Castleton by land, and a portion by water 
to Skenesborough — amid disaster after disaster, at Castle- 
ton — at Skenesborough — at Fort Ann — and in every direc- 
tion in the neighborhood of these places — with total loss of 
his military stores — without baggage — badly armed, and 
thoroughly dispirited by defeat — he at last joined General 
Schuyler at Fort Edward. 

This was a terrible shock to the whole American people. 
The necessity for evacuating Ticonderoga could not be un- 
derstood, and the act was almost universally, in the first im- 
pulses of disappointment and passion, condemned as one of 
cowardice, or treachery, or of both. There was the fort 
there — with a garrison reported by Schuyler as consisting of 
no less than five thousand men — a force not inferior, it was 
supposed, to that of tlie invading army — with a supply of 
provisions and military stores understood to be most ample — 



1777. CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 389 

with fortifications, the key to the whole western country, upon 
which a vast quantity of money and labor had been ex- 
pended — with a train of artillery consisting of one hundred 
and twenty-eight pieces — there was this fort, thus complete 
and deemed invuhierable, abandoned without a siege — with 
all its stores fallen into the hands of the enemy — and its fly- 
ing army attacked, defeated, and dispersed, by an ostenta- 
tious, galling, and triumphant foe ! Astonishment seized the 
minds of all men — but upon no one did the blow foil with 
more stunning effect than upon the energetic Governor of 
Connecticut, who had so long, with warmest anticipations of 
success, nursed the defence of the North. With "Washing- 
ton, and as Washington expressed himself at the time, he 
felt it to be "an event of chagrin and surprise not apper- 
taining nor within the compass of his reasoning." And in 
a letter, July fourteenth, to his son-in-law Williams, he gave 
vent to his feelings in language of patriotic regret and 
remonstrance. 

"There must be some very material circumstances," he wrote — "in 
addition to what I now know, before I can conceive the necessity, that a 
garrison, well filled with provisions, ammunition, and military stores, 
with above one hundred cannon &c., and between three and four thousand 
men — I believe more, for Col. Robinson, with six or seven hundred men, 
went in with militia just before this evacuation — should be abandoned — 
at the appearance of an enemy. I say the appearance only, because I 
don't learn that a gun had been fired, save by some scouting parties &c. 
But Heaven hath so decreed — it must be so. God will save us in the 
way that seems good to him. The future kind interposition of Provi- 
dence is my support. * * Hath not some internal enemy had a hand 
in this? Will not their mischief and spite recoil on their guilty heads?" 

Trumbull, it will be observed, more than hints his appre- 
hension that some treachery had been at work in causing the 
evacuation of Ticonderoga. But hear him again on the same 
subject, and after Burgoyne, having forced our troops from 
Ticonderoga, had driven them also from Skenesborough and 
Fort Ann — had charged their rear guard under Colonel War- 
ner, and dispersed it with a loss to the latter of three hund- 
red men — and was advancing in triumph upon a foe, which, 
now but the shadow of an army, fled before him leaving the 



8-iO CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1111. 

whole country open to his approach. In a letter at this time, 
July twenty-sixth, also to Williams — in a strain of almost 
fiery rebuke — under the information which he then possessed, 
he denounces the whole proceeding on the part of the Ameri- 
cans as a most unjustifiable disappointment of the hopes of 
the country, and pointedly lays the blame where he thinks it 
belongs. 

" The deplorable situation of our affairs at the North," he proceeds — 
"loudly calls for immediate attention, and most spirited measures. 
Should there be any delay of a public enquiry, the consequences may be 
very serious. 

" The idea of treachery seems to be more generally adopted. Some 
indeed assign political reasons for permitting the enemy to come down 
upon the Grants — none attempt an excuse for evacuating the Northern 
Posts. All reprobate the measure. I believe but very few will under- 
take to account for it even upon principles of cowardice, and indeed the 
whole conduct seems to carry with it the evident marks of deliberate 
intention. 

" 'Tis said the Council of War [in Ticonderoga] were unanimous in 
opinion. If the Posts were not tenable, why was not this discovered be- 
fore an appearance of the enemy ? Why all the cannon, ordnance, stores, 
tents, clothing, provisions, &c., &c., hurried up into this place? Why 
that drove of cattle suffered to come and remain there after the Council 
had determined on flight, and before an actual evacuation ? Why was 
no part of the provision, stores, &c., sent away or destroyed, but all pre- 
served, and left for the enemy's use ? To what purpose is the Adjutant 
General's account of numbers but about half so high as the Quarter Mas- 
ter's Return? Why is the flight performed with such disorder and con- 
fusion as to prevent every proper precaution being taken, and the rear 
guard left at so great a distance from the main body in the rapid retreat, 
and all the feeble in the army left to fall back upon the rear guard, as if 
on purpose to retard their march, and no succor aflforded them when ac- 
tually attacked by the enemy? 

" The officers of lower rank and soldiers were all in high spirits, and 
impatient for battle — why then were they hurried off in such seeming 
premeditated disorder at only the distant approach of the enemy, when 
succors were known to be coming to their relief? What makes the dif- 
ferent accounts between the General and Commissary in the quantity of 
provisions? Why should the reasons of all this mysterious conduct be 
concealed from public view, at a time when it is most important for them 
to be known — and some feeble excuses attempted to be thrown out before 
there was time for an external accusation ? Nothing short of the most 
spirited and vigorous measures upon this occasion can maintain and pre- 



1777. CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 341 

serve the complete and full confidence of the people. Some are disposed 
to say, as Joab did to David, 'tis not probable our men will submit to be 
commanded by these officers — nothing short of a recall of them, and an 
immediate examination into the matter, to be made public, will give sat- 
isfaction. Such officers must be immediately placed in that Department 
as the people have entire confidence in." 

Notwitlistancling the severe disappointment which Trum- 
bull thus strongly expresses, he yet set himself immediately 
to work — during the months of August and September — to 
aid, so far as it was in his power, in repairing the damages at 
the North, and placing the army there in a situation to com- 
pete with the enemy. 

Ten thousand men were wanted for this purpose. Towards 
completing this number — besides some Connecticut troops 
which he forwarded from the Continental Army at Peeks- 
kill — Trumbull sent on to Gates between three and four 
hundred of the militia of General Wolcott's brigade, includ- 
ing twenty-five Light Horsemen, and a few of the thirteenth 
regiment of Volunteers. He detached also one-half of the 
troops of Lighthorse in the State, not then in service else- 
where, and superintended the raising of other troops. In the 
whole, two entire regiments — to be held in service two 
months from the time of joining the army, and consisting, 
all told, of about two thousand men — were raised and 
marched by him to repulse the progress of the enemy at the 
North, 

They were fully armed and equipped — his son David super- 
intending the repair of old fire arms brought from Albany, 
in part for their service, and James Bull collecting for them 
cattle and other stock. Everything in the way of pay, 
bounty, allowances, and refreshments, was completely ar- 
ranged — the Governor holding frequent consultations with 
his Council on this matter, and upon the situation of affairs 
generally at the north — corresponding often with the ofiicers 
there — transmitting intelligence from them to the States at 
the East, and stimulating exertions in that direction — and in 
all respects meeting the wishes of General Washington that 
he should " put forth new exertions proportioned to the exi- 
gency of the times," and "by a spirited opposition check the 



842 CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1777. 

progress of Burgoyne's arms." So that now — the prepara- 
tions completed — with the Father of his Country — from " a 
dark and gloomy aspect" in the past, he looked forward "to 
a fortunate and happy change." 

This change soon came. That remediless accumulation of 
dangers and difficulties upon the head of Burgoyne, by which 
at last he was rendered utterly unable to retreat save by 
crossing the Hudson in the face of a most formidable foe, that 
was posted all along the opposite shore — his consequent 
abandonment of such a purpose as impracticable, and his des- 
perate determination to make one more trial of strength with 
his adversary — that eventful trial, the Battle of Saratoga — 
the successful attack on the British right — the equally suc- 
cessful one on the British left — and that general assault, 
under a tremendous fire of grape shot and musketry, upon 
all the British works in front, which finally compelled the 
foe to give way — to retreat, to sadden, despair, capitulate, to 
ground their arms — and surrender — about seven thousand 
men, their entire army — as prisoners of war — with seven 
thousand stand of arms — with clothing for seven thousand 
recruits — with an immense train of artillery, and a large and 
valuable amount of military stores of every description — all 
these stirring facts are familiar to the reader of history. 
They lifted the long past of American struggle at the North 
out from the pit, and up to the mountain top. They crowned 
it with interminable glory. The wand of British invincibil- 
ity was broken. America looked like a giant, that snapping, 
as withes, each cord of constraint with which British tyranny 
had attempted to bind its stalwart limbs, was prepared to 
stalk out upon the platform of colossal life, and take its 
place — free, prosperous, and happy — proudly and forever — 
among the Independent Nations of the earth. 

Upon the heart of no man did the news of the splendid 
victory at Saratoga fall with more thrilling effect, than upon 
that of Governor Trumbull of Connecticut. No Chief Mag- 
istrate of any State received a memorializing share of Bur- 
goyne's captured artillery with fonder exultation.* Few 

* " Half a mile this side of Litchfield [Conn.] I remarked on the right a bar- 
rack surrounded by palisades, which appeared to me like a guard house. I ap- 



1777. CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 843 

men did the event so profoundly penetrate with sentiments 
of pious thankfulness, and gratitude to God. He was pre- 
pared somewhat for the event — for his confidence was high. 

"This Aurora Borealis," he wrote to Washington, soon as 
he heard of the Battle of Stillwater, and the retirement of 
the enemy back towards Saratoga from this place — "this 
Aurora Borealis, I hope, may not only dispel the gloom, and 
establish our affairs in that quarter, but be the forerunner of 
success and victory in every other department." His first 
intelligence that the light he saw was no delusion — no meteor 
to flash and then expire — was verbal. It came to him, but 
reliably, as it passed everywhere, current upon every tongue. 

" How interesting — how important the victory I " — he ex- 
claimed, writing to his son at the North. " Give to General 
Gates my hearty compliments and congratulations on his 
success. Very conspicuous is the hand of the Lord in bring- 
ing it about. To him be all the glory and praise ascribed. 
Let us trust and wait on him for his salvation and success in 
other departments ! " 

" May we praise " — he wrote to William Williams — after 
announcing to him the triumph, and his momentary expect- 
ation of receiving, by express, all the particulars concerning 
it — " may we praise the name of the Lord that has caused us 
to know his hand and might, that his name is the Lord — it is 
marvellous in our eyes ! May we rejoice with thanksgiving 
for this success and salvation. May we likewise rejoice in 
hope that he will give us success and victory over our ene- 
mies in their other enterprises against us. The Assembly 
have desired the ministers of this town [Hartford] to meet at 
the House of worship to celebrate the praises of the Lord of 
Hosts." 

Thus with patriotic fervor, and deep religious sensibility, 
did Governor Trumbull rejoice over an event the most mo- 
mentous of all which had yet signalized the American arms. 
And no doubt — when with the General Assembly of Con- 
necticut, and the ministers and people in the Capital City of 

preached it, and saw in this small enclosure ten pieces of brass cannon, a mortar, 
and a swivel. This I heard was a part of Burgoyne's artillery, which fell to the 
share of the State of Connecticut." — Marquis de Choitellux. 



844 CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1777, 

the State, lie met, as was proposed, at the House of God — no 
doubt his prayers upon this occasion went up to the great 
Benefactor of his country loaded more deeply with thanks- 
giving, and more beautified with hope, and confidence for the 
future, than those of any other worshiper, who— within the 
walls of the Centre Church at Hartford — gave ear to the 
Reverend Mr. Williams,* as in an appropriate discourse this 
worthy Divine memorialized the exceeding victory, and 
uttered to the Fountain of Mercy, and Father of Light, the 
language of souls o'erfraught with gratitude, and feeding on 
substantial bliss. 

* Of East Hartford, Connecticut. 



C HAPT E R XXIX. 
1777. 

Trumbull in the naval sphere. The Sound, as usual, infested ivith 
hostile ships. His powers, duties, and labors as Chief Naval Officer of 
the State. Prizes this year — their number and value. Trumbull in 
this connection. Maritime losses this year small — maritime gains large. 
Prisoners this year — numerous as usual — some specified. Trumbull 
in this connection again. Their exchange exacts much labor. Sad 
state of many Americans "whora he released His remonstrances m 
behalf of such. Tories and malignants in Connecticut. Their detec- 
tion and treatment by Trumbull. His care for sick soldiers. His care 
for the farming interests of the soldier. He rotates agricultural with 
military labor. 

Another sphere of duty remains to be described ere we 
close the account of Trumbull's labors, in the department of 
defence, for the year on which we now dwell. We allude to 
the naval sphere. 

Long Island Sound was, as usual, this year crowded with 
vessels of the enemy. They had their places of rendezvous, 
as in previous times, upon the Long Island coast — at Sag 
Harbor particularly — at Oyster Bay — Gardiner's Bay — and at 
Huntington Bay, distant not more than eight or nine miles 
from the islands of Norwalk — and from these nesting points 
they came out frequently to annoy, distress, and plunder the 
inhabitants of the Connecticut Main. They came both by 
day and night, to seize property, take prisoners, abuse women 
and children, fire houses — chiefly those that were solitary 
and defenceless — and to create general consternation. The 
newspapers of the day are filled with notices of their hostile 
appearance, the present year, upon and off the Connecticut 
coast.* 

* Thus in January, first nine British ships, then ten and two brigs, and next 
twenty-one sail of the enemy's ships, passed New London harbor up and down 
the Sound. In February, the Niger — a ship-of-war of thirty-six gun.s — lay at the 
west end of Fisher's Island. In March, first a British frigate, and two or three 
tenders, appeared in New Haven harbor — next eleven sail of men-of-war and 
transports appeared at the west end of Fisher's Island — came to anchor — landed 
troops, and carried off much valuable stock — and next twenty ships, ready for 



S^Q CHAP. XXIX. — TRUMBULL. 1777. 

Governor Trumbull, therefore, very often assembled his 
Council to consult upon matters relating to the enemy's ships 
and cruisers — urged naval preparations for the State at 
large — gave constant orders to the Connecticut Marine, and 
commissioned privateers. He had much to do also, as in 
former years, in fitting out the various armed vessels of the 
State — and besides this, in the course of the year he was 
called upon to overlook the construction of two frigates for 
the United States — one of thirty-six, and the other of twenty- 
eight guns.* 

plunder, lay at anchor in Gardiner's Bay. Besides, two were seen coming 
through Plumb-Gut, and one passed New London to the Eastward. In April, 
about thirty sail, British men-of-war and transports, passed New London, and 
one large ship went down, and another went up the Sound. In May, first a con- 
siderable number of ships and other vessels, with some flat-bottomed boats, ap- 
peared off Stamford — next about twenty hostile ships, soon again one brig, two 
schooners, and four sloops belonging to the enemy, went up the Sound past New 
London. In June, first two ships and a sloop passed New London — and next a 
party of men from three British ships landed at Sachem's Head, in Guilford, 
burned a large dwelling house, owned by Mr. Leete, and two barns, and carried 
off several cattle, calves, and sheep. In July, in the night, a number of the 
British landed four miles west of Norwalk, and took off over forty head of cattle, 
and the next night attempted, but unsuccessfully, to land east of this town — and 
on one Sabbath Day, about five o'clock in the afternoon, twenty-three sail of 
British ships appeared off New London harbor, and so excited the fears of the 
inhabitants of New London, that alarm guns were fired, and the troops got under 
arms. In August, seven sail of British ships passed New London— next three 
appeared in the Sound several days— and next, one Monday morning, the British 
Swan, and three tenders, came to off Milford Farms, landed about forty men, 
attempted to seize cattle, broke the windows and doors of Mr. Merwin's house, 
and destroyed his beds and furniture— but upon the assembling of the people, 
they retired with great precipitation. In September, first eight sail of shipping 
went down the Sound— then near thirty sail were seen under Long Island shore, 
taking in wood — and next a fleet of twenty-one sail came out of Gardiner's Bay, 
and went down the Sound. In October, a fleet of twenty sail went up the 
Sound — and in November, a frigate and three other vessels went down the Sound. 
* Early in February, by Resolution of Congress, himself and his Council were 
empowered to determine at what places in Connecticut two frigates should be 
built— one of thirty-six, and the other of twenty-eight guns— and to appoint 
proper persons to execute and superintend the business of their construction. 
The superintendents thus appointed— one upon the river Thames, and one at 
Chatham, where the vessels were to be built— had frequent occasion to apply to 
Trumbull for advice in executing their contracts, and for the money and provis- 
ions needed for their purposes— and they were heard and answered. The Gov- 
ernor also often corresponded with the Marine Committee at Philadelphia re- 
specting these vessels— and received and disbursed the payments from Congress 
for their construction— as, for instance, July twelfth, $20,000, in part payment 
for the frigate then building on the Thames — and at the same time examined and 
settled the accounts of the builders. 



ITTT. CHAP. XXIX. — TRUMBULL. 847 

His powers and duties in the Naval Department may be 
estimated somewhat, from the new Naval Code which was 
established by Connecticut this year. By this, he was to 
take from the captain of a ship, before she sailed on a cruise, 
a complete list of the officers and men, with the time and 
terms of their enlistment — and after the return of such ship, 
another complete list of the same, together with an account 
of the necessary articles delivered out to each man. He was 
fully empowered to appoint a Court Martial for the trial of 
all capital crimes, and for many not capital, committed at sea 
on board any of the vessels of war belonging to the State. 
And it was made the duty of the President of any Court 
Martial to transmit to the Governor every sentence which 
should be given, with a summary of the evidence and pro- 
ceedings — no sentence being to be put in execution until it 
was laid before him — and he being armed with power to 
confirm it, or respite the offender to the next session of the 
General Assembly. Here are functions which, in the activ- 
ity of the Connecticut Marine this year, were frequently 
called into exercise — save in the matter of naval Court Mar- 
tials — where, to the great credit of those seamen of the State 
who manned her vessels of war — and as appears abundantly 
from many records — the interposition of the Governor was 
but little required. 

Another of Trumbull's duties this year — as in past times — 
and one quite onerous, related to prizes. Very many of 
these — both by armed ships of the State, and by privateers 
which he commissioned — were brought into the ports of 
Connecticut, and some to the ports of Massachusetts. The 
prize brig Anna and her cargo, worth — not to cite shillings 
and pence — twenty-six hundred and sixty-three pounds — the 
brig Medway, worth thirty -five hundred pounds — the snow 
Swift, worth five thousand nine hundred and three pounds — 
the barque Lydia, worth six thousand six hundred and 
seventy-six pounds — the sloop Dolphin, worth ten hundred 
and six pounds — the brigantine Honor, worth ten thousand 
six hundred and ninety-two pounds — a prize sloop brought 
in by Captain Conklin in his privateer, with seven thousand 
barrels of rum on board — a large prize ship, with four hund- 



3-18 CHAP. XXIX. — TKUMBULL. 1717. 

red and tliirty-nine liogslieads of sugar, brought into New 
London by Captain Champlin — a prize ship from Scotland, 
laden, among otlier things, with seven thousand pounds 
worth of linens, brought in by Captain Chew — and a prize 
ship taken into Boston by the Oliver Cromwell, with quite a 
quantity of dollars and of wrought plate on board — these 
are among the important captures which the little Navy of 
Connecticut made during the year now under consideration.* 
The entire value of all the vessels and cargoes thus taken, 
amounted to not less, it may reasonably be calculated, than 
two hundred thousand pounds, or about six hundred and 
sixty-six thousand dollars.f 

All these prizes now, were reported to Trumbull — the 
Chief Naval Officer, as well as Chief Magistrate of Connec- 
ticut — and he was, of course, much employed at times in giv- 
ing orders respecting them — now receiving and examining 
with care the invoices of cargoes — now looking to a distribu- 
tion and delivery of these cargoes, part to the State, and part 
to the captors — a policy which gave great stimulus to 
efforts;}: — now purchasing portions for the army or navy of 

* Take otlier examples. In January, the privateer American Revenue, Capt. 
Champlin of New London, took a brig from Quebec, laden with fish, and sent 
her into Bedford. In February, the same privateer took a large schooner from 
Ireland, laden with flour, bread, butter, &c., and linen. In April, the same pri- 
vateer, and the Defence, brought in four valuable prizes, and Capt. Wattles, in a 
small sloop letter of marque, owned in Norwich, took a brig from Europe with a 
valuable cargo, and Capt. Smedlej' took a large barque from Liverpool bound to 
Pensacola. In June, the privateer Fanny, of Groton, carried a prize ship into 
Bedford, Mass. In July, the sloop Trumbull sent a prize brig, with five or six 
thousand pounds of coffee, &c., into N. London, and sent another prize brig, 
with ninety-eight hogsheads of rum, into Marblehead. In August, Capt. 
Champlin sent into Boston a brig laden with rum, and also two schooners, one 
of which had on board, among other things, two hundred and twenty hogsheads 
of rum. And Capt. Jason Chester, in a small armed boat from Middletown, in 
one week took five sail of coasting vessels, and sent them into Connecticut 
Eiver — and a prize brig, laden with beef, pork, butter, flour, &c., was brought in 
by the Oliver Cromwell, &c., &c. 

^ The year before — 1776 — the value of prizes made by all the armed vessels of 
New England — amounted, it is conceded by English authors, to no less than one 
million of pounds sterling. Americans, with more of probability, claimed that 
it was not less than two millions of pounds — an amount which was nearly equalled 
in 1777. The share, therefore, of Connecticut, was at least that stated in the 
text — and in all probability was greater. 

X Under the Naval Code of Connecticut at this time, all captures, prizes, and 
shares, belonged, oue-half to the State, and one-half to the use of the captors — 



1777. CHAP. XXIX. — TRUMBULL. 349 

Connecticut — and now sending to Samuel Elliot, Junior — 
naval agent for the State at Boston — schedules of such arti- 
cles as he wished reserved for particular use, and directing 
the disposition of the remainder. 

Spite of the fact that, during the year 1777, the Sound 
was crowded with hostile vessels — and spite of their activi- 
ity — the maritime losses of Connecticut were not large — and 
the Governor, his marine agents, and the people at large, had 
good reason to congratulate themselves upon the general re- 
sult. Save, in January, the loss of two little sloops from 
New-IiOndon — in March, the loss of a sloop from Newhaven, 
Captain Bonticue, and of the schooner Olive from New-Lon- 
don, Bulkley master, and of the sloop Polly from Killing- 
worth, Griffin master — in July, of four small sloops, under 
the command respectively of Captains Rogers, Bigelow, Pal- 
mer, and Stillman — in October, of the sloop Two Brothers, 
a privateer from New London — and in December, of the 
sloop Schuyler, which ran on shore on a spit of sand near 
Long Island, and was taken by a British frigate — save these 
losses, and a few other inconsiderable ones in the way of 
small coasters and fishing craft, Connecticut suffered but little 
in her marine. 

And these losses were infinitely overbalanced by the gains 
which the State made through her own naval captures. 
Brave privateersmen, commissioned by Trumbull in great 
numbers — '"ever ready, ever serviceable, alert in discovering 

tlie necessary charges of condemnation being first deducted. The captain of an 
armed vessel had for his share of the moiety of any prize, two-twentieth parts. 
The lieutenant of the ship and of the marines, the surgeons, chaplains, pursers, 
boatswains, gunners, carpenters, masters and mates, had three-twentieth parts 
equally divided among them. The midshipmen, clerk, surgeon's mate, steward, 
sailmaker, cooper, armorer, boatswain's mate, cook, cockswain, and Serjeants of 
marines, had three-twentieth parts equally divided among them. The remain- 
ing twelve- twentieth parts of the moiety, were divided among the rest of the 
ship's company, share and share alike. The first discoverer of a ship or vessel 
which should be made a prize, was entitled to a double share of such prize — and 
he who should first board any ship or other vessel making resistance, was made 
entitled to a triple share of such prize. 

The Governor of the State also, it would seem, -was entitled to a share. In a 
letter to his son, dated Nov. 6th, 1777, Trumbull says : " I hear the Weymouth 
packet is adjudged to the captors. They will not dispute the Commander-in- 
chiers one-twentieth of the whole. I have made a power of attorney for you to 
act for me in that matter." 

30 



850 CHAP. XXIX. — TRUMBULL. 1111. 

smugglers, in intercepting unlawful communications, in tak- 
ing prizes, and in giving notice of the movements of the 
enemy " — shot out from almost every one of her ports — but 
particularly from New London, where a band of sea cap- 
tains — "prompt, valiant, experienced, and danger-loving" — 
some natives of the town, and others from Groton, Norwich, 
Middletown, and Saybrook — had their rendezvous — and 
from whence prizes, if pursuit was feared, might be hurried 
with fjicility, out of sight, and in security, up the Thames to 
Norwich. The naval history of Connecticut, this year — 
thanks to Governor Trumbull, to the agents he employed, to 
the ofl&cers he commissioned, and to the seamen whom he 
caused to be enlisted — is one in which she may justly take a 
pride. 

The War, of course, throughout the year 1777, continued 
to bring its prisoners into Connecticut — to be placed under 
the general, and often the special custody of Trumbull. 
And they were about as numerous this year as usual. In 
January, for example, he received twenty British officers 
and soldiers who arrived at Hartford from the westward — 
and thirty torics and soldiers, taken at Hackensack by a de- 
tachment from General Parsons' brigade, who arrived at Mid- 
dletown — and at the same time a party of one hundred and 
sixty more, part of three hundred taken at Princeton, were 
on their way to Hartford. In September, Captain Harding 
sent him the entire crews of the prize ship Weymouth, and the 
brigantine Honor, taken by the Oliver Cromwell. In Octo- 
ber, another party of thirty, and still another of twenty, were 
sent from New York. And again in the same month, fifteen 
more arrived, who had been taken in an assault upon an 
armed schooner in the North River — and one hundred and 
twenty British soldiers, together with five Hessian officers, 
who had been taken at the northward previous to the capitu- 
lation of General Burgoyne. So numerous in fact were pris- 
oners in Connecticut in 1777, that it became necessary to de- 
vise new places for their security.* 

*As barracks and a yard, for instance, on land of Isaac Kibbe at Enfield, and 
shops, stores, and other buildings at other places, and a ship — all of which were 
either hired or impressed for their confinement. 



1777. CHAP. XXIX. — TRUMBULL. 351 

Though ably aided by Ezekiel Williams — now Commis- 
sary of prisoners in the place of Epaphras Bull — and by va- 
rious Committees — the Governor still, as heretofore, had 
much to do concerning the captives, and in all that he did 
manifested his usual discretion, and a praiseworthy humanity. 
Wages where justly due to them, as to some from New York 
in April, were carefully settled. When sick from their 
crowded state in jail, as once in Hartford, such lodgings or 
barracks were provided as would prevent their sufferings. 
Some, the least obnoxious, were permitted to go at large in 
the State — on their parole. Many — on their parole to return, 
and not to give any intelligence, or prejudice the United 
States — were allowed, as in previous years, to go to their 
homes, and bring away their effects and necessaries. Some, 
on their parole, were even allowed to go to their homes with- 
out as well as within the State, and to remain there. Mis- 
takes with regard to any of them — as when, for instance, 
they were found to have been forced into the British service 
against their will — were speedily rectified. 

The Governor's hands were full too, this year, with the 
business of exchanging prisoners* — and the awful state in 
which he found very many Americans whom he had released, 
gave him intense anxiety and pain. There were those, for 
example, who in August were brought from Newport, ema- 
ciated almost to death — their " meagre countenances confirm- 

* Jan. 17th, for example, the captain, and thirteen others of the Gaspee sloop, 
were to be exchanged. In this same month, the marine agent at N. London went 
to New York, and exchanged forty prisoners, on tlie Governor's order. In 
March, Trumbull ordered all the prisoners at Windham, who wished it, that 
were taken by Commodore Hopkins, to be exchanged. He frequently sent in- 
structions to Shaw at New-London, to proceed to New York with prisoners. 
Upon one occasion he redeemed Benjamin Boss, of Baltimore, from captivity, 
and paid his expenses homeward out of his own pocket. He frequently gave 
orders to Ezekiel Williams, Commissary of Prisoners, to the same effect — of 
which the following is an example : — 

July 16. " State of Connecticut, by the Governor : To Ezekiel Williams, Esq., 
commissary of prisoners : — You are hereby directed to deliver to Captain Samuel 
Lyon, of Rye, in the State of New-York, Henry Hallock, a seaman, and one 
other seaman, prisoners to this State, such as you may judge convenient (never 
an inhabitant in this State,) to be exchanged for a son of said Capt. Samuel 
Lyon, and one other person, a friend of his, who are prisoners with our enemies, 
taking Capt. Lyon's receipt to return said Hallock and other prisoner, if not ex- 
changed, keeping an account of your doings and what is done thereon, and mak- 
ing return to the Governor and Council." 



352 CHAP. XXIX. — TRUMBULL. 1777. 

ing the scanty pittance which had reduced them" — their entire 
clothing not worth one farthing — covered with vermin — cari- 
ous with scurvy and putrid fever — with but just life enough 
left, in fact, to answer an exchange. And there was a second 
party in the same month, from the same place, many of 
whom died soon after they landed, and the rest of whom 
crawled languidly and painfully to their homes. Upon cases 
like these the Governor remonstrated to Congress, to General 
Washington, and to the hostile agents and commanders, 
earnestly — and in terms of just severity. But interposition 
in behalf of mercy and humanity was so unheeded by the 
enemy, that his own mind subsequently, as we shall see, 
came to the conclusion that a severe retaliatory policy ought 
to be pursued. 

Among prisoners this year who fell under his general 
oversight and direction, besides those taken from the enemy, 
there were some who were taken from the midst of the peo- 
ple whom he governed — a few tories and malignants — some 
who had received and signed the protections from General 
Howe — some who had been busy in circulating these protec- 
tions — and some who were strongly suspected of being en- 
gaged in hatching secret plots against the country.* 

Against all persons of this character, the law levelled its 
bolts, and Trumbull's was the hand to guide them. He kept 
the police of the whole State active for the detection of trai- 
tors — caused the chief roads and passes to be strictly 
watched — had all suspicious wanderers stopped and exam- 
ined, and, if unable to account satisfactorily for themselves, 
imprisoned or put under guardf — and once had the good 
fortune to intercept an important letter from Governor Went- 
worth, which he sent to Congress:}: — as he did subsequently 

* Respecting which, in one instance, he communicated specially with Congress, 
asking its own particular service in procuring "all evidence" from one Colonel 
Dewer, or from " any other quarter." 

•)■ "It is of the utmost importance," is his own language, in a letter to his son 
Joseph, April 1.3, 1776 — " to secure the malignants in every Colony, to prevent 
our enemy gaining any footing on the Continent, or receiving supplies, assist- 
ance, or intelligence. Let us show a determination to enjoy liberty and freedom 
while wo live, and not suffer In'pocritieal friends, who seek our ruin, to wheedle 
and cajole us." 

X It was referred by Congress, together with an accompanying letter from 
Trumbull, to the Marine Committee, for special consideration. 



1777. CHAP. XXIX. — TRUMBULL. 853 

another important letter which he obtained, that was ad- 
dressed by General Pigot to General Burgoyne. He did all 
in his power at the same time to conciliate such persons, as, 
though disaffected to the American cause, had not yet by any 
overt and highly offensive acts, taken ground against it — 
issuing at one time a Proclamation for this purpose — in 
which, on certain conditions, he assured them of pardon for 
their treasonable course, and adoption into the sympathy and 
protection of the State. 

While thus active and humane, as we have seen, in his 
treatment of captives from the British army, and kind to- 
wards those of his own countrymen whose mistaken views of 
loyalty caused them to swerve from duty — Trumbull never 
forgot that soldier of Connecticut — or indeed of any other 
State — who happened to be within his reach — whose sick or 
necessitous condition required attention. Send the sick — 
those who by reason of malady are incapable of further 
service — send them home, that they may be cured — was often 
the burden of his communications to officers commanding the 
Connecticut troops — as well this year as in 1776, to Schuyler 
at the North, and to Washington at New York — and he pro- 
vided, as usual, medicines, hospital stores, and physicians, for 
the tent, the barrack, or the chamber of sickness. And for 
the families too in Connecticut of indigent soldiers, he not 
only looked to the enforcement of all the laws providing for 
their support by towns — but himself often personally super- 
intended their relief. Applications for aid were frequently 
before him — and before himself and Council — as well as 
before the General Assembly — and his ear was ever open to 
them all, " gently to hear, kindly to judge."* 

It is another feature of his care for soldiers, that he was 
ever particular that such portion of them from Connecticut — 
in the militia — as consisted of husbandmen — should in the 
seasons of. tillage be returned, if possible, to their homes, to 

* The case of Mary Vose, for example — that remarkable woman in Colchester, 
■wife of Henry Vose, a soldier, and mother of three children at a birth — named 
John Hancock, George Washington, and Charles Lee — whose necessities, upon 
her application, Trumbull at once relieved by an order on the Selectmen of the 
town in which she resided — is a good illustration of his prompt benevolence in 
this regard. 

30* 



354 CHAP. XXI5. — TRUMBULL. 1-777. 

SOW and reap tlieir crops — that so neither their own interests 
should suffer by their absence in service — or the State be pre- 
vented from accumulating the stores necessary not only for 
the supply of its own inhabitants, but for the armies also of 
the American Union.* It was excellent management on the 
part of Trumbull, thus to rotate labor on the field of agricul- 
ture and on the field of war — necessary, because the one pro- 
vided for the other — prudent, because otherwise he would 
have been compelled to send the shipping of the State abroad 
in search for provisions, and exposed, in consequence, to the 
imminent peril of capture by the enemy — and wise, because 
the soldier-husbandmen of the militia — feeling that their 
home interests were not to suffer — were encouraged thereby 
to quicken their own exertions, and to render them cheer- 
fully, when called temporarily to the field of war. 

*"I shall wish our militia to continue in actual service as long as it is abso- 
lutely necessary " — was, to illustrate, his language to Gen. Oliver Wolcott at New 
York, in August, 1776 — "but as the circumstances of the country, and of the 
men in service, require as speedy a return as possible, you will represent the same 
to the General, and procure their release in whole or in part as soon as may be. 
If a part only should be dismissed, it will be prudent to select such as are farm- 
ers, whose country business most suffers by their absence." — " I trust that the 
militia from this State," was his language again in August to his son Joseph — 
" may be soon dismissed. They are of our substantial farmers, who will suffer 
at home during their absence." 



C HAPT E R XXX. 
1777. 

Tbumbull and finance. Large sums of money pass fhrough. his hands. 
The depreciation of the Continental currency. His course on this 
subject. His views remarkahly sound. "Pay as -we go," his financial 
aphorism. His opinion of a foreign loan to sink the bills in circulation 
The correspondence and friendship between himself and John Derk, 
Baron Van der Capellan. of Holland. Sketch of this patriotic noble- 
man. Trumbull addresses him a long and able letter. He closes the 
year by proclaiming a Day of Public Thanksgiving. Other Proclama- 
tions in this connection. The title of "His Excellenct" for the first 
time conferred this year upon the Governor. 

We have looked at Trumbull now in all his strictly mili- 
tary connections with the Kevolutionary "War, for the year 
1777 — north, south, east, and west, both within and without 
Connecticut — upon the land, and on the sea. We have yet, 
however, ere we close our review of his life and services for 
the year, to look at him in some other departments of effort. 

And first, briefly, in that of finance — in his relations to 
that sinew of war — money. Here, as in previous years, he 
had much duty to perform. Large sums passed through his 
hands in payments for the public service, both from the 
Treasury of Connecticut, and from Congress.* 

But the matter in this department which gave him the 
most anxiety, was the depreciation of the Continental cur- 
rency — a depreciation, which, commencing in 1776 — with 
the fresh issue by Congress of ten millions of paper money, 
in addition to nine millions the previous year — and aided 
materially, in New England, by the large influx of cash pro- 
duced by the sale of prizes — went on increasing to such an 
extent, as that, in July 1777, a Convention of the New Eng- 
land States, together with New York, became necessary on 
the subject, and was held at Springfield — Eoger Sherman, 

* As from Congress, in one instance, over thirty thousand dollars for the Light- 
horse of Connecticut — and again twenty thousand dollars for naval agent Shaw — 
and so on in numerous other cases. 



356 CHAP. XXX. — TRUMBULL. 1777. 

Samuel Huntington, and Titus Hosmer, from Connecticut, 
being commissioned bj the Governor for the purpose — to at- 
tend, and take the currency into consideration, and contrive 
for its amelioration. But no action by this Body seems to 
have been of any avail in checking the downward course of 
the public Bills of Credit. 

Connecticut, with the assent of the Governor, tried the 
remedy of excluding from its own trade and commerce all 
paper money save that emitted by itself, or by the United 
States — but this did not avail. Governor Trumbull also, by 
direction of the General Assembly, specially instructed the 
Connecticut Delegates in Congress, to move that Body for a 
recommendation to each State to draw in and sink all its own 
outstanding bills, save those for sums less than one dollar, 
and to tax its inhabitants in amounts — to be proportioned by 
Congress — that should be sufficient to pay the current annual 
expenses of the war, and sink a portion of the Continental 
Bills. But Congress was unable to enforce any such recom- 
mendation. And so, spite of all the patriotic emblems, es- 
cutcheons, and mottoes, on the paper money of the nation — 
spite of all laws which attempted by constraint, to fix a value 
upon it — to put "the stamp of reality on a fiction," and com- 
pel the people "to receive as substance a mere shadow" — 
spite of all — the depreciation of this money rapidly increased 
with each new emission, until, as is well known, in a few 
years — million following million in quick succession — its ex- 
changeable rate lessened soon to forty for one of specie — and 
last to the agio of five hundred, and then one thousand, for 
one — when it ceased to circulate. 

Trumbull looked upon all this with feelings of regret and 
mortification, and did everything within his power to coun- 
teract a result so deplorable. His views on the subject of a 
currency were remarkably sound. He understood it as a 
practical question, and wished it to be supported by a sub- 
stantial, underlying basis of value, as we shall have occasion 
to notice more fully hereafter. He was anxious that the pub- 
lic credit should be in every particular fully sustained, and 
to sustain it, he desired — as his instructions, this year, to the 
Connecticut Delegates in Congress, import — that outstanding 



li?n. CHAP. XXX. — TRUMBULL. 357 

bills should be sunk, and new war expenses liquidated by 
new taxes. 

"Pay as we go''^ — was with bim a financial apborism. 
Each emission of bills by the State he governed, was — upon 
his own instigation, as well as from the inclination of its 
Legislature — provided for by anticipatory funds. It is a fi\ct 
that — had his own wishes and advice, as regards the public 
expenses, been followed — the people of his day — though they 
would have been obliged to bear indeed a heavy burden — 
would yet have been freed from a wretched medium of ex- 
change, and from iniquitous tender laws that operated upon 
them with the harshness of despotism. They would have 
been spared the hard necessity of carrying on the whole ma- 
chinery of government, for two entire years, with but only a 
wheelbarrow full of specie* — would have been spared the 
mortification of seeing "a whole wagon-load of money" — as 
a Member of Congress expressed it in debate at the time — 
"paid for with a quire of paper" — and worse still, of seeing 
at last barbers' shops papered, in jest, with their worthless 
bills, and sailors, who received them in pay, fabricating out 
of them suits of clothes, and "with characteristic light-heart- 
edness, parading the streets in that decayed finery, which, in 
its better days, had cost thousands of dollars." 

There was at last, in the year on which we dwell, in Trum- 
bull's view, but one course left to be pursued for remedjdng 
the public grievances from a depreciation of the currency. 
This was by a foreign loan — to be applied — not in any way 
to sustain that system of tender laws which so enabled un- 
principled debtors to pay their debts at enormous discounts, 
and so operated to the ruin of confiding patriots, as that even 
Congress itself, after having once recommended their passage, 
earnestly besought the States for their repeal — nor to be ap- 
plied by way of interest to a tribe of speculating money- 
lenders, who were intriguing to procure it for their o^^^l 
pockets — but to be sacredly used for reducing the quantity of 
bills in circulation. 

* The years 1778 and 1779. The aggregate of gold and silver received into the 
Treasury for the year 1778, was $78,666— that for the year 1779, was §73,000— 
in all 1151,666— an amount which, in gold, would weigh seven hundred pounds, 
and might, as stated in the text, be put into a wheelbarrow. 



868 CHAP. XXX. — TRUMBULL. Hit. 

On this point we have his views as expressed by himself — 
and in language that cannot be mistaken. A foreign loan of 
two millions sterling was proposed — and upon this, Septem- 
ber twenty-first, he wrote the Connecticut Delegates in Con- 
gress, in terms of approbation, and counselled its direct ap- 
plication towards sinking the Continental Bills. But at the 
same time he warmly interposed his influence against any 
application of it towards making good an interest in specie to 
the lenders of bills — because, he wrote, "some of these lend- 
ers have principally contributed to sink the credit of these 
Bills, and with the tribe of speculators, your future lenders 
are yet exerting themselves in the same laudable purpose. 
In the name of common sense, where can be the justice of 
pledging the property of the people at large to make them 
good an interest of 20 per cent., as a reward for doing us the 
greatest injury in their power, and where the policy is that 
of sacrificing the honest, undesigning, and industrious, to the 
crafty, designing, and dishonest, to leeches who are preying 
on our vitals, and, with their eyes open, are destroying their 
country for a little solid gain to themselves! " 

Another circumstance to be specially noted in the life of 
Trumbull at this time, is his correspondence with John Derk, 
Baron Van der Capellan, a nobleman of Zwoll, in the prov- 
ince of Overysell in Holland — whose services rendered to 
the cause of American Liberty, during the entire struggle for 
Independence, deserve to be warmly remembered. As the 
friendship between himself and Trumbull was intimate, the 
correspondence between them active, and such as we shall 
have occasion from time to time to quote — a few words here 
introducing him to the Reader will not be out of place. 

He was a man conspicuous for his abilities, sound judg- 
ment, and unswerving love of liberty. His uprightness — ac- 
cording to the testimony of cotemporary writers who refer to 
him — his benevolence and piety, and the purity and simplic- 
ity of his manners, through a long life, "approached the 
primitive patterns of a sublime religion." Though himself 
by birth one of the nobles of his Province, he soon distin- 
guished himself at home by his advocacy of the rights of the 
people. 



1777. CHAP. XXX. — TRUMBULL. 859 

Upon one occasion lie went so far in their support — in an 
attempt to abolish what was styled "the servitude or dredg- 
ing days" of the farmers of his neighborhood — that certain 
other persons of his own rank in the Province — who eagerly 
sought to have those old feudal burdens confirmed which he 
wished to remove — becoming indignant at his course, thrust 
him out from his seat in the Assembly of Overysell, by a 
decree which censured him for sedition and slander, and de- 
manded from him an humble ajiology. This he refused to 
make — and he remained, therefore, excluded from his seat 
for four years — " until the popular voice demanded his resto- 
ration in a manner it was not deemed safe to neglect. His 
triumph then was complete — and it took place at the same 
time with that of the United States over the resistance of 
Great Britain." A medal was struck upon the occasion, in 
honor of the event, and distributed among his friends — one 
of which was presented to John Adams* — then in Europe — 
with whom Capellan was on terms of intimacy, and all of 
whose efforts for the recognition in Holland of American In- 
dependence, he warmly aided. 

Soon as the struggle began in the American Colonies, 
Capellan eagerly espoused their cause, and frequent reference 
is made to his active services in their behalf, in the Diplo- 
matic Correspondence of the Eevolution. When, in 1775, 
the King of England — in a letter written by his own hand — 
demanded from the States-General of Holland some Scotch 
battalions which they had in their pay, that he might employ 
them in the campaign against America — Capellan gave his 
opinion in the Assembly of Overysell pointedly against the 
proposition. In a speech, filled with patriotic indignation, 
he said — in conclusion : — 

" In what an odious light must this unnatural civil war appear to all 
Europe ; a war in which even savages, if credit can be given to newspaper 
information, refuse to engage : more odious still would it appear for a peo- 
ple to take a part therein, who were themselves once slaves, bore that 
hateful name, but at last had spirit to fight themselves free. But above 
all it must appear superlatively detestable to me, who think the Ameri- 

* It is now in the possession of one of his grandsons. 



860 CHAP. XXX. — TRUMBULL. 1111. 

cans worthy of every man's esteem, and look on them as a brave people, 
defending in a becoming, manly, and religious manner those rights which 
as men they derive from God, not from the legislature of Great Britain. 
Their mode of proceeding will, I hope, serve as an example to every na- 
tion deprived by any means of its privileges, yet fortunate enough in 
being able to make similar efforts towards retaining or regaining them." 

These admirable sentiments were acted out by Baron Ca- 
pellan in all his subsequent relations with America. "The 
sedateness of his mind," as has been justly remarked, "quali- 
fied him for the patriot, and the friend of a young and grow- 
ing country, whose manufactures had been checked, her com- 
merce cramped, and liberties curtailed; and in no instance 
did he ever deviate from the principles of the Revolution." 
He predisposed many of his countrymen to unite cordially 
with the Americans. He urged that treaties of amity and 
commerce should be entered into with them, previous to the 
arrival of an American Minister at the Hague to negotiate 
on the subject — and when the negotiations commenced, sus- 
tained them with all the weight of his ability and influence. 
The partialities of the Stadtholder, and his family, and the 
Court connections, were altogether British. Capellan took 
sides with the merchants, and burgomasters, and pensioners 
of Holland, decidedly against them, and had the satisfaction 
at last of seeing his own views prevail. 

Nor did he confine himself to words alone in behalf of 
America. He displayed a noble activity in procuring loans 
in Holland for her service — going around in person to urge 
subscriptions, and subscribing himself — in one instance, 
twenty thousand livres. He caught up and answered all re- 
ports disparaging to America. He sent over frequently to 
this country for accounts of its resources, abilities, and prog- 
ress in the cause of freedom. He communicated with Con- 
gress, and with several leading patriots — but more than all 
with Governor Trumbull of Connecticut, for whose judgment 
he entertained a profound respect.''^ 

* Well does Mrs. Warren, in her History, remark, that "a more competent, 
and judicious correspondent he could not have selected " than Trumbull — "whose 
merits as a man, a patriot, and a Christian," she adds, " cannot be too highly ap- 
preciated." 



1777, CHAP. XXX. — TRUMBULL. 361 

Sucli was the man to whom, Jime twenty-seventh 1777, 
Trumbull addressed a long and able letter — the first of his 
communications in this quarter with which it has been our 
fortune to meet. In it he renders thanks to Capellan for his 
generous sympathy with the American cause — reviews for 
his information the origin and progress of the War — and 
eloquently defends his country from the charge, then current 
in Europe, of loantonly aiming to shake off its subjection to 
the British crown.* 

" It was with the greatest pleasure," he says at the outset, " we were 
informed that the States of Holland refused to send their troops to Great 
Britain to be used in extending the dominion of tyranny over these 
States, and effacing almost the only traces of liberty which remain in our 
quarter of the globe, and we cannot sufficiently express the gratitude we 
feel for the generous part you. Sir, was pleased to take in that matter, 
worthy of a senator from a free State, and a candid and impartial friend 
of Liberty and humanity." 

After glancing now at the War, and tracing its progress 
down to the date of his letter, Trumbull thus concludes : — 

" I am not insensible that we have been from time to time charged 
with aiming from the first to shake off our subjection to the British 
Crown, and to establish our independency. Let those who impute this 
design to us show how it could promote our interest, our liberty being 
safe and invaluable, to exchange the happiness of free subjects of free 
States for a hazardous contest in arms with one of the most formidable 
powers of Europe. Let them show if they can that we have taken any 
one step indicating such design before they wantonly attacked us, 
either by engaging foreign assistance and support, or by any military 
preparation at home. Let them render it probable that thirteen uncon- 
nected Colonies, without generals, soldiers, arms, military stores, ships- 
of-war, or even an armed vessel, with a sea-coast of fifteen hundred 
miles extent, or even any measures taken to supply these defects, should 
meditate a War with the first maritime Power of Europe. Till this can 
be shown, we trust we have a right to have credit given to our solemn 
declaration that we never wished to withdraw ourselves from our just 
and constitutional subjection to the Crown of Great Britain, and that no 

* Mr. Erkelaus, a foreigner, appeared at times before the Governor and Coun- 
cil to consult with them upon the matter of addressing Capellan. He was doubt- 
less employed by the Governor both as a translator, and as an amanuensis to 
write in the Dutch language occasionally, as we find several letters in his hand- 
writing among the Papers in the Connecticut Historical Society. 
81 



862 CHAP. XXX. — ^TRUMBULL. 1777. 

small infraction of our rights, nothing but extreme necessity could have 
compelled us to have renounced our connection with Great Britain, under 
which we and our Fathers have so long been contented and happy. 

" From our brethren in Great Britain we have not experienced their 
boasted candor, and impartiality, and clemency. We appeal from their 
injustice to the Supreme Governor and Judge, and to the candid censure 
of the impartial world. In you, Sir, and in your wise and generous sen- 
timents, we find the justice, the sincerity and rectitude of our measures 
entitled us to hope for. "We may justly flatter ourselves that no fr^e 
State will so far forget what is due to its own glory and interest as to 
lend their aid to exterminate liberty from the wilds of America. Might 
they not rather be expected to assist in preserving what liberty remains 
upon earth from falling a sacrifice to the encroachments and avidity of 
tyrants, lest liberty itself should be banished or forced from among men, 
and universal tyranny, with its attendant calamities and miseries, over- 
whelm the whole human race. But I desist. It is not my intention to 
send you a history. I Mould only thank you for your favorable senti- 
ments of us, and request a continuance of your good offices as far as we 
shall appear to you to deserve them." 

The year 1777 was opened by the Governor, as we have 
seen, b}^ a Prochimation for a Fast. It was closed by his 
Proclamation, in accordance with Eesolutions of Congress, 
for a day of Public Thanksgiving — that the People — it hav- 
ing pleased Almighty God, "in his abundant mercy," not 
only to continue to them " the innumerable bounties of his 
common Providence," but also "to crown their arms with 
signal success " — might " with one heart, and one voice, ex- 
press the grateful feelings of their hearts, and consecrate 
themselves to their Divine Benefactor." 

Between these two Proclamations — in October — he issued 
another, earnestly exhorting persons of all ranks, to abstain 
from injustice, oppression, and every vice, and apply them- 
selves to industry, economy, and every moral and social vir- 
tue — enjoining them to perform the duties of brotherly kind- 
ness and charity — to alleviate each other's burdens, and re- 
lieve the distresses of the poor — to discountenance "as 
totally unworthy of any public office, and even as the vilest 
pests of society," all persons who, practicing "the detestable 
vices" of monopoly and extortion, withheld the conven- 
iences of life, or demanded exorbitant prices for the same — • 
and to yield a willing and cheerful obedience to all the laws 



1777. CHAP. XXX. — TRUMBULL. 368 

of the State — laws whose due and just administration he at 
the same time called upon all Executive Courts, Ministers of 
Justice, and Informing Officers, to " use their utmost influ- 
ence " to promote. 

Thus, with public prayer and humiliation to begin the 
year — with public exhortation to the practice of virtue, 
religion, justice, charity, and economy, to continue it — and 
with public prayer again, and thanksgiving, to close the 
year — thus did the devout, pure-minded, faithful Governor 
of Connecticut, mingle in with man's duties to himself, man's 
duty also to his Maker, Thus earnestly did " His Excel- 
lency "* prompt his people to seek pardon from on high for 
the errors and failures of their lives — by penitence and purity 
to stay the bolts of an angry heaven — by industry and fru- 
gality to nurse the means of self-defence — and by solemn 
gratitude and worship to conciliate celestial favor and bless- 
ing — that so, over a land which was heaving with the con- 
vulsions of war, God might pour the oil of peace, and make 
its joy and happiness triumphant. 

* '■'■His Excellency.'''' So, in May of this year, for the first time, by Act of the 
General Assembly, the Governor of Connecticut was to be styled and entitled. 

It is a singular fact that Trumbull objected to this title — strongly — soon after 
it was bestowed — and even made it the subject of a special message to the Legis- 
lature. "An Act of this Assembly made and passed this time twelve month," 
he says in this document — " ordered the stile of His Excellency to be given the 
Governor of this State. This savouring too much of High Titles, and not bene- 
ficial, may it not honorably be repealed \ It passed without any previous knowl- 
edge, expectation, or desire [on my part.] Asking pardon from you and from niy 
successors, I do sincerely request its repeal. It is Honor and Happiness enough 
to meet the approbation of Heaven, of my own Conscience, and of my Brethren." 

"High sounding Titles," he says elsewhere in the same Message — "intoxicate 
the mind, ingenerate envy, and breed disorders in a commonwealth, and ought 
therefore to be avoided." "The true grandeur and solid glory" of the Consti- 
tution of Connecticut, he insists — " do not consist in high Titles, splendour, 
pomp, and magnificence, nor in reverence and exterior honor paid to their Gov- 
ernors and Kulers, but in the real and solid advantages derived therefrom." 
The Governor, it is almost needless to add, failed to secure the repeal he de- 
sired — and the title remains to this day. 



C HAP T E R XXXI. 

1778. 

Stakvino condition of the American Army at Valley Forge. Washington 
appeals to Trumbull for aid. It is rendered. Many droves of cattle 
sent on. Gen Champion particularly active in the matter. The vital 
relief they afforded The policy of Connecticut in regard to the sup- 
ply of beef for the army. Some of its legislation on this subject. Its 
policy and laws in regard to the supply of clothing. The pains taken 
by Trumbull to procure materials for this purpose, and the patriotic 
industry of Connecticut women in fabricating them into garments. 

The opening of the year 1778 found the grand American 
Army starving and fainting in their winter quarters at Valley 
Forge. About three thousand of them, according to a field 
return, were unfit for duty by reason of their being barefoot 
and otherwise naked. Many others, for the same reason, 
were detained in hospitals, or crowded into farm-houses — 
" our sick naked — our well naked — our unfortunate men in 
captivity naked " — as Washington described it at the time. 
Warm blankets were so rare as to be deemed a luxury. 
Vegetables were scarcely known in camp. Many of the 
troops were utterly destitute of meat. The dead in unusual 
numbers were borne to their graves. Horses too were dying 
for want of forage. The department of the Commissary was 
wretchedly defective, and that of the Quarter Master without 
a head. "Our difficulties and distresses," said the Com- 
mander-in-chief again — " are such as wound the feelings of 
humanity," Such, and so universal and violent, are the 
complaints for want of provisions, represented all the com- 
manding officers — that famine, in all probability, will break 
up the camp, and dissolve the army ! 

More fear was felt that there would be a continued failure 
in the article of flesh than in any other, as all the cattle and 
sheep around the Delaware and Schuylkill were exhausted. 
At one time the Commissary reported that there was not a 
single hoof in camp for slaughter. So to the great beef 
country — to New England — and to Connecticut particularly, 



1778. CHAP. XXXI. — TRUMBULL. 365 

Washington, in this emergency, turned his eyes. Besides 
strongly representing to the Assistant Commissary in this 
State the extremity to which the army was verging — " as a 
stimulus to greater exertion," says Chief Justice IMarshall — 
" and to assure himself of all the aid which could be derived 
from the State authorities, he addressed himself at the same 
time to Governor Trumbull of Connecticut, whose ardent 
cooperation in the public service he had so often experienced, 
and to whom, after stating the past and present dangerous 
condition of the army, he added " as follows: — 

" AYhat is still more distressing, I am assured by Colonel Blaine, depu- 
ty purchasing commissary for the middle district, comprehending the 
States of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, that they are nearly 
exhausted, and the most vigorous and active exertions on his part will 
not procure more than sufficient to supply the army during this month, 
if so long. This being the case, and as any relief that can be obtained 
from the more southern States will be but partial, trifling, and of a day, 
we must turn our eyes to the eastward, and lay our account of support 
from thence. Without it, we cannot but disband. I must, therefore, 
Sir, entreat you in the most earnest terms, and by that zeal which has 
eminently distinguished your character in the present arduous struggle, 
to give every countenance to the person or persons employed in the pur- 
chasing line in your State, and to urge them to the most vigorous efforts 
to forward supplies of cattle from time to time, and thereby prevent such 
a melancholy and alarming catastrophe." 

Governor Trumbull at once assembled his Council, and laid 
before them the communication from General Washington. 
The picture of destitution at Valley Forge which it pre- 
sented — its agonizing account of disease, of famine, and of 
woe, among those who were banded to fight the American 
battle for freedom, and upon whom the whole hope and ex- 
pectation of the country solely rested — this, together with 
the earnest, almost rending appeal which the Commander-in- 
chief made for help — help, without which, he said, all is lost, 
the army '■^must disband''^ — '^drew tears,^^ reports Gordon the 
historian, '■'•from the eyes of those who heard the letter ready 
Laudable sensibility ! Tears indeed of true and fervent 
patriotism ! 

And out upon those tears glided at once resolution and 



366 CHAP. XXXI. — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

dispatch. The Council sent immediately for Colonel Henry 
Champion of Colchester — a gentleman who, but a few days 
before — in anticipation that the quantity of salted provisions 
laid up in Connecticut for the Continental service would be 
inadequate to the probable demands and necessities of the 
army — had been specially appointed by them " to procure all 
the live fat cattle " in the State " for said use " — he being, as 
their Records say, "of great judgment, capacity, and experi- 
ence in said business, of most unexceptionable honesty and 
integrity, and of universal acquaintance and ability to pro- 
mote the fattening of cattle, and skill in purchasing." He 
was a gentleman too whose appointment to this end, but a 
few days only after it was made, had been particularly sanc- 
tioned by the American Congress — a Body which at the same 
time expressed its own high approbation " of the conduct of 
the Governor and Council of Safety of Connecticut" in 
making it, its approbation also " of the other measures for 
providing public stores and provisions" which these State 
Authorities had taken, and its own dependence upon said 
Authorities thereafter for " their constant attention to this 
important subject." 

Colonel Cliampion repaired to Lebanon. He met the 
Governor. He met the Council. He talked with each and 
all. Consultation was brief Their request was in harmony 
with the promptings of his own spirit. He returned to his 
mansion in the Westchester Society of Colchester — there 
where, upon many hills and beautiful slopes, he had fat cattle 
and numerous finely cultivated acres of his own. He took 
from his own herd all that he could possibly spare. They 
were the first contribution to the drove destined for Yalley 
Forge. Others came in from his neighbors, and from adjoin- 
ing towns. The stirring missives of Governor Trumbull, 
urging contributions, flew in every direction. And so, most 
speedily, out from the gateway of Commissary Champion — 
in the piercing cold of winter — his drove was started — on, 
three hundred miles and more, for the far-distant camp of 
Washington — to be augmented, it was hoped, each mile 
almost of its progress through the already far-famed ^^Pro- 
vision State " of old Connecticut. 



.1778. CHAP. XXXI. — TRUMBULL. 367 

Nor was tliis hope witliout its fulfillment. The drove had 
no sooner reached Hartford — a town at this time noted for 
the many cattle that, from spring to the late fall, grazed upon 
the luxuriant herbage of its extensive meadows, and in win- 
ter fed from the barns and sheds of adjoining wealthy 23ro- 
prietors, or from warm shelters around their large, cone- 
shaped stacks of hay* — than it was swelled to the number 
of three hundred. Thus replenished, it started for the North 
River — new stock, at intervals, being woven into its long 
procession, as amid the cheering on of drivers, over hill and 
valley it wound along — until, having crossed the Hudson, 
probably at King's Ferry — and passed through Upper Jer- 
sey, and over the Delaware — the lowings of the bullocks and 
fatted steer were heard at last reverberating through the 
forest, there where, on the west bank of the Schuylkill, the 
despairing hearts of more than ten thousand famished Amer- 
ican soldiers — hutted in the wild inclement woods, and in 
the very face almost of a most formidable, well-fed, well- 
clad, and ever- menacing foe — started and rejoiced at the wel- 
come sounds — and poured themselves forth in most fervent 
thanksgivings to that Great Benefactor whose are " the cattle 
upon a thousand hills."f 

The vital service thus rendered by Governor Trumbull 
and Commissary Champion to the American Army, in its 
perilous extremity, was followed up by them, most assidu- 
ously, until the crisis was past. One warrant from the Pres- 
ident of Congress for two hundred thousand dollars — drawn 
in favor of the Governor and Council, for the purchase of 
provisions — and then a second for one hundred thousand 
dollars — " to be transmitted," as it was expressed, " to Henry 

* De Warville, in his Travels in the United States, speaks of the " vast mead- 
ows" at Hartford, that still, in 1788, were "covered with cattle of an enormous 
size," which, he remarks, "furnish the market of New York, and even of Phil- 
adelphia." 

tHon. Henry C. Deming, of Hartford, Conn., a great-grandson of the Com- 
missary, informs ns that Col. Champion, and his son Colonel Epaphroditns, ac- 
companied the cattle quite on to Valley Forge— and that in passing the North 
Eiver, the Commissary himself plunged into the water on horseback, and trolled 
the drove across. Col. Epaphroditus Champion said, that five days after the 
arrival of the cattle — so closely had they been devoured by the famished sol- 
diers — that " you might h/ive made a knife out of every bone ! " 



368 CHAP. XXXI. — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

Champion, Esq., for tlie purpose of purchasing cattle in Con- 
necticut " — facilitated their labor. And so drove after drove 
of fat cattle, besides that just mentioned, were sent on to 
Washington at Valley Forge. It is the testimony of Mar- 
shall, that at this time the army was "furnished abundantly" 
from the State in question. 

Fortunately these droves — spite of extreme exposure in 
the vicinity of Philadelphia to capture by the enemy — all 
reached their destination in safety, save one. This one, as it 
happened — consisting of an hundred and thirty head — when 
within onl}'- twelve miles of the American encampment, was 
met by a disaffected inhabitant of that region, who — passing 
himself off on its conductors, it is said, as an American 
Commissary — persuaded them to billet the drove at a neigh- 
boring farm, whose owner was also a tory, and then gave 
immediate notice of the fact to Lord Howe. The informa- 
tion was at once turned to account. A party of British 
Lighthorse galloped to the farm, seized the cattle, and drove 
them into Philadelphia, where they served to feed the British 
General and his troops. But the loss was not particularly 
felt by the American Army, for at this time, early in March, 
their supplies — thanks to the activity of Trumbull and 
Champion — and of Clinton and Livingston also, the patriotic 
Governors of New York and New Jersey — were quite 
abundant. Famine had withdrawn her ghastly visage. 
Plenty reigned — and reigned, we think it will be conceded, 
more in consequence of the exertions of Governor Trumbull 
and Connecticut at this time, than of any other Governor or 
State in the Union — for the region nearest the seat of war 
was just then, as has been already remarked, quite exhausted 
of supplies. 

Pennsylvania and Delaware had no cattle to spare, or at 
least that could be reached — Maryland none — New Jersey 
hardly any — New York but few. Connecticut had — and by 
a remarkable act of her General Assembly — which Trumbull 
was active to see steadily enforced — she rendered her own 
supply of beeves greater than otherwise it would have been. 
For early in the year — in February — she ordained, that inas- 
much as the transportation, from place to place, of the pri- 



1778. CHAP. XXXI. — TRUMBULL. 369 

vate property of individuals, had then " greatly increased, 
and gave employment to so large a number of oxen as was 
likely to lessen the business of agriculture, particularly the 
raising of grain and provisions, and shorten the supply of heef 
for the use of the army'''' — therefore, save in a few excepted 
instances, which the Act specifies, no more than " one pair 
of oxen " should be employed in such transportation. The 
penalty for employing more was to be the forfeiture of all 
oxen beyond one pair, and of all the property thus trans- 
ported. And every Grand Juror, Constable, and Freeholder 
in the State was specially empowered to carry this law into 
effect. What an example this of the subordination of im- 
portant private interests to the public good ! It was in keep- 
ing with the generous self-sacrifice of Connecticut from the 
beginning to the end of the War. 

And about the same time that this law to promote the 
abundant supply of meat for the Revolutionary Troops was 
enacted by the Connecticut Legislature, it passed another act 
to promote the abundant supply of clothing, as it had done 
in previous years of the war. With the enforcement of this 
Act — one which had at first originated from a statement and 
recommendation made by the Governor himself, and by his 
Council — with its enforcement not only in reference to the 
existing emergency at Valley Forge, but in reference also to 
the comfort of the troops during the entire year, his Excel- 
lency had much to do. It made each town in the State — 
through the agency either of its Selectmen, or of a Commit- 
tee to be appointed for the purpose — responsible for the pro- 
curement, for each officer and soldier of the quota of each 
town, of one hunting shirt or frock, two linen shirts, two 
pair of linen overalls, one pair of stockings, and two pairs 
of good shoes, besides a certain number of blankets. All 
of this clothing, if not provided in the manner required, was 
to be taken by impressments — warrants for which, if neces- 
sary, the Committees of the towns were empowered to grant. 

Here now was a law, which, carried fully into effect, would 
have furnished all, and even more than all, in the way of 
clothing, that could have been required from Connecticut. 
It may, perhaps, have had this result. But neither Trum- 



370 CHAP. XXXI. — TRUMBULL. 17V8. 

bull or his Council were content to depend upon it solely. 
So from time to time, as opportunity offered, the Governor 
would procure cloth from other quarters, and cause it to be 
made up into garments. 

A French ship, for instance — the Lyon, Captain Michel — 
came into the port of New London, in March, laden with a val- 
uable assortment of goods. Buy woolen cloths — spend three 
thousand pounds for the purpose, if you judge it best — buy 
linen also, suitable for officers' shirts, and have it made up, and 
send on the clothing to the officers — were his directions to 
Major John Bigelow, whom he had specially appointed at 
this time to superintend the fabrication of garments. Send 
on cloths and trimmings to Connecticut, was his request in 
March to Otis and Andrews, deputy clothiers in Boston 
for the Continental Army, and we will have them made up 
here. 

The cloth and the trimmings came. Materials also came 
from the Lyon, and from other quarters. And — just as for 
many a livelong day in other years — they kept hundreds of 
the daughters of Connecticut busy with the needle — maidens 
and matrons too, whose thoughts, as they plied their work, 
doubtless often turned, with deepest solicitude, to the tented 
camp, or bristling fortress — perhaps to battalions "burning 
with high hope," and bounding with victory — but more 
likely, in view of the gloomy outset and intense anxieties 
of the year on which we dwell, to the stinted fare, or famine, 
or sickness, or cold, and nakedness of the suffering soldier — 
or to his death-doom, perchance, upon the blood-stained bat- 
tle field. 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

1778. 

The Campaign of 1778 — its plans and achievements. Trumbull as con- 
nected ■with them. The troops to he raised. Difficulties in the way 
of enlistment. He sends two thousand troops to Peekskill. Upon a 
call from Congress, he aids in perfecting the defences of the North 
River. Upon the arrival of the French fleet under D'Estaign. bringing 
aid to America, he prepares diligently for cooperation. He issues stir- 
ring Proclamations for raising troops to support Gen. Sullivan in Rhode 
Island. The soldiers and supplies he sent. Failure of the attempt to 
expel the British from Newport. His son. Col. John Trumball, in the 
battles there. He sends his father an account of them, and a map of 
the battle grounds. A graphic description by the son of his own ex- 
perience at the time. The movements of the enemy become myste- 
rious American movements in consequence, and the participation 
Trumbull had in them. Gen. Gates, with a large force, encamps at 
Hartford. A public dinner is given him by the Governor and General 
Assembly. The Governor present. Description of the entertainment. 
The problem of the British plan solved, and the American troops go 
into winter quarters. 

From the view taken in our last Chapter of the labors of 
Trumbull in the department of supplies for the present 
year — to which we have been led, almost as a matter of 
course, by the crisis of danger, originating in the want of 
food and clothing, with which the year opened — we turn 
now to look at him under other and the more strictly mili- 
tary aspects of the period. What were the war plans — what 
the war achievements of the year 1778 ? What had he to 
do with them ? What were the public wants in regard to 
troops, and his services respecting them ? What, generallj'', 
his labors both for the defence of the country at large, and 
for his own State ? Let us see ! 

The Campaign of 1778 — from causes which neither the 
American Commander-in-chief, nor the leading patriots of 
the day, could control — was tardy, inefficient, and unpro- 
ductive to the American cause. Save in plans — one towards 
the beginning, and one towards the close of the year, for 
invading Canada, which were both soon abandoned — there 



872 CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

was no prosecution of any great military enterprise in the 
Northern Department — Congress having, early as March, de- 
termined that the fortifications at Fort Ticonderoga and 
Monnt Independence should be demolished. So far as mili- 
tary affairs elsewhere are concerned, the campaign was 
marked by skirmishes between the two hostile armies around 
Philadelphia — by the subsequent evacuation of this city by 
the British, and the march through the Jerseys — by the 
severe but indecisive battle of Monmouth — and by the en- 
largement, on the part of the American force of its defences 
upon the North Eiver. It was farther marked by the arrival 
of a French fleet, under Count D'Estaign, to aid the United 
States — by an intended cooperation with this fleet, and the 
unavailing siege of Newport under General Sullivan — by a 
general apprehension in New England that the enemy medi- 
tated an attack on Boston and the French fleet there, on New 
London, on the Connecticut coast elsewhere, in fact on the 
East generally, and by consequent extensive preparations for 
resistance. It was also marked by the Wyoming and Cherry 
Valley massacres — by the expedition of the British against 
Bedford, Fairhaven, Martha's Vineyard, and Great Egg Har- 
bor — by the surprise and defeat of Pulaski and his infantry, 
and of Colonel Baylor and his regiment, in New Jersey — by 
extreme uncertainty, towards the close of the year, as to the 
destination of large masses of the enemy in New-York — and 
by the departure, finally, of five thousand British troops for 
the West Indies, and of three thousand for Florida, in prep- 
aration for an attack on that region. 

With all these matters and events Trumbull was more or 
less connected throughout the year,* and in forms quite simi- 
lar to those which attached him to the public interests in 
previous years of the Eevolutionary Struggle. In the first 
place, besides supplies for the army — that ever-acting press- 
ure upon his attention, of which, for the present period, we 
have already spoken — he had, as usual, so far as the chief 



* lie had at this time, to aid him in his labors, a clerk — John Porter by name — 
" a young man," says the Eecord of the Council of Safety, " of liberal educa- 
tion, and proper accomplishments." He was allowed fifteen pounds a month as 
salary. 



1778. 



CHAP. XXXII, — TRUMBULL. 373 



direction is concerned, new troops to gather, and station, 
bott for home defence, and for that of the country at large. 

Of those employed at home, and of those also who were 
engaged in the Rhode Island Expedition under Sullivan, we 
shall speak by themselves, in connection with their particu- 
lar destinations. Independently of these, and of those also 
proposed in January for filling up the Continental Battalions 
that had been raised by Connecticut for the service of the 
previous year — and independent of those too which were to 
have been embraced in a plan proposed by Congress, in 
March, for establishing a troop of light cavalry from among 
the "young gentlemen of property and spirit" in the State — 
the Governor had, besides, two brigades to raise, by volun- 
tary enlistment, that were ordered by the General Assembly 
in February — of which six battalions were to be held in con- 
stant readiness to march on the shortest notice upon any tour 
of duty, wherever the militia were liable to be called. 

It was more of a task, the whole country through, this 
year than at any other time during the war, to enlist men for 
the Continental service. The distresses at Valley Forge had 
not only caused great numbers of the soldiers there en- 
camped, to quit the army in disgust, but made multitudes 
who were not in the army dread joining it, as they dreaded 
poverty and the pestilence. 

The alarming depreciation too in the paper money of the 
nation which then existed, and which rendered all payments 
in Continental Money for Continental services comparatively 
worthless, had forced hundreds and hundreds of the best and 
bravest officers of the army — from sheer poverty — in order 
to hide their nakedness, and secure their families, in many 
cases, from absolute starvation with themselves — to throw 
up their commissions, and return to some employment or 
other in private life that might at least yield them bread, 
and a decent garb of homespun. 

A strange, unaccountable apathy also had suddenly, like a 
leaden mist, crept over the spirit of American patriotism, 
and dulled, nay almost obliterated, with some, the blessed 
vision of freedom. There was, besides, a strong apprehen- 
sion in the minds of many, that the war would not ever 
82 



874 CHAP. XXXII. — TKUMBULL. 1118. 

terminate triumphantlj^ for America — because, contrary to 
universal expectation, it had been already so long protracted, 
and because of tbe continued presence in our land — and 
almost upon whatever point, in its huge floating armaments, 
it chose to go — of a numerous, well-appointed, and most 
formidable British army — that had not yet, after three 
years of most earnest opposition, been forced from but a sin- 
gle one of its strongholds upon our coast, and seemingly 
never could be. All these causes combined, which more or 
less affected every American State at the period now under 
consideration, rendered enlistment, more than ever, a matter 
of difficulty, doubt, and even for awhile of despair. 

So f;ir as Connecticut is concerned, these causes were not 
without their influence, but their operation was by no means 
so extensive as in some other sections of our country — was 
comparatively limited. And Trumbull faced them in his 
task of raising new recruits, with his customary energy. 

Though his recruiting oflicers encountered for awhile, at 
first, some obstacles to their success, yet we cannot learn that 
at any time they were forced to resort — as the law allowed 
them to do, in case volunteers enough could not be found — 
to the system of compulsory detachment. Though a large 
number of the troops of Connecticut were still in the field 
when the year opened, with Putnam on the banks of the 
Iludson, and with Washington at Valley Forge, and re- 
mained there the winter through — though no great military 
enterprises, calling for an immediate draft of men and money, 
were in contemplation during the winter, and the regular 
campaign, it was presumed, would not, of course, open till 
about the middle of spring — still the Connecticut battalions 
were filled up as rapidly as under all the circumstances could 
have been expected. 

True the eight battalions called for by Congress, in Febru- 
ary, were not prepared. But these were apportioned on Con- 
necticut as its quota, only in case a general plan for raising, 
from all the States in the Union, an army of forty thousand 
men, was carried out — a plan which, in fact, was never exe- 
cuted in a single State, and hardly even attempted. True 
that troop of cavalry — to be composed of "young gentlemen 



1778. CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. " 375 

of property and spirit," and "of a cultivated understand- 
ing" — whicli Congress proposed, to serve at their own ex- 
pense — was not formed in Connecticut — tliougli Trumbull 
sent the scheme to all the Majors of Lighthorse in the State. 
Neither was it formed in any State in the Union, save one 
solitary troop in Virginia — and this was speedily abandoned, 
the whole plan being given up by Congress. 

But in the spring, early in March — in proof of the good 
progress made in the State, under Trumbull, in the recruit- 
ing service — the moment General Washington made his first 
important requisition of two thousand troops for Peekskill, 
those troops were marched to the point required. And again, 
in May — before Congress had settled the army establishment 
for the year, and before even it had agreed upon any gen- 
eral plan of operations for the campaign — the six battalions 
of Connecticut which had been ordered by the General As- 
sembly in February — together with three troops of Light- 
horse — in fair condition, as to numbers, arms, and equip- 
ments, considering the embarrassments to enlistment at the 
time — were sent by the Governor to join General Gates upon 
the North Eiver.* 

This was a point to which Governor Trumbull, as well 
from his own foresight, as by special request from Congress, 
paid close attention. Once occupied and controlled by the 
enemy, as is familiar to all, it would have been a quarter 
whence they might have poured destruction on the Ameiican 
cause. For it would have opened an easy connecting passage 
between their forces in New York and any that, as in past 
years, they might have sent to join them from Canada. It 
would have cut off all connection between New England and 
the rest of the country. The States might then have been 
beaten in detail. America would have returned again under 

* "On the pressing requisition of Major General Gates, we have thought it our 
duty to order the Six Battalions raised by Act of Assembly, the last winter, to 
join them on Hudson River, and to detach, in addition to them, three Troops of 
Lighthorse ; and, as there seems to be a greater probability tliat the enemy will 
bend their Main Force there or immediately on this State, than anywhere else, 
have been obliged to order a Peremptory Detachment of two more entire Regi- 
ments for the Defence of our very exposed and extensive Sea-Coasts, and to act 
as occasion shall require.''^— Trumbull to Gen. Sullivan, June oth, 1778. 



376 • CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 1178. 

British sway. And there, close by this important quarter — 
constantly menacing it^improving every opportunity to at- 
tack it — bound, at almost every hazard, npon securing it — 
was the foe. About the last of winter its defences were weak, 
extremely so — and some of its important passes scarce de- 
fended at all. Could the enemy but have known this! To 
command the Hudson — its entire length — what a prize to 
them ! It was vital then that the American troops there 
should be reenforced. And therefore it was that Washing- 
ton called upon Trumbull for the two thousand men to be 
marched to Peekskill. 

But the defences themselves upon the Hudson Eiver needed 
repairs, and enlargement. It was necessary also that many 
new ones should be constructed. Putnam had been busy 
effecting this during the winter. General McDougall, his 
successor in the command in this quarter, was busy at it. So 
was Gates, who succeeded McDougall — and Kosciusko was 
there to plan. 

Upon whom now did the American Congress call at the junc- 
ture, and for the purposes now described ? Upon the Chief 
Magistrate of New York, and the Chief Magistrate of Connec- 
ticut. "Eesolved, that Gov. Clinton and Gov. Trumbull be re- 
quested to give every assistance in their power to Gen. McDou- 
gall for perfecting the defence of the North Eiver " — was their 
vote of March the twenty-first. And in April, by another 
Eesolution of Congress, the same request, for the same end, 
was made again to the same gentlemen, and to the States also, 
upon this occasion, of Massachusetts and New Hampshire. 
Troops, artificers, materials — all the necessaries requisite "for 
fortifying and obstructing the North Eiver, and securing the 
communication with the Eastern States," were earnestly de- 
sired. And, so far as Trumbull was concerned, the request 
was complied with, to the extent of his power — not even "six 
receivers, for the Hon. James Duane of the State of New 
York," and "twelve refining-pots, with doors or covers, for re- 
fining sulphur," being forgotten amid his provision of neces- 
saries for the defence of the great river-artery of New York. 

It was while engaged as we have now described, that, 
July eighth, Count D'Estaign — with twelve massive ships of 



1118. CHAP. XXXII.— TRUMBULL. 877 

the line, six frigates, and a body of land forces — arrived from 
Toulon off the mouth of the Delaware — bringing aid to 
America in her struggle for freedom. It was the first fruits 
of our Treaty of Alliance with France — a Treaty whose in- 
ception and progress Trumbull had watched with the deepest 
solicitude — and which one son of Connecticut, a Commis- 
sioner at the Court of Versailles — his friend Silas Deane — 
had assisted in framing — and which another son of Connec- 
ticut, Simeon Deane, had first brought over to the country, 
to gladden, with a joy that was unbounded, the heart of 
Congress, and of a whole nation. 

Washington himself gave notice of the arrival of this fleet 
to Governor Trumbull. "Every thing we can do to aid and 
cooperate with it," he wrote — "is of the utmost importance." 
It is "off the Hook." 

And he proceeded to inform him that by accounts from 
New York, a Cork fleet was momently expected at that citj, 
for the safety of which the enemy were extremely alarmed — 
that to avoid the French fleet it would probably take its 
course through the Sound — that if it should, it might answer 
most valuable purposes for the Eastern States to collect be- 
forehand all their frigates and armed vessels, to intercept its 
passage that way — and that if the whole, or any considerable 
part of it could be taken, loaded as it was with provisions, 
the blow would prove a fatal one to the British army. And 
he desired Trumbull, if the project appeared to him eligible, 
to make it known to the neighboring States. 

But circumstances quickly put an end to this design. 
D'Estaign was unable to invade New York. He was frus- 
trated by physical impossibilities. His ships were too heavy 
to pass the bar — and after eleven days' detention off the har- 
bor, he sailed for Newport — the point next after New York 
to be attacked, in the plan of operations for the combined 
French and American armies. 

Prepare — wrote Washington immediately to Major General 
Sullivan, who was then in command at Ehode Island. Ap- 
ply in the most urgent manner, in my name, to the States of 
Ehode Island, Massachusetts, and Connecticut, to augment 
your force to five thousand men or more. Establish your 



378 CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

magazines of provisions. Make a collection of boats, proper 
for a descent on Newport. Engage pilots for the fleet. Ar- 
range your signals. Fix a chain of expresses, from some 
commanding view on the coast to your own quarters. Mas- 
ter the number and position of the enemy by land, and their 
strength by sea ! 

At this point — with Washington's first directions to Gen- 
eral Sullivan — commenced Trumbull's connection with the 
Ehode Island Expedition of the year 1778 — a connection 
which, like that of previous years in the same direction, was 
pervaded with his anxiety and energy. No success — as 
none in previous years — so far as the enemy is concerned — 
was destined to reward his exertions, but they were none the 
less unremitting — as we shall see. 

Sullivan, in conformity with instructions from "Washing- 
ton, wrote Trumbull for more troops. Connecticut had 
already under him her quota of seven hundred and twenty- 
eight men, as settled by the Springfield Convention of 1777, 
and as desired by Congress in January and July of the pres- 
ent year. But now, upon Sullivan's request, the Governor 
convened his Council, and ordered on to Rhode Island seven 
companies more — on the very day, as it happened, when 
D'Estaign with his fleet cast anchor five miles from Newport, 
just without Burton's ledge. These were not enough. Sul- 
livan sent for more. Washington wrote for more. The 
Governor and Deputy Governor of Rhode Island wrote for 
more. Immediate measures were taken by Trumbull to 
procure them. 

" Whereas," s&js a Proclamation, M-hich, July twenty-eighth, he issued 
for the purpose, to the two Connecticut regiments under Brigadier Gen- 
eral Tyler and Brigadier General Douglas respectively — " whereas I have 
received authentic intelligence from his Excellency Gen. Washington, 
that the fleet of our magnanimous and faithful Ally, his most Christian 
Majesty, sailed from the Hook eastward, before the 22d instant, to co- 
operate with the forces of the United States at Providence to dislodge 
our inveterate enemies from their hold at Newport, or other places at the 
eastward — And whereas an expedition of the utmost consequence is 
formed against the enemy to the eastward, and a requisition is made by 
Gen. Washington to the States of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode 
Island, for five thousand men from the militia — considering [also] the 



1778. CHAP. XXXII. — ^TRUMBULL. 379 

importance of the object, the opportune season, and many aus- 
picious circumstances which conspire to promote success — I do there- 
fore," &c. 

And the Governor proceeds to order the commanding offi- 
cers to raise volunteers from the two regiments expeditiously 
as possible, and march them to Providence — promising him- 
self to see to the transportation of their baggage, and to 
provisions for their march. 

He is sensible, he says, "of the business of the season, and 
of the difficulties which attend leaving home" — but yet — re- 
garding the present opportunity "as a favorable intervention 
of Providence," he " cannot but think it would be criminal 
to neglect the advantage " which the kind Disposer of events 
has "so evidently" put into the hands of the people for ex- 
pelling from their coasts " the enemy that has so long dis- 
tressed them." 

" Were it possible," he concludes, " that any should want incitement 
to exert themselves in this great and glorious struggle, let them reflect 
on the wonders God has wrought for our forefathers, and for us — on the 
cruel ravages committed by the enemy on our defenceless towns, and 
helpless women and children — spreading desolation and ruin wherever 
they extend their conquests — a specimen of their future designs towards 
us — [and let them reflect also] on the amazing quantities of blood and 
treasure already expended, and on the happiness, dignity, and glory that 
will result to us, and be transmitted to posterity, by exerting ourselves 
mightily for the vindication of our just Rights, Liberties, and Inde- 
pendence." 

On the same day that Trumbull issued this Proclama- 
tion — in addition to the seven companies that had already 
been sent to Providence, he ordered on another from New 
London. And only four days after — August first — fearing 
lest the volunteers whom he had solicited from the two regi- 
ments of Tyler and Douglass might not respond in sufficient 
numbers, or with sufficient alertness — " on discourse and 
consideration" with his Council, he issued another Order and 
Proclamation — this time calling on the Commanders of the 
two regiments already mentioned, and on the General also of 
the first regiment, to raise, peremptorily, five hundred men — 
who should be entitled, he promised, to continental pay, 



380 CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

rations, and encouragements, besides forty shillings bountj, 
and who were to be marched forthwith, he commanded, to 
the theatre of war around Providence. 

" Whereas," he eloquently recites in this Proclamation — which notices 
also the calls made upon the State at this time for its services, and what 
had already been done — "whereas his most Christian Majesty, the re- 
nowned and illustrious King of France, has first among all the powers 
of Europe acknowledged and recognized the United States of America, 
while struggling under the weight of British tyranny and oppression, 
and has entered into and ratified a Treaty of Alliance with them, founded 
on princi|)ies truly noble, and becoming a wise, great, and gracious 
Prince, without taking advantage of the difficulties to which we were 
reduced b}^ being suddenly and unpreparedly pushed into this extensive 
war for the defence of all that could be dear to a free people — and 
whereas the said King, of his great magnanimity and goodness, has sent 
over a large fleet of capital Ships, under the command of the Admiral 
Count D'Estaign, superior to all the British navy in these seas, together 
with a considerable Body of Land Forces, to aid and assist these States 
against the invasion of our enemies, and in subduing, or extirpating, or 
driving them from this good Land — I do hereby renew [the Summons 
for volunteers of July twenty-eighth,] and earnestly call upon all who 
are within the limits of this Proclamation, cheerfully and forthwith to 
offer themselves in the service of God (it may be truly said,) and of their 
country, against the enemies of the rights of mankind, and our cruel 
invaders and murderers." 

And he goes on to assure all who will engage in the 
service that their "tour of duty" will be "very short" — that 
"the prospect of success, in a humble trust on Divine Prov- 
idence," is fairer than ever before — and that "the advantages 
of so powerful a support both by sea and land," as those af- 
forded by "the new friends and allies" of the Americans — 
the French — are "exceedingly great, and must strike 
terror and dismay" into the hearts of the enemies of our 
land. 

These appeals from Trumbull were effective. All the sol- 
diers required from Connecticut rallied on the occasion — and, 
as the Governor had promised, they were amply provided. 
Teams, loaded down with salted beef, and pork — upon one 
occasion, in July, with no less than one hundred barrels — • 
lined the roads from Connecticut to Providence, by his 



1778. CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 381 

order — and vessels, loaded with water for the use of D'Es- 
taign's fleet, shot out from the harbor of New London.* 
Preparations on all sides were abundant. Washington was 
deeply interested in the event. He sent the Marquis La 
Fayette, with additional forces from the camp at White 
Plains, to unite with the army under Sullivan — and General 
Greene — and he sent Baron Steuben. He sent also his own 
Aid de Camp — the chivalric Laurens — to join the French 
Admiral. The hopes of the country ran high. Could the 
British now but be expelled from Newport — that vital hold 
on the American coast which they had so long maintained — 
how easy it would be to crush them elsewhere ! It must be 
done — it can be, was the general thought — for they are but 
six, and the Americans are more than ten thousand strong. 
And with the patriot forces are the choicest of officers — the 
bravest of volunteers — all panting for glory — and a magnifi- 
cent and most powerful French naval armament. What can 
withstand such a force? It must triumph! So reasoned, 
and so concluded the over-sanguine expectation of the 
country. 

But a cloud soon came upon that expectation. D'Estaign 
sailed off to fight Lord Howe upon the sea. He was gone 
many days — days of intense anxiety to the force which was 
left behind around Newport. It was doubted whether he 
would return, and the American ranks began to grow thin 
by desertion. One by one, soldiers dropped away. Pros- 
pects grew darker — yet not to the eyes of Trumbull, or of 
his patriotic Council. ^'Sustinet qui transtulit''^ — he remem- 
bered it — the motto of his State. " Every branch in the 
true vine that beareth not fruit, our Heavenly Father taketh 
away ; and every branch that beareth fruit he purgeth, that 
it may bring forth more fruit." So he wrote to President 
Laurens in June.f 

August fourteenth — in order, as the Eecords of the Coun- 
cil say, that " the important enterprise may not fail for want 

* " I have written to Governor TmmbuU of the State of Connecticut, request- 
ing his endeavors to collect vessels and load them with water at New London for 
the use of your fleet." — Washington to D'Estaign^ Aug. Sth. 

t June 29th, 1778. 



382 CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. . 1778. 

of a little support, to the great disappointment and injury of 
the country" — the Governor made a peremptory draft of six 
companies more of soldiers, each consisting of eighty men, 
and ordered them on from Connecticut to Rhode Island. To 
these he added a troop of forty-eight horsemen from the reg- 
iment of Major Ebenezer Backus — and at the same time sent 
on from Norwich to Governor Greene one hundred barrels 
of powder.* 

But his efforts, alas, were all in vain. A storm disabled 
D'Estaign. He forsook Newport, and repaired to Boston to 
refit. More than five thousand of the American Army then 
forsook too. Company by company, regiment by regiment, 
they fell away. 

"Our expectations," wrote Trumbull at this time to Koger Sherman, 
Titus Hosmer, and Andrew Adams, the Connecticut Delegates in Con- 
gress — "our expectations from the expedition against Rhode Island are 
again like to be blasted. The French fleet, which has suffered consider- 
ably from the late very unusual gale of wind, has taken a resolution to 
go for Boston, to refit and repair their damages. This event will put our 
Army on too precarious a footing to remain long upon an Island. Un- 
less some sudden and desperate attempt is made, (which I would wish 
them to avoid,) I think their operations against the Enemy must cease, 
and their whole attention be turned to getting themselves safe landed on 
the Continent. I wish this may be effected without loss. I was in hopes 
the Fleet would have run themselves into New London — where I think 
their Damages might be repaired with safety to them, and at the same 
time their lying in an Harbour so contiguous to Rhode Island might have 
proved a Security to the operations of the Army. But they are gone, 
and with them are fled our fond hopes of success from this Enterprise. 
This event will put a new aspect on our affairs. The Lord reigneth — is 
our hope — ^let it be our trust and confidence." 

The course for the American Army which suggested itself 
to the mind of Trumbull, was adopted. Sullivan was com- 
pelled to raise the siege of Newport, and retreat to the north 
shore of the Island, pursued hotly, but not defeated, by the 
foe. He maintained himself gallantly in his entrenchments 

* " Major Joshua Huntington, Norwich. Lebanon, 26th Aug., 1778. Please to 
forward to Governor Greene at Providence, with all possible dispatch, one hund- 
red barrels of powder belonging to the United States, in your custody — taking 
care the barrels are well secured. 

"JoNTH. Tbumbull, Govw." 



1778. CHAP. XXXII. — TKUMBULL. 383 

there — only for a brief time, however. He cannonaded the 
enemy. He had a few sharp contests with them, around 
Quaker Hill, upon his right flank, and around a redoubt — • 
but he was altogether too feeble to advance far upon them, 
or to secure any important advantages. Clinton too was rap- 
idly hastening to reenforce them with four thousand men. 
There was no longer any hojie from D'Estaign — nor of any 
further addition to his strength from the Main. All was 
ominous of ill. In the silence of the night, therefore, and 
from his masterly management unannoyed by the enemy, he 
crossed with his army back to Tiverton — retreated. The 
Expedition to expel the enemy from Newport was now at an 
end. The Island still remained in the embrace of the Brit- 
ish arms — and the whole country mourned. How heavily 
the blow must have fallen on the heart of Trumbull ! 

And he had anxieties too in another direction at this par- 
ticular juncture — for his son Colonel John, the painter, was 
in the thickest of the fight on the memorable twenty -ninth 
of August. He had been retired from the army for about a 
year previous, pursuing diligently his avocations with the 
pencil at Boston. But when the Ehode Island enterprise was 
started — feeling his "slumbering love of military life" re- 
vive, as he says — he offered his services to General Sulli- 
van as a volunteer Aid de Camp, and attended him on the 
field. 

Soon as all was over — "after we had left the Island " — he 
writes in \i\s, Reminiscences of his own times — "I took leave 
of my General, and sent my servant back to Lebanon, with a 
descriptive letter to my father, a drawing of the field, and the 
sword which I had taken from its own owner, a German offi- 
cer, my trophy of action." 

The descriptive letter to which the Colonel here refers, is 
repeated, in substance, in his autobiography — from whence, 
filled as it is with graphic details, we extract it. Through 
the postern of time then, let the Reader pass, and sit down 
now for a few moments with that " Father " to whom the 
epistle was first addressed. There, in his own old "War 
Ofi&ce " at Lebanon — where, probably, the Governor himself 
read the communication, and doubtless re-read it, as stirring, 



384 CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

latest news from the seat of war, to his own attentive Coun- 
cil — let the Eeader sit too— and, identifying himself with the 
occasion — thinking of that mortal strife, which, on the 
twentj-ninth of August, eighty-one years ago, for the first 
and last time dyed the sands of Rhode Island with blood, and 
agitated with unusual apprehension the heart of the patriot 
whom we commemorate — let him peruse what follows : — 

"The French fleet" proceeds the Colonel, "which had passed New- 
port, and lay at anchor above the town, were drawn off from their well- 
selected station by a very clever manoeuvre of Lord Howe, the very day 
after the American army was landed on the island. The two fleets came 
to a partial action off the capes of the Chesapeake, in which they were 
separated by a severe gale of wind ; the French, more damaged by the 
tempest than by the enemy, put into Boston to refit, and General Sulli- 
van was left to pursue the enterprise with the army alone. The enemy 
shut themselves up in Newport, while he advanced to the town in admi- 
rable order, and the place was invested in form. 

" It soon became evident that the attempt was vain, so long as the ene- 
my could receive supplies and reenforcements by water, unmolested ; so 
soon as it was ascertained that the French fleet would not resume its sta- 
tion, the enterprise was abandoned — on the night between the 28th and 
29th of August, the army was withdrawn, and reoccupied their former 
position on Butt's Hill, near Howland's Ferry, at the north end of the 
island. 

" Soon after daybreak the next morning, the rear-guard, commanded 
by that excellent officer, Col. Wigglesworth, was attacked on Qua- 
ker, otherwise called Windmill Hill; and General Sullivan, wishing 
to avoid a serious action on that ground, sent me with orders to the com- 
manding officer to withdraw the guard. In performing this duty, I had 
to mount the hill by a broad, smooth road, more than a mile in length 
from the foot to the summit, where was the scene of conflict, M'hich, 
though an easy ascent, was yet too steep for a trot or a gallop. It was 
necessary to ride at a leisurely pace, for I saw before me a hard day's 
work for my horse, and was unwilling to fatigue him. 

" Nothing can be more trying to the nerves, than to advance delibe- 
rately and alone into danger. At first I saw a round shot or two drop 
near me, and pass bounding on. I met poor Col. Tousard, who had just 
lost one arm, blown off by the discharge of a field-piece, for the posses- 
sion of which there was an ardent struggle. He was led oflF by a small 
party.* Soon after, I saw Capt. Walker, of H. Jackson's regiment, who 

* " Tousard was a French officer, attached to the family of the Marquis 
La Fayette. In the action on Rhode Island he rushed forward very courageously 
in advance of the troops, when an attempt was made to take a cannon, and 



1778. CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 385 

had received a musket ball through his body, mounted behind a person 
on horseback. He bid me a melancholy farewell, and died before night. 
Next, grape shot began to sprinkle around mc, and soon after musket 
balls fell in my path like hailstones. This was not to be borne. — I 
spurred on my horse to the summit of the hill, and found myself in the 
midst of the melee. "Don't say a word, Trumbull," cried the gallant 
commander, " I know your errand, but don't speak ; we will beat them 
in a moment." — " Col. "Wigglesworth, do you see those troops crossing ob- 
liquely from the west road towards your rear! " — "Yes, they are Ameri- 
cans, coming to our support." — " No, Sir, those are Germans ; mark, 
their dress is blue and yellow, not buff; they are moving to fall into your 
rear, and intercept your retreat. Retire instantly — don't lose a moment, 
or you will be cut off." The gallant man obeyed, reluctantly, and with- 
drew the guard in fine style, slowly, but safely. 

"As I rode back to the main body on Butt's Hill, I fell in with a party 
of soldiers bearing a wounded officer on a litter, whom I found to be my 
friend H. Sherburne, brother of Mrs. John Langdon, of Portsmouth, 
New Hampshire, a fellow volunteer. They were carrying him to the 
surgeons in the rear, to have his leg amputated. He had just been 
wounded by a random ball, while sitting at breakfast. This was a source 
of lasting mortification, as he told me afterwards — " If this had hap- 
pened to me in the field, in active duty, the loss of a leg might be borne, 
but to be condemned through all future life to say I lost my leg under 
the breakfast table, is too bad." Mr. Rufus King was acting that day as 
a volunteer aid de camp to General Glover, whose quarters were in a 
house to the foot and east of Quaker Hill, distant from the contested po- 
sition of the rear guard a long mile. The general and the officers who 
composed his family were seated at breakfast, their horses standing sad- 
dled at the door. The firing on the heighth of the hill became heavy 
and incessant, when the General directed Mr. King to mount, and see 
what and where the firing was. He quitted the table, Sherburne took 
his chair, and was hardly seated, when a spent cannon ball from the 
scene of action bounded in at the open window, fell upon the floor, rolled 
to its destination, the ancle of SherVjurne, and crushed all the bones of 
his foot. Surely there is a providence which controls the events of hu- 
man life, and which withdrew Mr. King from this misfortune. 

" Soon after this, as I was carrying an important order, the wind, which 
had risen with the sun, blew off my hat. It was not a time to dismount 
for a hat. I therefore tied a white handkerchief round my head, and as 
I did not recover my hat until evening, I formed, the rest of the day, 
the most conspicuous mark that was ever seen on the field — mounted on 

found himself surrounded by the enemy. His horse was killed under him, and 
he lost his right arm, but escaped from capture. As a reward for his brave act. 
Congress granted him the rank of lieutenant-colonel by brevet, and a provision 
of thirty dollars a month for life."— >S^ari-s c& Journals of Congress, Oct. 27. 
33 



386 CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

a superb bay horse, in a summer dress of nankeen — with this head dress, 
duty led me to every point where danger was to be found, and I escaped 
without the slightest injury. It becomes me to say with the Psalmist, 
" I thank thee thou Most High, for thou hast covered my head in the 
day of battle." For never was aid de camp exposed to more danger 
than I was during that entire day, from daylight to dusk.* 

"The day was past in skirmishing, and towards evening a body of the 
enemy, (Germans,) had pushed our right wing, and advanced so far as to 
endanger themselves. I was ordered to take Gen. Lovell's brigade of 
Massachusetts militia, and aid in repulsing them ; this brigade was very 
much weakened by the withdrawal of many officers and men, in conse- 
quence of the army having been left by the French fleet. For this reason 
I drew up the brigade in line, and disregarding their original distinction 
of regiments and companies, told them off into ten divisions ; assigned 
their officers among them, wheeled them off into column, and advanced 
towards the scene of action, intending to pass beyond the enemy's flank, 
and to attack his rear. As we advanced, the noise of the conflict seemed 
to retire, until we approached a small wood skirting the open fields, 
which lay in the direction of our march. This wood was occupied by a 
party of the enemy, whom it concealed from our view, M'hile the fire 
which they opened upon us as we advanced, marked their position. As 
was common, they fired too high, and their shot passed over our heads, 
doing no harm. In front of the wood, at the distance of thirty or forty 
yards, ran a strong stone fence, such as are common in Rhode Island. 
Generally, on such an occasion, this fence would have been made use of 
as a breastwork to protect us from the enemy's fire ; but as my men had 
hitherto kept their order perfectly, and seemed to be in no degree discon- 
certed by the sound of the balls, which whistled over their heads, (per- 
haps they did not understand it,) I became elated with the hope of doing 
something uncommon, and therefore determined not to make use of this 
wall for defence, but to attack. For this purpose it was necessary to re- 
move such an obstacle, for in attempting to climb over it all order would 
infallibly be lost. I therefore moved on until the front division of the 
column was within ten yards of the wall, and then gave the word of 
command as if on parade — "Column, halt — leading division, ground 
3'^our arms — step forwards, comrades, and level this fence — it stands in 
our way — quick, quick!" The order was obeyed with precision; the 
fence was levelled in an instant, and we resumed our forward march with- 
out having a man hurt. From that moment the firing from the wood 
ceased, and we could find no enemy ; they had already been engaged 

* " As soon as the enemy discovered you, and probably suspecting your object, 
they opened a fire upon you from six or seven pieces of their cannon ; and I, and 
others around me, were every instant looking to see you fall, as it seemed im- 
possible that you should escape. On your return from this most adventurous ex- 
ploit. General Sullivan said, "your escape has been most wonderful." — Gen. 
Mattoon, who was present at the battle, to Col. J. Trumbull. 



1778. CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 387 

with, and overmatched by other troops, before we approached, and when 
they saw our cool manoeuvre, they probably mistook us for veterans 
coming to the rescue, and prudently withdrew.* 

" Still I hoped to be able to strike an important blow, and requested 
General Lovell to incline his march to the right (by which means his 
movement would be screened from the view of the enemy by the form 
of the ground,) to move slowly and carefully ; and to keep the men to- 
gether in their actual order. I rode forward to reconnoitre and ascertain 
the position of the enemy. As I rose the crest of the hill, I saw the 
German troops, who had just been repulsed, in evident disorder, endeav- 
oring to re-form their line, but fatigued, disconcerted, and vacillating. I 
thought it a glorious moment, and hurried back to my brave column, 
with the intention of heading it (under cover of the ground,) into the 
rear of the enemy's flank. Judge of my vexation, when I found my 
men, not in slow motion and good order, as I had directed, but halted 
behind another strong fence, dispersed, without the shadow of order, 
their arms grounded, or leaning against the fence, exulting in their good 
conduct and success in having made the enemy run. I was cruelly dis- 
appointed ; but as the success of the blow which I had meditated de- 
pended entirely upon rapidity of movement, and much time would be 
wasted before we could recover our original order, and be prepared to 
move, I gave up my projected attack, and returned to make my report to 
my general. 

" The next day the army kept their ground on Butt's Hill, collected 
our wounded, buried the dead, and while we made a show of intending 
to maintain our position, were really busy in preparing for a retreat, 
which was effected during the following night, across Rowland's Feny to 
Tiverton, without the loss of a man, or of the smallest article of stores. 

" The entire conduct of this expedition, and of this retreat, (as well as 
of that from Canada,) was in the highest degree honorable to General 
Sullivan." 

The retreat from Ehode Island which Colonel Ti'umbull 
thus describes, did not at once relieve the Governor of Con- 
necticut, or his Council, or the State at large, from the ne- 
cessity of military labor and watchfulness. The enemy be- 
gan immediately to burn and depredate along the coast of 
New England. They menaced every part of it. Particu- 

* Seeing the order and rapidity of this movement. Gen. Sullivan exclaimed, 
"that movement would do honor to the ablest regiment of the army." "The 
enemy engaged with Col. Greene, perceiving this bold and successful adventure, 
instantly retreated, and thus escaped a capture. Your preservation in each of 
these most daring enterprises, [he refers to Trumbull's bearing orders to Quaker 
Hill also,] I have ever considered little short of a miracle, and a most remarkable 
interposition of Providence for your safety." — Gen. Mattoon to Col. J. Trumbull. 



388 CHAP. XXXII, — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

larly, tliej threatened Boston, and the French fleet in the 
harbor there. Thej indicated also, occasionally, a purpose 
of sailing to Nova Scotia and Canada, in order to renew de- 
scents upon the United States from the North — while at the 
same time they made demonstrations against the posts in the 
Highlands, and preparations, apparently, for hostile expedi- 
tions against the South. All was mystery — deep mystery in 
their proceedings. They were decidedly now superior at sea, 
and might strike anywhere — but at New England again first, 
and at D'Estaign especially, it was thought most generally 
their blows would be levelled. 

Washington, therefore, adapted his army to this new state 
of things. He threw it into several divisions — one of which 
he left posted in the vicinity of the North Eiver. Another 
he stationed at Danbury. Others he pushed on by different 
stages towards Connecticut Kiver — his object being to have 
them all within supporting distance of each other, so that 
they might either form a junction, if necessary, for their own 
immediate defence — or cooperate in defending the posts in 
the Highlands, or in resisting any attack on D'Estaign and 
Boston, or upon any other part of the New England coast. 
In prosecution of this plan, early in September, he sent Gen- 
eral Gates with three brigades to Danbury, where the latter 
was soon joined by General McDougall with two more — and 
then, in October, on to Hartford — where Gates soon arrived, 
and encamped on the broad and beautiful plat of the North 
Meadow. 

In carrying the arrangements now stated into effect, Trum- 
bull was consulted by Washington and Gates at almost every 
step, and gave them freely every advice and assistance in his 
power. All the roads leadhig from Danbury towards Boston 
were, by order of the Commander-in-chief, to be put in re- 
pair for the march of the American columns. Trumbull 
gave his attention to this matter. Good halting places for 
the arni}^, at proper stages, were to be secured in advance. 
He lent his aid for this purpose to the Quarter-Master whom 
Washington sent forward to provide them — so that when the 
American troops advanced, everything was ready for them — 
and during the entire period that they traversed Connecticut, 



1778. CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 389 

or remained stationed within its borders, tliej were comforted 
bv easy marches, and by full supplies. 

When Gates reached Hartford, he was cordially met there 
by the Governor and General Assembly of the State, and 
treated with distinguished honor. And the Governor — and 
Assembly — in a field of duty quite different from that in which 
the former was usually occupied — gave the General and his 
suite, together with all the field officers of the Continental 
army then in town, a fine entertainment. The proceedings 
were ushered in, at twelve o'clock in the day, by a parade in 
front of the State House, on the part of one of the Compa- 
nies from a Train of Artillery, whose exactness of discipline, 
says a cotemporaneous account, "rendered them respectable 
to the numerous spectators." 

At three o'clock, dinner was served, at a public inn — and 
there, at the head of the table — in his white-haired, full-bot- 
tomed wig, fine broadcloth or velvet coat, white neckcloth, 
satin-embroidered vest, black small clothes, probably, and 
white silk stockings buckled at the knee — surrounded by 
officers in glittering uniforms — his Excellency sat — dispens- 
ing with grace and dignity, over a well-loaded board, the 
hospitalities of the occasion. His own sober yet imposing 
manner, we can easily imagine, must have contrasted some- 
what strongly, with the gayety of some of his companions — 
his own opinions and conjectures as to the future probable 
course of the foe, as to the safety of Boston and D'Estaign, 
and the security of New England generally, have attracted 
attentive listeners. And the conversation of all present was, 
doubtless, wholly absorbed by that war, which, for the first 
time since it began, had stationed armed brigades in the 
beautiful valley of the Connecticut — deep in the interior of 
the State, and sixty miles distant from that sea on which the 
enemy rode triumphant. 

As the feast was about closing, cannon rent the air with 

thirteen discharges, in honor of the thirteen United States — 

between whose intervals, and while their echoes were rolling 

back from the adjacent ridges of mountains, toasts were 

drank. 

" The United States of America — The Congress and Councils 
3b* 



390 CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 1178. 

of America — General Washington and the American Army — 
The American Navy — The King of France and our Allies in 
Europe — Count UEstaign and the fleet under his com/mand — 
Dr. Franklin and our Plenipotentiaries in Europe — Tlie State of 
Connecticut — May oppressed Virtue ever find an Asylum in 
America''^ — such were the sentiments in their order at the 
time, which the patriotic tongues at that festival took up — 

" "While sanguine hopes dispelled their floating care, 
And what was difficult and what was dire, 
Sank to their prowess and superior stars." 

^^The glorious memory of Generals Warren^ Montgomery^ 
Wooster^ and Nash, with all the virtuous officers and soldiers 
who have died in defence of Freedom and their country'''' — 
drank in melancholy silence, followed upon the toasts already 
given. 

^'■May the Arts and Sciences he ever patronized in America''^ — 
was the hopeful sentiment which succeeded. 

^^May all our citizens he soldiers, and our soldiers he always 
citizens " — was the ingenious antithetical canon of true repub- 
licanism with which the libations closed. 

And at half past five the Governor, General Gates, his 
suite of officers, and a committee on the part of the State, 
who had added by their presence to the dignity of the enter- 
tainment, withdrew, in imposing procession, to the State 
House — where — in the midst of a throng of gratified specta- 
tors — the ceremony of reception — which had been conducted 
throughout in a most appropriate manner — was at last con- 
cluded — to the great satisfaction of all. 

General Gates soon left Hartford for Boston, to take com- 
mand in the Eastern Department. General Putnam, suc- 
ceeding him at Hartford, marched the troops from the North 
Meadow to the "West division in that town — and thence, 
November twenty-fourth, back to Danbury. New England 
was no longer immediatel}^ threatened. The problem of the 
British plan was solved by the departure of large detach- 
ments of their army to the West Indies, and to Florida. So 
Washington placed his forces in winter quarters — the main 
portion of them upon and near the Hudson Eiver — a part in 



1118. CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 391 

the Jerseys — and three brigades under Pntnam, consisting of 
the Connecticut and New Hampshire troops, and Hazen's 
regiment, at Danburj — to protect the country lying along 
the Sound, and the magazines on Connecticut Eiver, and to 
aid the Highlands in case of any serious movement of the 
enemy in that direction. The Campaign of 1778 was at an 
end. 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 

1778. 

Trumbull and the Home Defence of Connecticut. The British naval 
arnaament upon the American station this year Trumhull's protec- 
tion of the coast. Hia attention to the Marine. A privateer named 
after him. The whalehoat system gives him much anxiety. It de- 
generates He watches it closely, and is sparing of commissions. The 
henefits resulting to Connecticut this year from his measures for home 
defence. Maritime losses few. They are more than counterbalanced 
hy maritime gains. The memorable capture of the Admiral Keppel 
and the Cyrus, by the Oliver Cromwell — a Connecticut ship-of-war. 
Its commander's letter to Trumbull announcing the victory. Prison- 
ers — a large number this year. March of the captives at the Battle of 
Saratoga through Connecticut on their w^ay to "Virginia. Trumbull's 
arrangements for it. Case of Henry Shirley, a distinguished pris- 
oner in Trumbull's hands The handsome treatment he received from 
the Governor. 

Trumbull had other important labors in the Campaign 
of 1778, to which we have not yet alluded — choosing, as 
heretofore, that they should occupy paragraphs by them- 
selves. We refer to his labors, particularly, in the home and 
naval defence of Connecticut — a sphere, which in 1778, as 
in previous years, still continued to make heavy demands on 
his time and watchfulness. For still armed British vessels 
hardly ceased day or night, cruising up and down the Sound, 
threatening towns, and seeking opportunities to land, and 
burn, and plunder. In February of this year, the British 
naval armament upon the American station consisted of no 
less than eighty-three ships-of-war, from sixty-four to ten 
guns each — besides the Eichmond, a bomb-ship — the Juno, 
the Orpheus, a fire-ship — the Blonde, the Potens, and the 
Venus. Is it a wonder then that Connecticut, lying directly 
alongside one of their great highways of travel — Long Island 
Sound — should be kept in a state of perpetual apprehension ! 

So far now as coast defence is concerned, Governor Trum- 
bull was employed as usual this year, in raising, stationing, 
and supplying troops — in repairing and strengthening fortifi- 



1778. CHAP. XXXIII. — TRUMBULL. 893 

cations — in providing for these, from time to time, new field 
pieces and apparatus of every description — in promoting 
activity among the coast guards — and in preventing all un- 
lawful communications, or illicit trade with the enemy, from 
the Connecticut shore. Seven companies were to be raised in 
January for the defence of various points upon the sea-line — 
to serve during the year — and two brigades were ordered in 
Febr\iary, which were to be ready, on the shortest notice, to 
do duty either within or without the State. These the Cap- 
tain-General superintended, and at intervals, as danger threat- 
ened, drew from the brigades to increase the protection of 
exposed points.* 

As regards defence strictly naval — on the Sound particu- 
larly — he was occupied as in previous years. He fitted out 
the vessels of war belonging to the State. He furnished ma- 
terials for this purpose — particularly masts, bowsprits, booms, 
and yards, from the Connecticut Eiver. He commissioned 
ofiicers, gave sailing orders, and sent out privateers — which 
he furnished at times with guns — and also whaleboats and 
spy vessels. He superintended prizes, and enforced embar- 
goes, especially one which was laid by Congress in June.f 

Whaleboats were at one time wanted by Washington for 
the transportation of one thousand men — Trumbull provided 
these. A new Continental frigate, called the Confederacy^ was 

*A8 once, for example, late in March, two additional companies to secure New- 
liaven, which city, particiilarly, was then exposed to great danger — and once in 
April, eighty-six additional men to guard Great Neck at New-London. Besides 
numerous drafts like these — in February, upon request from General Putnam — 
he sent Major Thompson, the commanding officer of Nixon's battalion then sta- 
tioned at Farmington, with all of his regiment fit for duty, to take station at 
Greenwich, for the protection of the coast towards New-York — and in June 
again, ordered a fresh regiment on to Sawpitts, to be placed under General Gates. 
There was no part of the whole line of Connecticut sea-coast, which, during the 
entire year, escaped the eye of himself and his Council. 

t Among the vessels which he fitted out for sea this year was the Governor 
Trvmhvll — a fine privateer ship of twenty guns — which was built by Rowland 
and Coit at Norwich, and named after himself. He sent her out in March upon 
her first cruise, under the command of Capt. Henry Billings. In April, he sent 
the Dolphin and the Spy, loaded with hoops and staves, to the West Indies, to 
procure warlike munitions and stores. In August, he caused Capt. Smedley to 
fit up his ship anew in Boston, and then to cruise up and down from this port 
southward. In September, he refitted the Oliver Cromwell, which had then 
lately suffered from a storm at sea, and ordered her, and the Defence, to cruise 
up and down the Sound, &c., &c. 



394 CHAP. XXXI IT. — TRUMBULL. 17'?8. 

to be built at Norwich. He gave attention to lier construc- 
tion, and after she was launched, in September, procured the 
appointment of his friend Capt. Seth Harding to command 
her — having taken pains to recommend him previously to 
the Marine Committee at Philadelphia, as one of the bravest 
of officers, who could man a ship, he stated, with such expe- 
dition that "three hundred men stood ready to engage under 
him the moment he should receive his commission." The 
Continental Marine Committee for the Department of Con- 
necticut — among whom were Oliver Ellsworth, and Captain 
John Deshon of New London — often sought his advice. It 
was always ready. Naval agent Shaw sought his interven- 
tion for funds. His drafts on Congress, to the amount at 
times of fifty thousand dollars, were ready. 

But no department of the naval service gave him more 
anxiety than that which embraced the cruising of the Con- 
necticut whaleboats, and small armed vessels, upon the 
Sound. These, during the ^'■ear now under consideration, 
were exceedingly active in annoying the enemy — the whale- 
boats, particularly — which, made light — with sheathing not 
more than half an inch thick — sharp at each end, and vary- 
ing in length from fourteen to thirty-two feet — could be im- 
pelled, by from eight to twenty oars, with remarkable veloci- 
ty — could be easily carried on men's shoulders, and, if nec- 
essary, be hid among bushes, and relaunched with the great- 
est facility. 

Many a market-boat of the enemy, loaded with provisions, 
and detached vessels even from British convoys, became 
their prizes. Many a noted tory upon Long Island, and 
"loyal" American volunteer — many a little band of British 
soldiers, Hessians and others — became their captives. They 
were constantly on the lookout. "They will take advantage 
of every calm," complained Eivington loudly this year, "to 
shoot out from their lurking places, and cross over and pil- 
lage the loyalists of Long Island." And almost every week 
this tory Editor had occasion to chronicle, in his "Gazette," 
some fresh instance of attack — from the Connecticut shore — 
upon "his Majestj^'s w^oodcutters," as he styled them — or 
"his Majesty's sloop, loaded with wood" — or upon the per- 



1118. CHAP. XXXIII. — TRUMBULL. 395 

son and effects of some one of "his Majesty's loyal subjects" 
on the opposite shore. "These rebels" — these "freeboot- 
ers" — these "pickaroon gentry" — these "villains" — with their 
"rebel schooner Wild Cat, of fourteen swivels and forty 
men," and their armed sloops generally, and their "great 
abundance of whalcboats," the tory Editor Gaine would add 
in his "Mercury" — are kept cruising in many parts of the 
Sound — interrupting our market-boats — and making prison- 
ers of great numbers of "his Majesty's faithful subjects!"* 

The commissions which the Governor gave to these armed 
boats and vessels were at last, unfortunately, abused by some 
of the parties who obtained them. Under the pretence of 
taking or destroying tory property, they would sometimes 
invade that of whigs, and treat its owners with severity. 
Sometimes, against the positive requirements of law — en- 

* Take the following as examples of the kind of warfare from Connecticut, 
spoken of in the text. 

Apnl 27, 1778, Rivinffton. "Last Monday evening two row gallies and an 
armed vessel crossed from Connecticnt to Lloyd's Neck, whi.re a party of loyal 
refugees were cutting wood ; who, upon being attacked, retreated to a house, in 
which they defended themselves with groat braverj and resolution upwards of 
six hours ; but their ammunition being all expended, they were obliged to sub- 
mit to superior force. Next morning the rebels carried their prisoners, 18 in 
number, over to Connecticut. The house in which the refugees fought and sur- 
rendered is perforated in many places by the shot of the rebels." 

June 8, 1778, Rivington. "Wednesday last the rebel schooner Wild Cat, of 14 
swivels and 40 men, came from Connecticut to Oyster Bay, and landed 14 of her 
crew, who shot several sheep, but a number of inhabitants appearing in arms, 
they made off. This vessel, by having a great number of oars, takes advantage 
of every calm to cross over and pillage the loyalists on Long Island." 

Harffnrd, Sept. 3, 1778. " Maj. Grey, of Col. Meig's regiment, brought off 
from Lloyd's Neck 15 tones, and killed three — all from Connecticut." 

Sep. 7, 1778, Gaine. "A sloop with some provisions, and a boat loaded with 
wood, were taken at Lloyd's Neck last Wednesday, by a privateer sloop from 
Connecticut. A great abundance of armed whaleboats are cruising in many parts 
of the Sound, and 'tis feared will much interrupt our market-boats." 

Sep. 12, 1778, Eivington. "A party of rebels came over from Connecticut to 
Oyster Bay Thursday evening last, and plundered the house of Wm. Cock of 
goods to the amount of £140. They made Mr. C. and his family carry the goods 
near two miles, to their whaleboat, and got off unmolested. And on Saturday a 
number of freebooters, in two boats, came over to Eed Spring, and robbed the 
Imnscs of Jacob Carpenter and John Weekes of a quantity of valuable effects, 
and then made off; but returned Saturday evening to Oak Neck, and robbed two 
unfortunate weavers. The principal of these villains is named Carhart, who 
sometime ago came over from Connecticut, and pretended to be a friend to gov- 
ernment, and was treated with the greatest hospitality and kindness by the very 
persons whose property he has carried off." 



396 CHAP. XXXIII. — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

gaged, more than in former j'ears, in illicit trade — tliej would 
bring off British goods to the Main, and there dispose of 
them for lucre. 

Some American refugees from Long Island, who professed 
to be warm friends of their country — but who in fact were 
unprincipled men, who by imposition had obtained their 
cruising commissions from the Governor of Connecticut — 
were among the first and most notorious in their abuse of 
them. They were men with whom "it required no great 
stretch of conscience to go on land and plunder indiscrimin- 
ately, both Whig and Loyalist, under pretence of taking 
British goods." And in their hands, and those of a few oth- 
ers, the whaleboat warfare at last " degenerated into down- 
right robbery," and, in the year 1779, was summarily 
stopped. General Putnam, late in the present year, wrote 
both to Trumbull and to Governor Clinton of New York — 
who also granted commissions — and warmly remonstrated 
against the abuses now in question. But Trumbull needed 
no admonition or stimulus upon this subject. It had been 
his care, not only to grant no cruising licenses save to those 
whom he believed to be patriotic and trustworthy, but also to 
watch their proceedings afterwards, and to arrest and sum- 
mon them at once before himself and his Council to answer 
for any violations either of their instructions, or of their 
duty.* 

* As one example, among many, of liis promptness in this respect, take the 
following summons, which, Aug. 11, 1778, he addressed to Captain Jonathan 
Vail, and Capt. Jeremiah Eogcrs, the commanders respectively of two whale- 
boats. 

" Whereas sundry and repeated complaints have been made that persons, un- 
der authority of Commission given to American boats to go on shore on Long 
Island to act against the enemy there, or under color or pretext thereof, have un- 
justly and cruelly plundered many of the friendly inhabitants there — brought oft" 
their effects, and have not caused them to be libelled and condemned in course 
of Law — you and each of you are hereby required to attend here on Tuesday the 
Isth instant — to account for your conduct in that respect. In the meantime you 
are forbidden to act oftensively towards the inhabitants on Long Island, or to 
make any hostile descent upon the Land, in virtue of your Commission. 

" JoNTH Trumbull, Govw." 

Here is another example of the kind, addressed "to Capt. Peter Halleck, 
Jon"" Solomons, or their owners, as they may be respectively concerned." 

" Zebanon, Aug. Wth, 1778. Gentlemen. It being represented and complained 



1778. CHAP. XXXIII. — TRUMBULL. 397 

The services of Trumbull now described, for the home de- 
fence of Connecticut and the Sound, were not, the present 
year, without important and highly favorable results. 
When — in February — news arrived that the enemy at New- 
port were preparing to sweep the coast of the State with fire 
and slaughter, and one of their large ships — the advance, it 
was supposed, of a numerous fleet — approached menacingly 
nearly within the lighthouse towards New London — his act- 
ive preparations diverted the attack. 

When — in March — thirty British sail — some of them gi- 
gantic men of war — hovered around Gardiner's Bay, and 
daily threatened a descent, their purpose was checked by the 
energy of his measures. When — again in March — two hund- 
red British troops — under cover of a row-galley and two 
armed sloops — landed at Greenwich Point, to destroy flour 
on the beach above the Point, and fire a vessel belonging to 
the State — the guard whom he had stationed there — aided by 
a few brave inhabitants near the spot — extinguished the 
flames which the enemy had applied to a galley, retook the 
cattle and sheep they had seized, and gallantly repulsed the 
foe. 

When again — early in September — New London was 
greatly alarmed — there being strong reason to apprehend, as 
the Eecord expresses it, " that our restless and malicious ene- 
my," having been "lately disappointed, by the favor of divine 
Providence, of an enterprise " against this town, would 
" speedily return and attempt its destruction," unless a suffi- 
cient force was stationed there "for its security and de- 
fence " — that force was immediately raised. Fourteen addi- 

to me, that sundry persons belonging to your or one of your armed boats com- 
missioned to cruise in the Sound, have, contrary to the tenor of your Commis- 
sion and Bond, made descent upon the island of Long Island, and plundered the 
inhabitants of their stock and effects, and that without distinction, and in particu- 
lar have lately taken six oxen from Col. Phinehas Fanning, and brought over to 
this State — this conduct you must be sensible is unworthy, and renders you 
liable on your bonds, &c. — I would, with the advice of my Council, advise you 
or either of you, so far as you may be respectively concerned, to settle — compound 
the matter with Col. Fanning, and restore to him his property ; lest you be ex- 
posed to further consequences. I am, 

" Your humble servant, 

"JoNTH Trumbull." 
34 



898 CHAP. XXXIII, — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

tional companies, ordered thither by Governor Trumbull, 
averted the threatened catastrophe. 

While the sea-coast of Connecticut was thus ably defended, 
the little navy of the State was fruitfully busy upon the wa- 
ter. The Old Defence, it is true, commanded by Captain Dan- 
iel Deshon, was — in January — taken by the enemy, and car- 
ried into Jamaica. A brig also, under Captain Atwell, and 
a sloop from Newhaven, commanded by Captain Brown, in 
April, were both captured, and sent to the West Indies. The 
privateer sloop Broome also, in November, was seized by the 
British, and taken into New York. But the losses otherwise 
of Connecticut, were few and inconsiderable. 

On the other hand, her naval successes — though not, save 
in one or two instances, so brilliant as in preceding years, 
and not comparable to those of 1779 — were yet productive 
and encouraging. A large schooner, an armed sloop, two 
British captains and several British seamen — together with a 
large amount of rigging and ship furniture — were brought 
off, in March, from Smith town. Long Island, by a gallant 
party of thirty or forty volunteers from Colonel Meigs' regi- 
ment — who at the same time burned a British brig of two 
hundred tons. Two sloops, deepl}^ laden with wood and 
vegetables, were cut out from Hempstead harbor, in April, 
by Lieutenant Lay with a party of fifteen men. A brig 
from Ireland, laden with provisions, and an English ship 
from Bristol, were taken in May by the privateer sloop 
America, Captain Coit, and carried into Martmico. The 
Lovely Lass from London, with a valuable cargo, in May 
also, was taken by the Eevenge, Captain Conklin, and by 
the American Eevenge, Captain Champlin, from New Lon- 
don, and sent into Boston. A ship from London, bound to 
New York — with a cargo valued at thirty thousand pounds — 
in May again, was taken by two Connecticut privateers, of 
which Captain Stanton commanded one. These now men- 
tioned were among the chief prizes which, this year, re- 
warded the adventurousness of Connecticut upon the seas. 

But the capture altogether the most conspicuous of any 
made during this period — and the most valuable of all that 
were made by the Connecticut Marine during the entire 



1778. CHAP. XXXIII. — TRUMBULL. 899 

course of the Revolutionary War — was that of the two ships 
Admiral Keppel and the Cyrus — taken in April by the Oliver 
Cromwell^ Captain Parker, and the Defence^ Captain Smedley. 
They were both of them letters of marque — mounted eight- 
een excellent six pounders each — and contained cargoes 
which together sold for eighty-one thousand two hundred 
and fifty-five pounds, fourteen shillings, and five pence. 

How must the heart of Trumbull have beat with joy, when 
from Captain Parker — dating a letter to the Governor him- 
self from on board the " Oliver Cromwell, at sea, April 20th, 
1778, latitude 20°, longitude 50° "—he received the intelli- 
gence, that on Wednesday, the thirteenth of April, this gal- 
lant commander had fallen in with, and captured these re- 
markable prizes — that the Keppel " had a very warlike ap- 
pearance, and was the best manned " — that he " ran close 
alongside of her in the Cromwell, and received her first fire 
at some distance, but did not return it until he came close on 
board" — that "she gave the Cromwell a warm reception for 
. about three glasses, and then struck " — that all this was eflected 
with but the loss of two men killed, and five wounded — that 
"the courage" of his "raw, undisciplined men could not foil 
of doing honor to their country " — and that the merit of his 
officers, " in keeping such inexperienced young boys, as many 
of them were, to their quarters, without the show of fear, or 
noise, or confusion, through the whole short and warm action, 
was conspicuous to all ! " 

Such was the naval experience of Connecticut in the year 
seventeen hundred seventy-eight. 

Her own land and naval warfore, and that of the country 
generally, brought with it of course, as in former years, and 
placed within her limits, a large number of prisoners — not so 
many, however, as in previous periods, but yet enough to 
demand, on the part of Trumbull, a good share of his atten- 
tion. Many were brought in by the privateers,* and other 

*The following order illustrates Trumbull's action, at times, with regard to 
such prisoners : — 

" State of Connecticut. By the Governor. To Prosper Wetmore, Esq., Sheriff 
of the County of New London — Greeting. 

" It is represented to me by Mr. Jacob de Witt, of Norwich, one of the owners 
of the Privateer Sloop Lydia, that Capt. Jabez Lord, Commander of the same, 



400 CHAP. XXXIII. — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

armed vessels of the State. Once, in April, in one troop — 
one hundred and fifty British, Hessian, and Canadian prison- 
ers were taken from Albany to Hartford, and there lodged ia 
jail — while at the same time one hundred and thirty more, 
who were confined in this latter town, were transferred to be 
kept on board a guard ship at Norwich. 

At the beginning of the year, in conformity with a Reso- 
lution of Congress — which applied to each State, and had 
reference to a system for exchanging prisoners — Trumbull 
furnished an accurate account of all the money, provisions, 
and other necessaries, which had been used for captives in 
Connecticut — and in the course of the year, as in previous 
periods, was busy in negotiating exchanges, and sending flags 
of truce from the harbors of New London and New Haven. 
Among those who obtained their freedom this year was the 
notorious William Franklin, of whom we have heretofore 
spoken. He was exchanged for John McKinley, Esquire, 
President of Delaware, and went back to New Jersey, there 
to renew his nefarious opposition to the land of his birth. 

There was one duty, in the department of prisoners, which 
Governor Trumbull had to perform this year, that was peculiar. 
It was to see that the " Convention Troops," as they were 
called — those who had been captured by Gates at the memor- 
able Battle of Saratoga — were marched securely through 
Connecticut, on their way, in October, from Boston to Char- 
lottsville in Virginia — to which place — on account of the 
scarcity of flour in the New England States, and the unwill- 
ingness of Clinton to grant passports for its conveyance from 
the Middle States to the eastward — these prisoners were to be 
conducted. He complied with Washington's requisition for 
troops to act as an escort and guard upon the occasion — sent 

hath captured an enemy's sloop, on board which he hath taken prisoners one 
Captain and nine men. 

" You are hereby directed to receive and keep in safe custody the said Prison- 
ers. You may take the parole of the Captain, to abide within such short limits 
as you may judge proper and safe. 

" You will give notice by some convenient opportunity to Ezckiel Williams, 
Esq., Commissary of Prisoners, and observe such orders as he shall give concern- 
ing the prisoners. 

" Given at Lebanon, the I'Jth day of Augu.st, A. D. 1778. 

" JonTH Trumbull." 



1778. CHAP. XXXIII. — TRUMBULL. '4dl 

them to meet the captives on the borders of Connecticut, and 
conducted them safely through the State.* What a spectacle 
they must have been to the inhabitants, as they passed — 
morose, solemn, inflexible — the motions of their spirits no 
longer, as when they swept magnificently strong over the 
waters of Lake Champlain, light as the tossing plumes which 
they mirrored by thousands in its glassy depths, but " dull as 
night " — 

Given to captivity, they and their utmost hopes I " 

It was the peculiar fortune of Trumbull, during almost 
every year of the war, to hold in his custody as prisoners, 
personages who were more or less remarkable. We have 
had occasion to notice quite a number of these heretofore. 
Among such, the present year, he held Hugh Wallace, 
Esquire, one of the former Council for the Crown in the 
State of New York. 

But more conspicuous than any other person in his hands 
as a prisoner — if so, under all the circumstances, he can be 
regarded — was Henry Shirley, Esquire — a gentleman "of 
estimable character, of great fortune, of powerful connec- 
tions," and who had himself once represented Great Britain 
as ambassador to the Court of Russia. With his lady, 
daughter, a handmaid of Mrs. Shirley's, and their servants, 
this person had been taken on board the Admiral Keppel by 
Captain Parker, while on his way from Bristol to settle the 
affairs of an estate which he owned in Jamaica. He had 
been favorably inclined towards the United States — had 
taken no active part against them — and was the gentleman 
who had formerly presented the Jamaica petition to the King 
in their favor. He had used his influence on board the 
Keppel, after she was captured, to keep the prisoners quiet — 

* " When you have fixed the time of march and the route, inform Governor 
Trumbull, that he may be ready to receive them on the borders of Connecticut." 
— Washington to Gen. Heath, Oct. 21, 1778. 

*' I have requested Gen. Heath to employ a sufficient number of the Massachu- 
setts militia to conduct them to Connecticut. I shall make a like requisition to 
Governor Trumbull, and it will be necessary that the several States in succession, 
through which they are to pass, be called on in the same manner. — Washington, 
to the President of Congress., Oct. 22, 1778. 
34* 



402 CHAP. XXXIII. — TRUMBULL. 17T8. 

without which, it was said, it would have been impossible to 
have brought the prize into port, as the Oliver Cromwell had 
but few seamen, and most of them were sick with the small 
pox. 

All these circumstances were strongly represented to Gov- 
ernor Trumbull bj his son Colonel John, who made Shirley's 
acquaintance in Boston — was warmly interested in his favor — • 
and begged his father to grant him a flag to transport him 
and his family to his estate in Jamaica — a boon, which, he 
said, "good policy, not to say justice," should induce him to 
grant, since Mr, Shirley was in a position "to become a 
mighty engine," he stated, " either for or against" the great 
interests of the United States. Captain Parker also repre- 
sented him in a most favorable light to the Governor. So 
did Samuel Elliot, the naval agent at Boston, who took pains 
also to memorialize the Massachusetts Legislature for liberty 
to accommodate him and his suite in Boston in a manner be- 
coming his rank and character. 

These applications were not without their influence upon 
Governor Trumbull. He in consequence sent instructions to 
Elliot, to pay every proper attention to the prisoner, and 
allow him all the indulgence which was consistent with his 
safety, and duty to the State. And soon he sent on a permit 
to Shirley himself, to visit Connecticut by the middle route 
from Boston, with the privilege of being attended by his 
friend Mr. Phipps, his surgeons, and his servants — and 
directed Elliot to assist him on his journey, and make Mrs. 
Shirley and her daughter " as easy in his absence as their 
unfortunate situation would admit." Mr. Shirley accordingly 
made a journey to see the Governor at Lebanon, where he 
was entertained with the greatest courtesy, and where he 
entered into full and free conversations in regard to the 
mutual relations of Great Britain and America. The impres- 
sion he made upon Trumbull was exceedingly favorable. 

" Mr. Shirley is a gentleman of good sense and abilities," he wrote the 
Delegates in Congress from Connecticut, June twenty-ninth — "well 
knowing British policy, acquainted with all the great men and characters 
in Great Britain, and was an ambassador from the Court of Great Britain 



1778. CHAP. XXXIII. — TRUMBULL. 403 

to the Court of Russia. He talks freely on politics. He left England 9th 
of March. He wishes we had a go-between^ as he expresseth it — says 
France will serve only as a Poker to increase the flame — the more the 
better — that the States of Holland would serve to make a Reconciliation — 
that great numbers in England wish well to our Independence, with a 
Treaty of Amity and Free Commerce — that Canada, Nova Scotia, and 
the Floridas be ceded to us — they to retain Newfoundland — the Fishery 
to be free to both — they to protect our Flag — these States, in return, to 
Guarantee the English West Indies. 

" He gives the King the character of good — says that he ardently de- 
sires a Reconciliation, is much directed by his Ministers, and doth not 
wish the Administration to be in the hands of Lords Chatham and Shel- 
burne. He gives Lord North a very good character. The Ministry who 
are violent against these States want to introduce the two former, and to 
produce a Coalition between the opposite parties in England — to declare 
no war with France — to raise and send reenforcements to wreak John 
Bull's vengeance against America — to divide and distract our Councils — 
and to inflame the Protestant Powers in Europe against the United States 
for forming an Alliance with France and Popish Powers." 

Such were the views which Shirley freely expressed to 
Governor Trumbull at his house in Lebanon — views which 
in the concessions they made to America were certainly lib- 
eral — and which the latter took pains to communicate, as of 
more than ordinary weight and importance — through Roger 
Sherman and his colleagues from Connecticut — to the General 
Assembly of the nation. At one time he thought of sending 
Mr. Shirley on in person to Congress, to confer with members 
there — but finally abandoned this project, lest some "disa- 
greeable consequences," he said, might possibly follow, and 
he should himself "incur blame." He took another, and 
probably more prudent course — one which at the same time 
reflected honor on his courtesy, his humanity, and his cau- 
tion. He permitted Shirley to hire a vessel for the transport- 
ation of himself and his family to Jamaica — gave him a pro- 
tecting flag — and merely demanding from him — in order to 
meet any exigency that might possibly arise — his own parole, 
for himself and those who accompanied him — for the purpose 
of exchange — dismissed him in safety to pursue his journey 
to his original destination. 



CHAP T E R X X XIV. 

1778. 

Trumbuli. and the Conciliatory Plan of Lord North. The bills emhrac- 
ing it are sent to him. by Gov. Tryon of New York. His spirited reply. 
He communicates them to Massachusetts and to Congress. The plan 
wholly fails. Trumbull and the Confederation. Its articles are sent to 
him, and he lays them before the General Assembly of Connecticut. 
His views respecting them. He urges their adoption. Has long ad- 
vocated some Plan of Union, and been impatient at its delay. With. 
"Washington, he censures Congress for its dilatoriness, factiousness, 
and neglect of whole8om.e measures. Trumbull and the currency 
again. Its continued depreciation. His remedy. Connecticut, upon 
his Message, provides for six hundred thousand dollars. He writes 
the Connecticut Delegates in Congress on the public debt. With 
Erkelaus, a patriotic foreigner, he advises Congress, upon certain con- 
ditions, to negotiate a foreign loan. His views upon the scheme of 
regulating prices by law. 

Thus far we have been looking at Trumbull, for the 
year 1778, in that department of his life and services 
which is strictly military. We have now to look at him, 
during this period, in a department which is civil, mainly, 
in its nature, though parts of it connect directly with the 
war. And here we shall find much that is worthy of special 
note. 

The first important fact which presents itself, is his pro- 
ceeding in regard to the famous Conciliatory plan of Lord 
North, which — instituted in the British Parliament about the 
middle of February — and soon transmitted for consideration 
to the United States, and backed in this country by a special 
Board of Peace Commissioners — continued during nearly the 
whole year to create agitation and disturbance. 

This Plan, arranged in three bills — the first, as expressed 
by its title, intended for removing all doubts concerning the 
taxation of the Colonies by the British Parliament — the sec- 
ond, for restoring the charter of Massachusetts Bay — and the 
third, for appointing commissioners with full powers to treat 



17T8. CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 405 

with the Colonies on the means of quieting the public dis- 
orders — the Plan, thus arranged — glittering, but insidious — 
full of promise, yet full of guile — was in the spring sent over 
to America. It was sent instantly upon its being reported in 
the British Parliament, and before it received the sanction of 
legislation — so vividly apprehensive at this time were the 
British Ministry, lest an Alliance, that would in every respect 
improve the aspect of American affairs, should take place 
between France and the United States — and so eager were 
they to anticipate any movements which might be made for 
establishing such a connection. The bills which embraced 
this Plan, very many of them, came into the hands of Gov- 
ernor Tryon of New York, for distribution in America — 
and, on the last Tuesday in April, he sent several copies of 
them, under a flag of truce, to Newhaven, for delivery to 
Jonathan Trumbull. And at the same time he dispatched 
a letter to the Governor, requesting him to circulate them 
both among the people of Connecticut, and those of the Prov- 
inces at the East. 

These bills, as has been intimated, promised much — they 
yielded much — ^yet they were insidious and perilous. The 
duty on tea was to be repealed. No taxes were to be laid 
save those which were external, and for the regulation of 
commerce. The allurement was "extremely flattering," as 
"Washington remarked, to minds that did " not penetrate far 
into political consequences," and was not without its eifect — 
but yet to discerning men, " a game," he added, played by 
the enemy which was " more dangerous than their efforts by 
arms," and which threatened " a fatal blow to the independ- 
ence of America, and of course to her liberties." So Trum- 
bull viewed the matter — precisely — as the following letter 
which he addressed to Tryon in reply, abundantly proves. 

"April 23d, 1778. Sir. Your letter of the 17th instant, from New 
York, is received with its enclosures, and the several similar packets of 
various addresses, with which it was accompanied. 

" Propositions of Peace are usually made from the supreme authority 
of one contending power to the similar authority of the other ; and the 
present is the first instance within my recollection, where a vague, half- 
blank, and very indefinite draft of a bill, once only read before one of 



406 CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

three bodies of the Legislature of the Nation, has ever been addressed to 
the people at large of the opposite power, as an overture of recon- 
ciliation. 

" There was a day when even this step, from our then acknowledged 
parent State, might have been accepted with joy and gratitude ; but this 
day. Sir, is past irrevocably. The repeated, insolent rejection of our sin- 
cere and sufficiently humble petitions ; the unprovoked commencement 
of hostilities ; the barbarous inhumanity which has marked the prosecu- 
tion of the war on your part in its several stages ; the insolence which 
displays itself on every petty advantage ; the cruelties which have been 
exercised on those unhappy men whom the fortune of war has thrown 
into your hands ; all these are insuperable bars to the very idea of con- 
cluding a peace with Great Britain on any other conditions than the 
most perfect and absolute independence. To the Congress of the United 
States of America, therefore, all proposals of this kind are to be ad- 
dressed ; and you will give me leave. Sir, to say, that the present mode 
bears too much the marks of an insidious design to disunite the people, 
and to lull them into a state of quietude and negligence of the necessary 
preparations for the approaching campaign. If this be the real design, 
it is fruitless. If peace be really the object, let your proposals be ad- 
dressed properly to the proper power, and your negotiations be honor- 
ably conducted ; we shall then have some prospect of (what is the most 
ardent wish of every honest American,) a lasting and honorable peace. 

" The British nation may then, perhaps, find us as affectionate and 
valuable friends, as we now are determined and fatal enemies ; and will 
derive from that friendship more solid and real advantage than the most 
sanguine can expect from conquest. 

"I am, Sir, 

"Your humble servant, 
"William Tryon, Esq." "Jonathan Trumbull." 

What a rebuke to the presumption of British power does 
Trumbull administer in this his answer to Tryon — bestowed 
indeed, as Botta justly remarks, "in a most energetic man- 
ner ! " — " When I was told the Governor had written Gov- 
ernor Tryon on the subject of the Overtures," said General 
Jedediah Huntington, in a letter which he addressed at the 
time* to Colonel Williams — "I was very anxious to know 
what it was — not that I doubted its being well done, but I 
considered it a matter of great importance, as it would prob- 
ably be immediately forwarded to England, and be there re- 
ceived as a specimen of our temper and feelings on the occa- 

* April 28th, 1778. 



1778. CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 407 

sion. I must think the Governor's words are like Apples of 
Gold in Pictures of Silver ! " 

^'■Apples of Gold,^^ they were indeed! So thought Massa- 
chusetts of them upon this occasion — to the President of 
whose General Assembly the Governor transmitted Tryon's 
communication, and his own reply. So thought Congress, 
to which Body also he sent the entire correspondence, with 
the Conciliatory Bills enclosed, and by whom it was all re- 
ferred, for careful consideration, to their standing Committee 
on Intelligence.* The sentiments which, with such becom- 
ing firmness Trumbull expresses, were those of his country. 
They were, particularly, those of the Congress of the United 
States — for one day only before his letter was written — and 
of course before he could Jiimself have had any knowledge 
of its proceedings — this Body resolved that the Conciliatory 
Bills, which Trumbull had thus, so far as his own decision 
is concerned, summarily rejected, were " intended to operate 
on the hopes and fears of the good people of these States, so 
as to create divisions among them, and a defection from the 
common cause, now by the blessing of God," they af&rmed, 
" drawing near to a favorable issue " — and that they were 
" the sequel of that insidious plan, which, from the days of 
the Stamp Act," down to that time, had " involved the coun- 
try in contention and bloodshed." 

By the united voice of America too, these Bills were 

* The first set of Conciliatory Measures sent to Tnimbiill, which were mere 
" Drafts of Bills," were followed, May 21st, 1778, by another communication en- 
closing these Drafts in the form of "Acts of Parliament" — copies of which 
Tryon desires Trumbull to forward to Boston, and the Eastern Provinces. They 
came on, he says, in his Majesty's ship the Porcupine, and he trusts "they wiU 
be received with more confidence and liberality than the Drafts " which he sent. 
Whether they were thus received or not, the following brief epistle from Trum- 
bull to Tryon, in reply, will show. 

" Hartford, 25th May, 1778. Sir. Your letter of the 21st instant is received, 
with its enclosures. The innocent do not want a pardon. The injured do not 
place confidence in any who have done them an injury, while Force is continued 
in the same pursuit. To ask it in this situation — does it not add Insult to Inju- 
Ty ? Ought not Propositions and Negotiations of a public nature between two 
contending Powers, to be addressed from one to the other, and not to Individ- 
uals, or to a particular Person or Persons ? When made in this manner, and 
honorably conducted, Liberality may justly be expected from both. 

"lam, &c., 

"JoNATHAK Trumbull." 



408 CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

thrown to the winds — as Trumbull had thrown them — and 
as before him, in entire conjunction of sympathy and opinion 
Franklin had done — when — consulted in Paris in behalf of 
the Ministry of England in regard to them — he told the 
British emissaries upon the occasion — Pulteney and Hart- 
ley — that " every proposition, implying a voluntary agree- 
ment to return to a state of dependence on Great Britain, 
would be rejected by the Americans." 

The day of reconciliation, as Trumbull affirmed to Tryon, 
was indeed "irrevocably passed." The efforts of the British 
Commissioners appointed under the Conciliatory Plan,* 
though earnestly exerted — though enriched with greater con- 
cessions and higher promises in behalf of America than any 
hitherto proffered — though gilded with glittering guineas, 
and exalted stations offered under British authority to lead- 
ing statesmen of our land — all were in vain. In vain, in 
October, did these Commissioners — persisting to the last in 
their purpose of crowding an ignoble pacification on the 
country — send a second flag of truce to the harbor of New 
London, with fresh dispatches for the Governor of Connecti- 
cut, and intrude on the devotional repose of his Sunday eve- 
ning — at which time he first received them — with their new 
Manifesto and Proclamation. Trumbull remained incorrupt- 
ible, and inexorable.f And United America was full of 
men, whom — like the honest, inflexible Eeed — the King of 
England was " not rich enough to purchase." So the Earl 
of Carlisle, and Governor Johnstone, and Mr. Eden, found 
out — not a soul, within the forty days of pardon and of 
grace which they graciously extended to America, not one 
being found to desert either the military or civil service of 
the country. And they went back to England, having, by 
their blandishing proclamations and haughty threats, accom- 

* They were Frederic, Fifth Earl of Carlisle, known afterwards as Lord Byron's 
Guardian — William Eden, afterwards Lord Auckland — and George Johnstone, 
Commander in tlie Eoyal Navy, and at one time Governor of East Florida. 

t " There can be no solidity in any offers the British Commissioners can 
make" — he wrote to Gen. Gates, June 26th, 1778. "The plan is evidently to 
divide and distract our Councils ; to xinite the opposite parties in England, to 
bring into Administration L'' Chatham and Shelburne ; to declare no war with 
France ; to send over Eeenforcements, to wreak their vengeance on America. 
Our Heavenly Protector, I trust, will spare and defend us." 



1778. CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 409 

plished nothing but to rivet more firmly than ever American 
resistance to British tyranny — with the opinion — it must 
have been so — planted deeply in their conviction, that 

" ' Tis late indeed before the brave despair! " 

Another important subject which claimed Trumbull's 
attention in the year 1778, and of which we shall now speak, 
was the Confederation of the United States. Far back as 
1775 — just after Dr. Franklin introduced before Congress the 
first Articles on this subject — we found the Governor of Con- 
necticut a strong advocate of a plan of union between the 
Colonies — consulted with about it — and earnestly hoping 
that one, " maturely digested," would be adopted soon as 
possible, and remain "firm and inviolate." 

For such a plan he continued to be an advocate — and when 
towards the close of 1777, he received a copy of those Arti- 
cles of Confederation, which became subsequently the bond 
of union for the country, and which were then for the first 
time finally adopted by Congress — he proceeded — immedi- 
ately upon the assembling of the Legislature of Connecticut, 
in January, 1778 — to lay them before this Body for their 
" dispassionate attention," and to procure their authority for 
their ratification — urging them — as a Circular from Congress 
requested the Governors of all the States to dO' — to examine 
the subject " with a liberality becoming brethren and fellow- 
citizens, contending for the same illustrious prize, and deeply 
interested in being forever bound, and cemented together, by 
ties the most intimate and indissoluble." 

The articles were taken up by the Assembly, and most 
carefully considered — but a final decision was not made upon 
them until its succeeding session in February. At this time, 
at the opening of the session. Governor Trumbull was not 
able to be present, by reason of sickness — a very remarkable 
circumstance in his career. But he did not forget — in a Mes- 
sage which he then sent, February eleventh, from Lebanon 
to the "Gentlemen of the Council, and Gentlemen of the 
House of Eepresentatives " — to introduce this subject of the 
Confederation, as the first and most important matter to be 

again considered by them, and brought to a conclusion. 
35 



410 CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 



111B. 



" It having pleased Providence," he proceeded to say, " to detain me 
by indisposition from personal attendance with you, at the opening of 
the present sessions, I am to take this method of addressing you on the 
present important occasion. The Papers relative to the Business which 
will come under your attention, accompany this — and any Letters under 
Address to me, which may be received in my absence, his Honor the 
Deputy Governor will open and communicate. 

"The Articles of Confederation of the United States, call first for 
your attention — and as this Business was well nigh completed during 
your late sessions, I hope it will be speedily finished."* 

Prompt attention was paid to this, the Governor's recom- 
mendation. The Articles were discussed at great length, and 
serious objections were made to some of their features — par- 
ticularly to that rule by which the expenses of the country 
were to be apportioned among the States. The value of 
lands, which, by the eighth Article, was made the standard 
for taxation, was by no means, it was thought, a just repre- 
sentation of the proportionate contributions which each State 
ought to make towards discharging the common burthens. 
It was a standard that would be extremely unequal, it was 
urged, in its operation upon the different States. The true 
criterion, on the other hand, for estimating the wealth and 
ability of each State, ought to be, it was believed, the num- 
ber of inhabitants of every age, sex, and quality, except In- 
dians not paying taxes — this being a more certain, equitable, 
and practicable rule for apportioning taxes than the value of 
lands — and including in its operation that trade and those 
manufactures of the country, which give employment and 
support to multitudes, and are in fact sources of wealth to a 
nation as well as the produce of lands. 

Such were the views of Trumbull and Connecticut, as well 
also as of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Ehode Island, and 

* The illness, to which the Governor refers, abated so that he was able to attend 
awhile upon the Legislature, but soon returned, and compelled him to go home — 
as the following note, from his hand, shows. 

"March 3d. Governor Trumbull taketh this method to inform [the General 
Assembly] that his indisposition is such that he is unable to attend on public 
Business — that he intends to take the first favorable weather to return home — 
that he wisheth them Wisdom, influence, and direction in all the Important Af- 
fairs before them." By a Kesolution at this time the General Assembly de- 
volved his duties on the Deputy Governor. 



1778. CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 411 

a large part of New York and Pennsylvania. "Is it not cer- 
tain," said Trumbull at this time* — enforcing the rule of ap- 
portionment by the polls, and meeting the objection from the 
South on the score of its slaves — "is it not certain the riches 
of a nation consist in the number of its inhabitants, when 
those inhabitants are properly employed? If the negroes 
when young or old are like drones in a hive, will it not be 
remedied by numbering them from a certain age, when they 
become useful, to the age when they are unserviceable? 
Will not this be more satisfactory ? " 

But notwithstanding the Governor's objections, and those 
of the General Assembly, to the basis of taxation as estab- 
lished by Congress — and notwithstanding the want among 
the Articles of some provision against a standing army in 
time of peace, and against an improper system of pensions — 
both Trumbull and the State — " sensible," as they said, "of 
the great importance, necessity, and advantage of a firm and 
speedy union" — early in February, day the twelfth — em- 
powered the Connecticut Delegates in Congress, in conjunc- 
tion with others, "to agree to and ratify" the Articles. So 
that, July ninth — amendments expressing their views hav- 
ing been previously submitted to Congress, and, in common 
with all from all the States, rejected — the hand of Connecti- 
cut was set to that Roll of Parchment which was the first 
cement of the first federal union — the first written "League 
of Friendship " between the Thirteen Independent States of 
America, for their common defence, the security of their lib- 
erties, and their mutual and general welfare." 

Trumbull watched the operation of this celebrated instru- 
ment, till the close of his life, with the greatest interest and 
anxiety. He lived to see negotiated under it that Treaty of 
Peace which acknowledged the Independence of his native 
land, and that War concluded upon which he so lavished the 
treasures of his intellect and his heart. He was fully sensi- 
ble of its defects, as time disclosed them — no man was more 
so. It was his wish, year by year, to remedy them — in order 
that the Federal Government might "act, and move, and 
guide" independently and firmly, "and not merely totter un- 

*Hi8 letter to Congress, Dec. 12, 1778. 



412 CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

der its own weight," or sink into a drowsy and palsied de- 
crepitude. But the remedy did not come in his own day. 
He did not survive to see the old Confederation — its glory 
departed — "its days of labor done" — stand but "as a de- 
cayed monument of the past" — as "but the shadow of a 
mighty name." Yet while he lived, he gave to its enforce- 
ment the whole strength of his influence, as the only instru- 
ment of government, he was forced to think, which, under the 
circumstances of the day, could be exacted from thirteen jeal- 
ous Sovereignties. And when he passed off from the stage of 
public action — having had opportunity to see some of the steps 
of its decline as they went on " numbering and finishing" — 
he left on record, as we shall hereafter find, his own wise and 
strong counsel for its extensive and radical amendment. 

Its progress through Congress had been exceedingly slow. 
Nearly seventeen months had elapsed from the time its first 
draft was reported till the instrument was finally adopted. 
Trumbull was impatient at this long delay — impatient at the 
hesitation and unwillingness, even obstinate, of some of the 
States to ratify it. "I am exceedingly anxious," he wrote, 
August twenty -fifth, to Roger Sherman — " to see our Con- 
federation completed. The four States," he added — alluding 
to New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia, which had 
not yet signed the Articles — " how long must the others wait 
for them ? If they are not like to comply soon, should we 
not confederate ivithout them ? "* 

"Why, why is this vital matter delayed," was the frequent 
burden of his letters to others in Congressf — a Body which, 
towards the close of the year on which we now dwell — " for 
want either of abilities or application in the members, or 
through the discord and party views of some individuals — 
" had become quite neglectful of the important concerns of 

*In April 1779, all the States excepting Maryland having ratified the Confeder- 
ation, the State of Connecticut authorized its Delegates to complete this Plan of 
Union, exclusive of Maryland. a 

+ 6. g. "Am sorry to find Confederation is procrastinated," he wrote to Dyer 
and his colleagues from Connecticut. "I find Maryland has something plausible 
to say — I wish that obstacle was removed — yet think they might rely on what 
hath been already done by Congress on that head. If the matters they mention 
were settled, it would be well. That must be a work of time. A delay of Con- 
federation is very detrimental." 



1778. CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 413 

the nation — and which, for this reason, both "Washington and 
Trumbull chastised with free and just censure.* 

"It is most devoutly to be wished," exclaimed the former, 
in November, addressing Joseph Reed — " that faction was at 
an end, and that those, to whom everything dear and valu- 
able is entrusted, would lay aside party views, and return to 
first principles. Happy, thrice happy country, if such were 
the government of it ! " 

" Many and weighty," said Trumbull, in October — preceding the Father 
of his country in similar reproof — in a letter which is worthy of special 
notet — "are the objects which still press on Congress for consideration. I 
wish, however, it did not seem that some essential things appear to be 
protracted to a greater length than either their nature, the importance of 
the objects, the necessary time for consideration, or the public expecta- 
tion, deem necessary. I would fondly hope that no time is lost which 
might be employed in precious deliberation — that no unnecessary, un- 
reasonable, or untoward circumstances conspire to make delays. Our 
situation, altho' the dawn of happier days seems to lighten upon us, is 
in my apprehension very critical. Many great and serious points remain 
to be settled. I would hope no leaven of uneasiness between States, Dis- 

* A letter to Gov. Trumbull, dated Aug. 31, 1778, from Mr. Hosmer, a Delegate 
in Congress from Connecticut, thus corroborates the statement in the text : — 

"The idleness and captiousnoss of some gentlemen," he says — "maugre the 
■wishes and endeavours of an honest and industrious majority, in my apprehen- 
sion, threaten the worst consequences. * * Some States have Delegates so 
very negligent, so much immersed in the pursuit of pleasure or business, that it 
is very rare we can make a Congress before eleven o'clock ; and this evil seems 
incapable of a remedy, as Congress has no means to compel gentlemen's attend- 
ance, and those who occasionally delay are callous to admonition and reproof, 
v/luch have been often tried Ln vain. 

" When we are assembled, several gentlemen have such a knack of stating 
questions of order, raising debates upon critical, captious, or trifling amendments, 
protracting them by long speeches, by postponing, calling for the previous ques- 
tion, and other arts, that it is almost impossible to get an important question de- 
cided at one sitting, and if it is put over to another day, the field is open to be 
gone over again, precious time is lost, and the public business left undone." 

" Where is virtue" — wrote Henry Laurens, President of Congress to Washing- 
ton, November 20, 1778 — " where is patriotism now ; when almost every man has 
turned his thoughts and attention to gain and pleasures, practicing every artifice 
of change-alley, or Jonathans ; when men of abilities disgracefully neglect the 
important duties for which they were sent to Congress, tempted by the pitiful 
fees of practicing attorneys ; when members of that body artfully start a point, 
succeed, and then avail themselves of the secrets of the House, and commence 
monopolizers, and accumulate the public debt for their private emoluments I I 
believe many such tricks have been acted." 

t It was addressed to Congress through the Members from Connecticut. 
35* 



414 CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

union, or opposition of North to South, or South to North, is creeping 
into Congress to prevent the completion, the speedy completion of those 
matters which are of essential moment to the duration of our union, and 
uninterrupted happiness. In all your deliberations I hope it may be a 
fixed principle, that virtue alone can be the foundation, that virtue alone 
can be the support of any government." 

This wholesome reproof and advice from the Governor of 
Connecticut, applied, among other things — as Washington 
specially applied his own — to the remissness of Congress with 
regard to the currency of the country — particularly to its 
neglect to promote "some happy expedient" for restoring 
credit to the Continental Paper Money, and for punishing the 
"infamous practice" of forestalling those articles which were 
vitally necessary to the existence of the army. 

The currency was ever a subject of deep interest to Trum- 
bull — as has been heretofore suggested — and this year espe- 
cially so, as no less than sixty-three millions of dollars was 
added to the already enormous circulation of previous years. 
An "amazing sum," in all — which was seven or eight times 
more than was wanted — which consisted of bills bearing no 
interest — with no specific fund appropriated for their redemp- 
tion — and whose amount ruinously affected prices — encour- 
aged speculation and dishonesty — kept in operation the 
wretched policy of penal, tender, and limitation laws — and 
produced an almost total stagnation of trade and purchases. 
The ^^ aid mors, aid vita decora,^^ which figured as a motto on 
some of its bills, was realized in the alternative of fatal de- 
preciation, and its '■^fugios " in the perpetual flight of value. 

What was to be done ? The army was harassed to death 
by the overriding evil. It was imperative that some remedy 
should be applied. Congress during the year — down to its 
very last day — applied it only in the shape of fresh emissions 
of paper, which but augmented the ill they were intended to 
alleviate. Trumbull contemplated, mainly, but one remedy — 
and this the only sound one — one which — though not per- 
haps at the time, in consequence of the feeble power of Con- 
gress, generally practicable — was yet, so far as he is con- 
cerned, urged with all the strength he could bring to bear 
upon it. Tax — "pay as ive goy At all events pay by taxa- 



1778. CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 415 

tion so far as we can. Emit no new bills of credit. Sink 
those outstanding speedily as possible. Procure a loan in aid 
of this purpose, if rendered necessary — a foreign, not an in- 
ternal one. Fill up the magazines of the country with articles 
of public consumption, that speculators may not have oppor- 
tunity to affect prices ruinously by imposing an artificial 
scarcity and demand. Here were Trumbull's remedies — the 
fundamental one, as just suggested — taxation! 

" The necessity of immediate taxation," he said in his 
Message early in February of the present year, enforcing his 
views upon the General Assembly of the State over which 
he presided — " will now occupy your serious attention. For 
my own part, I am more fully convinced that this is the only 
effectual and safe method of extricating ourselves from our 
present difficulties, and of giving value to our currency — and 
that this time is the most proper for adopting this remedy is 
almost self-evident. Our debts must he paid — and all men 
must allow, that it is more easy to pay a nominal sum, when 
Money is plenty and cheaply earned, than when it is the 
scarcest, and consequently the dearest Article." 

Trumbull had the satisfaction of seeing the General As- 
sembly adopt his own wise recommendation. The sum of 
six hundred thousand dollars, which, in November of the 
preceding year, Congress had apportioned on Connecticut, as 
its own quota at that time for procuring means to carry on 
the war — which was large, and save the quotas upon three 
States only, the largest of any apportioned on any other one 
in the Union — was immediately provided for by a tax of two 
shillings on the pound, on the list of the polls and rateable 
estate in Connecticut — to be placed in the Treasury in the 
course of the year. And the State Treasurer was directed to 
pay it over to the order of Congress, as fast as it should come 
in, and debit the same in account with the United States. 

The States generally, however, did not take this course — 
did not comply with the recommendation ft-om Congress. 
The Continental Paper Money, therefore — that expedient 
embraced from necessity — that " cheap defence of the nation," 
as it has been justly styled, of which our emancipation from 
oppression is the rich purchase — that "happy illusion, which 



416 CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

worked the miracle of reality " — went on so deepening in 
depreciation, that Congress soon could no longer force its cir- 
culation at prescribed rates. And this Body was compelled, 
in October — retracing its own steps — to take off all limita- 
tions on the prices of gold and silver — and, on the very last 
day of the year, adopt that financial policy of which Trum- 
bull had ever been the unwavering advocate. It was com- 
pelled to resort to taxation — and create a sinking fund, by 
establishing an annual levy on the country of six millions of 
dollars for eighteen years. 

" You are sensible," wrote Trumbull, December eighth — -just before 
this plan was adopted by Congress, to the Connecticut Delegates there — 
enforcing again at the close of the year the same sound views which he 
had expressed at the beginning — " you are sensible of the sad condition 
our Finances and currency are in. I trust Congress is meditating a 
remedy. 'Tis a Continental object. No one State can give the necessary 
relief — and unless some relief is speedily provided, our affairs will grow 
worse and worse. 

" The remedy for the public is the same as for a private person — that 
is to pay his debt when it is in his power. 'Tis in the power of the pub- 
lic to pay off a reasonable part of its debt. The Bills are yet in the 
hands of almost everybody, and 'tis easier paying taxes when this is the 
case, than it will be when speculators and others have accumulated the 
bills. Is not taxation the plain path before us." 

" I am, I confess," he again wrote Congress, December tenth — " I am 
seriously alarmed at the State of our Currency, and the seeming delay 
of the necessary remedies. * * Are not the means, by which we 
have been brought into this situation, instructive lessons, pointing us to 
the cure? So long as our magazines were kept full, and our stores plen- 
tifully and seasonably provided, Speculators had not the opportunity of 
imposing an artificial scarcity and demand upon the Public, and thereby 
making their own prices upon the articles of public consumption. Is it 
that we have exhausted our resources, that our supplies are now so 
scantily made from hand to mouth — perpetually keeping up the demand, 
and playing in tune to the desires of the ungodly seekers of gain ? Cer- 
tainly not. Our internal resources are still great; our magazines can 
again be filled — they must be filled ; the idea of scarcity, from this arti- 
ficial demand, must be removed. This appears to me one great remedy. 
Another, and very principal one, is to reduce the quantity of circulating 
Cash, and have means devised to prevent the necessity of constant and 
perpetual new emissions for new emergencies." 

And the Governor goes on to express the opinion that 



1778. 



CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 417 



" Taxation and Loans must be cooperative " — that as regards 
loans, a foreign is to be preferred to an internal one* — that 
the former, should the Confederation and Confederate Funds 
be established, can " undoubtedly be obtained " — and that its 
improvement — a part by its realization in gold and silver to 
be brought into the States, and a part by the sale of Bills of 
Exchange within the country — "might be attended with 
very salutary consequences." " At the same time," he says 
emphatically — " in aid of this remedy, heavy taxation should 
be liept up ; our debts should be paying ; our new emissions 
should be as small as possible; and punctually sunk off; — our 
yearly expenditures should certainly be reduced, by a yearly 
payment of taxes, and as much of the public funded Debt 
paid, from time to time, as circumstances will admit. A 
youthful, growing, vigorous, and industrious nation, need be 
under no great apprehension from a very considerable public 
Debt. Peace, Arts, Commerce, and Industry, will soon ex- 
onerate such a State, "f 

One other scheme for reducing the quantity of the circu- 
lating medium, and so of reducing the unequal and exorbi- 
tant cost of articles, was at this period recommended by 
Congress — which, though it received Trumbull's assent, did 
not receive his cordial approbation. It was that of regula- 
ting by law the prices of labor, manufactures, internal prod- 
uce, and imported commodities. A Convention for this pur- 
pose of the New England States — and of New York, New 

* " I don't know," says Trumbull, " how an internal one would operate. I am 
rather of opinion, that, until the value of the Paper Currency is fully ascertained 
by the Public, and so long as a rapid depreciation is going on, your monied people 
will rather choose to make the best of their money, in some kind of business, 
than to trust to an uncertain future redemption in the hands of the Public." 

+ The scheme of a foreign loan, above suggested by Trumbull, was by himself, 
and one Gossimus Erkelaus — a patriotic foreigner resident in Connecticut — urged 
particularly upon the attention of Congress. They each, at the same time, ad- 
dressed the National Council on the subject — the latter, from his connections 
abroad, his zeal in behalf of America, and his good repute as a business man, 
being employed by the Governor to interest himself, in Holland, in procuring 
funds for the use of the United States. Their commimications were both referred 
to the national Board of Finance. But Congress, being "not yet prepared to 
adopt the scheme" — as in a letter to Trumbull and his coadjutor they declared- 
declined the proffered negotiation. It was an instance of attention, however, on 
the part of Trumbull, to the financial wants of the country, that deserves note. 



418 CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware — was lield at Newhaven 
on the fifteenth of January, 1778, and Governor Trumbull, 
in introducing their proceedings to the notice of the General 
Assembly of Connecticut, remarks as follows : — 

" The Doings of the Convention at Newhaven, in the Regulation of 
prices, &c., will likewise come before you, and will demand your very 
serious consideration. As it is a matter of particular concern to the 
whole Body of the People, will it not be advisable to Defer your Deter- 
mination, until it can be referred to, and considered by them in their 
Town Meetings. At least it is not in my opinion safe to attempt the reg- 
ulation of those Articles which are immediately necessary for the support 
of the Army. We may, it is true, avail ourselves of whatever is at 
present on Hand — ^but, meantime, if we affix a low price to provisions, 
and articles of importation, we shall find that the Farmer will cease to 
till the Ground for more than is necessary for his subsistence, and the 
Merchant to resign his Fortune on a small and precarious prospect of 
Gain. These things, I trust, will be carefully attended to, and those 
measures adopted which will best promote the public good." 

It is plain from the passage now quoted, that Trumbull 
was rather opposed in principle to the regulation of prices 
by law. This is a fact which redounds to his credit as a po- 
litical economist. For at the time — this system — though 
now by universal concurrence deemed a solecism and fatal 
error in public administration — was in vogue. It seemed a 
good purpose to take from the hands of engrossers, fore- 
stallers, and others, such articles — beyond the required sup- 
ply for families — as were wanted for the Eevolutionary 
Army. But when it is considered that the only and true 
cause of the derangement of prices, at the period now under 
consideration, was the excessive issue of paper — and that all 
acts of limitation, fixing, under high penalties, maximums at 
which property should be sold, are in their nature arbitrary, 
and do not in fact tend to arrest the evil against which they 
are intended to provide — the scruples which we have found 
Trumbull to entertain, are fully justified. He earnestly de- 
sired a remedy in the case, but — like Washington in this 
respect — was not satisfied, it is obvious, with that of fixing 
prices by legal enactment — nor, among expedients proposed, 
did he ever for once admit that which in modern times has 



ms. CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 419 

SO stained the faith of some portions of our Union — the foul 
remedy of repudiation. But, with our own Eevolutionary 
Congress — and as they expressed it — " knowing the value of 
national character, and impressed with a due sense of the 
immutable laws of justice and honor" — ^he looked "with 
horror on such an execrable deed" as that of leaving the 
bills of the country unpaid. 



C HAPTE R XXXV. 

1778. 

A DOMESTIC affliction. Death of his son Joseph, and hia feelings in conse- 
quence. Sketch of the son. The father memorializes Congress in 
hehalf of hia son's accounts as Commissary General of the United 
States. Resolution of Congress respecting the same. The Wyoming 
Massacre. TrumhuU's special interest in the event. He prays both 
Washington and Congress for an armed force to avenge it. His letters 
on the subject. Through his influence, particularly, a force is finally 
raised, under Gen. Sullivan — the savages- are chastised — and protec- 
tion is given to frontier inhabitants He proclaims a public Thanks- 
giving. 

The year 1778 brougTit to Trumbull, among other events, 
a severe domestic affliction. On a Thursday — July twenty- 
third — his son Joseph, the first Commissary General of the 
United States, breathed his last, in the house of his father at 
Lebanon.* 

A gentleman — as Chief Justice Marshall remarks — whose 
talents, activity, and zeal, fitted him well for the important 
station which he held, for two years and more, during the 
most perilous and trying portion of the Eevolutionary 
War — he had labored in the Commissariat Department with 
exemplary fidelity — with in fact a degree of anxiety and ex- 
ertion that had overtasked his constitution, and brought 
him, at the comparatively early age of forty -two years, to 
his grave.f In January of the present year, he was unable, 

* The following' is Gov. Trumbull's entry, in his own Family Bible, of his son 
Joseph's death : — 

" Joseph d. at my house— Thursd. 28rd July 1778, at 4 o'clock, A. M." 

+ " The fatigues of his business," says the Governor, writing Henry Laurens, 
President of Congress, June 29th, 1778 — "but chiefly the trouble, sorrow, and 
grief for the treatment he received after all, broke his Constitution ; bro't him 
next door to death, and renders his recovery doubtful ; — former health and 
strength never to be expected." 

" On information," he writes in a paragraph immediately preceding this now 
quoted — "that my son Joseph Trumbull, late Commissary General, from fatigue 
beyond his strength, being dangerously ill. Lord's day morning, 14th instant, 1 
left Hartford, and came to Norwich ; found him better than my fears. He is in a 



1178. CHAP. XXXV. — TRUMBULL. 421 

on .'account of failing health, to take his seat at the Board of 
War, as his father, in his behalf, informed Congress at the 
time — and in April he was compelled, for the same reason, 
to resign his seat altogether at that Board — a post which he 
occupied for about one year. 

Long the partner of his father in business — long associated 
with him in Revolutionary service — full of enthusiasm in 
the cause of his country — open, frank, engaging, benevo- 
lent — well-educated, of finished manners — the eldest son — in 
the prime of manhood — but a short time married, and to the 
highly accomplished daughter of Eliphalet Dyer— the blow 
which severed him from the love and presence of a parent 
whose locks were now whitening with age, though endured 
by the latter with Christian resignation, was yet to him pe- 
culiarly painful. 

In a letter at the time to Roger Sherman and others, he 
alludes feelingly to his own "distresses," and "melancholy 
of mind" in connection with the event. It occurred directly 
in the midst of the anxious preparations he was making for 
the Rhode Island Expedition — preparations so pressing as to 
require a session of his own Council of Safety, at Lebanon, 
on the very day of his son's funeral. " His Excellency the 
Governor not present sitting with us, being the day of his 
son Col. Joseph Trumbull's interment" — reads most signifi- 
cantly the Record of this Body for August twenty-fourth. 

What a hint does this furnish us of the sad urgency of 
the times, that the Governor's own Council — themselves his 
intimate coadjutors in the public service, and warm personal 
friends — coadjutors and warm friends too of the deceased — 
should by the public dangers be compelled — in his own 
town — sitting in his own office — not twenty paces from the 
corpse of his eminent son — in the very presence as it were 

feeble condition, easily overset. I visited him tte 22d instant, and left him on 
the gaining hand. He prays his best compliments to you, and gratefully ac- 
knowledges the receipt of your late letters. Hopes he will be able so far to at- 
tend his Accounts, as to send his Cash Accounts. Mr. Hoskins, his head clerk, 
and others employed in his Accounts, are busy on them — not to equal advantage 
■without his assistance. 'Tis easy to conceive that in two years and a half supply 
of the Army, they are large and extensive. He had reduced his business into 
method, and got into a good train." 
36 



422 CHAP. XXXV. — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

of the dead — to forego tlie courtesy of an adjournment, and 
give themselves up to their ordinary cares and occupations — 
unable to ponder upon one who was going to his long home — 
denied the melancholy privilege of aiding a weeping father 
" to wrap the athletic in his shroud," and build his tomb.* 

From the first moment that his son Joseph was introduced 
into the service of the United States, Governor Trumbull 
had watched his career — as well as that of his other sons in 
their public capacities — with deep parental solicitude, and 
with the ever-recurring hope, that at any expense on their 
own part of time and exertion, and at the sacrifice even of 
personal emolument, they would prove eminently useful to 
their country. His pride as a parent was thoroughly en- 
listed in their success — and when, in 1775, Joseph was first 
appointed to his office as Commissary, he did not fail at the 
time to make his satisfaction known both to General Wash- 
ington and to the American Congress, and to add the stim- 
ulus of his own warm personal advice to the good purpose 
and efforts of his son. 

The performance of his duty, in a manner " answerable to 
your expectations," he said in a letter to Congress, August 
fourth, expressing his thanks — " will meet your approbation, 
and afford me peculiar satisfaction." 

" These instances of kindness," he wrote to "Washington, 
July thirty-first — referring both to his son Joseph's appoint- 
ment, and to that also of his son John as a member of Wash- 
ington's military family — "justly claim my most grateful 
acknowledgments." 

" Enclosed," he wrote the same day to his son Joseph — "is 
a letter of Thanks to the General for his kindness to you and 
your brother. I hope you will both conduct with honor, 
and satisfaction to him." 

" I apprehend," he said in another letter to the same, in 

* The following is his epitaph on the memorable family tomb at Lebanon : — 
" Sacred to the memory of Joseph Trumbull, eldest son of Governor Trumbull, 
and fir.st Commissary Gen'l of the United States of America, a service to whose 
perpetual cares and fatigues, ho fell a sacrifice A. D. 1778, M. 42. Full soon in- 
deed may liis person, his virtues, and even his extensive Benevolence bo forgot- 
ten by his friends and fellow-men. But blessed be God ! for the hope that in 
His presence he shall be remembered forever." 



1778. CHAP. XXXV. — TRUMBULL. 423 

September, referring on this occasion to his son Jonathan's 
office also, as Paymaster General of the Northern Army — " I 
apprehend danger in both your and his department as to 
your emoluments for your services" — but, he adds, "the 
great business is to discharge your trusts with ability and 
fidelity — to do all you can to serve our country, devoted to 
ruin by our enemies." 

The emoluments to which the Governor refers, and the 
settlement generally of his son Joseph's accounts, after his 
decease, gave his Excellency much anxiety and labor — and 
the manner in which he discharged his duty in this regard, 
is so honorable to his character, as to deserve, in connection 
with his son's proceedings previously, particular mention here. 

In July, 1777, on account of a new and unfortunate ar- 
rangement of the Commissariat, Colonel Joseph Trumbull 
resigned his office in that Department. Congress had under- 
taken to regulate it by dividing its duties between a Com- 
missary General of Purchases, and one also of Issues — with 
four deputies under each — all to be appointed by Congress — 
and the deputies not to be removable by the Head of the 
Department, but in case of any charge against them, to be sus- 
pended only by him, and then to be accused before Congress — ■ 
which Body alone was to have power to examine such 
charge, and either remove the party accused from his office, 
or restore him to it, as circumstances should determine. 

In the opinion of Colonel Trumbull, this was taking the 
proper control out from the hands of the proper authority 
the Commissary General — upon whom the selection and en- 
tire command of all the officers under himself, as " absolutely 
necessary to insure uniformity and obedience," ought to de- 
volve — and creating, in favor of the subordinate officers, an 
absurd and fatal independence of their legitimate superior. 
It was a plan which was adopted entirely against the advice 
and wishes of General Washington. It was a plan, which, 
persisted in by Congress, proved misjudged, and abortive, 
and had the effect of driving Colonel Trumbull from the 
office,* which under the new arrangement was promptly 
offered him again — that of Commissary General of Purchases. 

* " His experience taught him the incongruity and impracticability of the new 



424 CHAP. XXXV. — TRUMBULL. 



1778, 



" In my humble opinion," he MTote Congress, July nineteenth, 1777, 
stating his reasons for declining the commission then tendered him — 
" the head of every department ought to have the control of it. In this 
establishment an imperium in imperio is created. If I consent to act, I 
must be at continued variance with the whole department, and of course 
be in continued hot water. I must turn accuser, and be continually ap- 
plying to Congress, and attending with witnesses to support my charges, 
or I must sit down in ease and quiet, let the deputies do as they like, 
and enjoy a sinecure. The first situation I cannot think of — the last I 
never will accept. It never shall be said I was the first American pen- 
sioner. I am willing to do and suffer for my country, and its cause — but 
I cannot sacrifice my honor and my principles. I can by no means con- 
sent to act under a regulation, which, in my opinion, will never answer 
the purpose intended by Congress, nor supply the army as it should be. 

" I must beg Congress to appoint some person in my place as soon as 
may be ; until then I will continue to furnish the army as heretofore." 

And Colonel Trumbull did as he promised.* He fur- 
nished the army until his health rendered it impossible for 
him to perform the task any longer — at which time the De- 
partment — always under the new arrangement in difficulty — 
became at length so deranged as to require — just what Trum- 
bull had anticipated and foretold — a return to its old system 
of management — at which period, in April, 1778, it was 
committed anew to the sterling superintendence — as the sec- 
ond Commissary General of the United States — of another 
son of Connecticut — the able and enterprising Colonel Jere- 
miah Wadsworth. 

It was indeed a most arduous and important duty — this of 
feeding the armies of our Revolution — and it involved the 
officer at its head in the receipt and disbursement of vast 
sums of money, and in most extensive and ponderous ac- 
counts. These accounts, so far as the first Commissary Gener- 
al is concerned, were not settled by Congress up to the time 
of his death, though Colonel Trumbull had frequently ap- 
plied for the purpose. The father, therefore, soon after his 
son's decease, renewed solicitations on the subject. He 

regulation of the Commissariate : After experience teacheth us he was right. 
The Army feel its bad effects to this day." — Gov. Trumbull to Laurens, June 29, 
1778. 

* " He is honest and zealous in his country's cause. He cannot bear to see it 
suffer for want of any assistance in his power to afford." — Gov. Trumbull to the 
President of Congress, Jan. '2itJi, 1778. 



1778. CHAP. XXXV. — TRUMBULL. 425 

caused a full and clear Statement of all his son's transactions 
on public account to be submitted to Congress, in order — as in 
a letter to this Body dated October third, he says — " that jus- 
tice should now be done the Relict and heirs of the deceased, 
upon the same principles as he ever expected, while alive, 
should be done to himself — principles of at least equal gener- 
osity and liberality as are allowed to the present Commissa- 
ries General of Purchases, whose task, by the path having 
been in a great measure traced, explored, and ascertained by 
the first Commissary General, has by that means become in 
a measure easy and familiar to them, thro' the care, the atten- 
tion, industry, and application of him who may perhaps be 
said to have lost his life in the arduous pursuit. I must beg 
your attention to this object," he adds, " that it may be speed- 
ily determined. It was always grievous to my son that Con- 
gress were never pleased to take up the matter on his own 
representation."* 

Governor Trumbull had the pleasure of securing at last 
from Congress ample attention to the accounts of his son — of 
having them fully approved — and all due allowances made 
for the benefit of the legal representatives of the deceased. f 

He had the high satisfaction also of finding Congress adopt 
a Resolution afl&rming that "the late Commissary General 
Joseph Trumbull, coming into office in the earliest stage of 

* Writing Congress again, Dec. 10th, 1778, through Henry Laurens, its Presi- 
dent, he says : " Your esteemed favor of the 10th of last month, is now before 
me. I feel a pleasure in the estimation you express of the services of my lute 
son, the first Commissary-General. My own thoughts have often turned in the 
same strain ; and I fondly think still, that the disadvantages accruing to the 
States, in consequence of his being obliged to leave that service, is not overrated 
by your estimation — but that is passed. He is gone. I now only wait for tluit 
justice I think is due his Estate, from the Public, for those services he actually 
performed." And he goes on to state that his son Jonathan is arranging the ac- 
counts of the Commissary, and will shortly exhibit them for settlement at Phila- 
delphia. "Their appearance," he remarks, "allowing for times and circum- 
stances in which the business was conducted, is favorable beyond expectation." 

t These allowances were, a commission of one half per cent., on the gross sura 
of all monies received and issued by him for public service — and also a commis- 
sion of two and a half per cent., on such sums as were laid out in purchases made 
by himself. His brother Jonathan Trumbull, Junior, as his Admmistrator, was 
principally employed, under the direction of the Board of Treasury, to settle the 
accounts of the deceased. They were settled at the public expense, and addi- 
tional clerks were authorized by Congress to aid the Treasury Board in the execu- 
tion of the trust. _„j, 
36* 



426 CHAP. XXXV. — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

the American contest, found himself without a system by 
which to trace the plan of his duty ; that with great care, in- 
dustry, labor, and attention, he instituted a plan by which the 
army, during his continuance in office, was amply supplied, 
with much economy and to general satisfaction; that during 
his commissariate, he was obliged to act not only in capacity 
of Commissary General of purchases, but to direct all the is- 
sues of provisions, and for near two campaigns had the addi- 
tional duty of purveyor of the hospitals and Quartermaster 
General, the three last of which employments greatly in- 
creased his care and trouble, but not so much his expenditure 
of monies"— that he "made great savings to the public by 
his large and seasonable purchases and contracts, out-running 
and anticipating in many instances the orders of Congress, 
by which means he kept up large supplies, thereby modera- 
ting the demands of the seller, intercepting monopolies, and 
keeping down prices" — and that a compensation for services 
by the said Commissary General still remained to be made. 

We have now reviewed the career of Trumbull during the 
fourth year of the Revolutionary War. Our pen is upon its 
close. Yet ere we leave it quite, one other fact deserves to 
be commemorated, of which j ust at this time the Governor — 
in letters from his own pen, has left us a brief memorial.. 

It relates to that appalling, almost world-startling assault, 
which, beyond the Delaware — at Wyoming — laid eight beau- 
tiful towns belonging to Connecticut in ashes — consigned an 
extensive and fertile territory, at the very time when it was 
loaded with most luxuriant crops, to desolation — and de- 
voted the larger part of more than one thousand hardy and 
enterprising families — in the midst of a supposed security, 
and under the guarantee of repeated pacific assurances — to 
the hatchet and to fire — to 

" the fatal wile 
Of Indian ambuscade, the maddened shout 
Of massacre — the i\\(<:\\t of timid forms, 
And moan of sireless orphans." 

The event was sudden — was almost without one note of 
warning. The able-bodied, effective men of the Colony — 



1778. CHAP. XXXV. — TRUMBULL. 427 

nearly one thousand of tliem in all — were away, fighting for 
their country in the Continental Line. Few, save grey-haired 
men and boys, remained at home to protect the settlement, 
and till the crops. The merciless British, tories and Indians, 
in consequence, had full opportunity for their work of de- 
struction, and neither Washington or Trumbull had chance 
to anticipate or provide against it. On the ears of both, 
therefore, the blow fell like a thunderbolt. 

Trumbull, particularly, it filled with the most poignant 
grief For here was a colony from Connecticut — flourishing 
towns and a whole county from the loins, and still within the 
body of that State which he himself governed — a district for 
whose title and whose vitality as a member of his own good 
old Commonwealth, he had himself painfully toiled — a dis- 
trict interwoven in all civil, political, and religious affinities, 
and by the ligament too of a regular semi-monthly post, with 
that by which he was himself immediately surrounded — here 
it was now, draining down to the bitterest dregs, and more 
deeply than any other portion of our common land, the cup 
of revolutionary afflictions. Here it was, "given up a total 
prey to pillage and conflagration" — with but one-twelfth 
only of its property left — with but a little fragment only of 
its population in being — and this consisting chiefly of w^id- 
ows and orphans, who were now either wandering through 
the woods, or begging their way back to their friends in the 
east, in utter beggary and destitution.''^ 

"What could the Governor do? Nothing, under the cir- 
cumstances — distance from the scene of action considered, 
and the active employment of Connecticut troops in other 
directions — nothing but interpose his prayer to Washington, 
and to Congress, for a force sufficient to avenge on the foe its 
onslaught, and give new and lasting protection for the future, 

* It would be nearly impossible to estimate the amount of damage sustained, 
but the list of assessments for 1777-8 amounted to £20,322.17 ; and in November, 
1780, the list of Westmoreland was £2,353— making the difference of £17,969.17. 
The miserable state of destitution at Wyoming was such that, in August, 1781, 
all the males from sixteen to seventeen years of age were only 143 ; they all had 
but 24 yoke of oxen, 14 three year old steers, and 18 two year old steers and 
heifers ; while at the same time Connecticut counted sixty-one soldiers from 
Westmoreland in the army ! 



428 CHAP. XXXV. — TRUMBULL. 1778 

to doomed "Westmoreland, and to the whole western frontier. 
This he did, and in terms of earnest entreaty. 

" I must now beg leave," he wrote the Commander-in-chief, 
August twenty-seventh, 1778 — " to turn your attention to a 
case of peculiar and accumulated distress " — and he goes on 
to describe the devastation on the Susquehannah — "a particu- 
lar representation whereof," he says he has received from 
"Messrs. Jenkins, Gallup, and Harding, persons of integrity," 
and settlers from the eastern part of Connecticut "who had 
the good fortune to escape the carnage." 

"Your Excellency," he proceeds, "hath undoubtedly been made ac- 
quainted with the distresses of this People, and felt the tenderest emo- 
tions for them, and a willingness to afford them all the relief in your 
power, consistent with the safety and good of the whole. 

" I have this day written to Congress on the subject, and proposed to 
their consideration whether it would not be advisable that a sufficient 
force, to consist of 1500 or 2000 men, be immediately sent to that part 
of the country, under whose protection the inhabitants would return and 
secure their crops — which would be an important acquisition — and also 
to pursue that detestable Banditti into their own country, chastise them 
for their insolence and cruelty exercised towards the innocent inhabitants 
aforementioned, and effectually prevent their making any further depre- 
dations on that, or any other of our back settlements. Such a measure, 
I am persuaded, would produce the happiest effects. I would recom- 
mend it to your Excellency's consideration, and in case the state of the 
army and present appearance of things will permit, that your Excellency 
would order a sufficient number to be detached, and employed for the 
purpose aforesaid." 

Congress, in the judgment of Trumbull, acted, in the 
emergency, altogether too slowly and inadequately. Again 
therefore, and in terms of remonstrance — for the subject was 
never out of his mind — he addressed this Body. 

"The depredations," he wrote them, December eighth, through the 
members from Connecticut — " which were made last summer on our set- 
tlements at Susquehannah were very alarming — it is so likewise that no 
provisions are made for the security of those inhabitants who returned 
to take care of what the enemy did not destroy. I am informed that the 
force hitherto sent is in no measure sufficient to prevent mischief being 
done there very frequently — that there are great quantities of pork and 
grain remaining, but that many of the inhabitants, who were returning 



1778. CHAP. XXXV. — TRUMBULL. 429 

with the intention to re-settle their habitations, are discouraged, and 
coming off through fear of the plunderers that often appear among them. 
Ought not an adequate number to repel the Enemy to be sent, for relief 
of the suffering inhabitants that do remain there. I esteem it a matter 
worthy serious and early consideration." 

And soon — in union with tlie Governor of New York — • 
Trumbull followed up the remonstrance now quoted, with 
another letter, and with carefully prepared memorials respect- 
ing the depredations and dangers upon the western frontier. 
These papers, by special order of Congress, were transmitted 
to the Commander-in-chief of the American Army, with 
particular instruction to the latter to take ^'■effectual meas- 
ures " now " for the protection of the inhabitants, and chas- 
tisement of the savages " — measures which Washington did 
not fail to pursue, and which, in 1779 — through the instru- 
mentality of a thoroughly equipped and resistless force under 
General Sullivan — swept in turn the land of the Six Nations 
with destruction like a whirlwind, and effectually shivered 
their murderous arm. 

Spite of the disaster, however, at "Wyoming, the general 
result of the Campaign of 1778 was favorable to the Ameri- 
can cause. The enemy made no important headway. The 
army under Washington had sustained itself well, and been 
encouraged by a few, though small, yet brilliant successes. 
France had become openly our ally. Spain was leaning to 
our side. The hearts of the American people remained 
united. 

It had been the duty of Trumbull, in April, to proclaim a 
day for fasting, humiliation, and prayer. It became his duty 
now, as the year closed, to proclaim a day for public thanks- 
giving. This he did — for the thirtieth of December — and in 
his usual fervid strain upon such occasions, called upon all 
the people under his charge — in view of the mercies of God, 
manifested by his supporting them in a just and necessary 
war — by his affording them seasonable supplies for their 
armies — by his disposing the heart of a powerful monarch to 
enter into alliance with them — by his defeating the evil de- 
signs of their enemies— and by his continuing that union 
among the States which was their strength and glory — for 



430 CHAP. XXXV. — TRUMBULL. 1778. 

these reasons he called upon liis people, with the country at 
large, to express a just sense of the Divine Favor. Pray — 
he enjoined — that under the smiles of Heaven our public 
counsels may continue to be directed — our arms by land and 
sea be prospered — our Liberties and Independence secured — 
our schools and seminaries of learning flourish — our trade be 
revived — our husbandry and manufactures be increased — and 
the hearts of all be impressed with undissembled piety, and 
with benevolence, and zeal for the public good. 



CHAPTE R XXXVI. 
1779. 

State of the Revolutionary Struggle. The main theatre of war now at 
the South. The campaign of this year marked hy comparative debili- 
ty. Enlistments difficult. Trumbull completes the quota of Con- 
necticut in the Continental Army by adding eight hundred men — 
some of -whom participate in the attack on Stony Point. He also furn- 
ishes troops for Rhode Island, and supplies the famishing there with 
food. His Brief for the purpose. The enemy, much to his joy, 
abandon Newport. He calls for four thousand troops to cooperate with 
D'Estaign, upon the expected return of the French fleet to the 
North. His Proclamation for the purpose, D'Estaign. however, sails 
for the West Indies. Trumbull hears from various quarters — and par- 
ticularly from Arthur Lee in Paris — that a fierce renewal of the de- 
vastating policy of the British King and Ministry, is designed. His 
precautions in consequence. The enemy land and pillage Newhaven 
Trumbull hears of it by express — orders out fresh troops — and sends 
to Washington for help. 

The year 1779, and Trumbull ! It was a year, fifth in the 
progress of the Kevolutionary Struggle — and marked, like 
the last, so far as the country at large is concerned — save 
in the remarkable successes at Stony Point and Powles 
Hook — by no very brilliant results in favor of the American 
arms. 

But, on the other hand — from an overweening confidence 
engendered in the public mind by the alliance with France, 
and by the connection which soon followed with Spain — 
from a reaction in point of effort and patriotism on the part 
of the people — from the wretched policy, still continued, of 
short enlistments — from the depreciation of the currency, 
and destructive spirit of speculation — and from diversions 
and factions in Congress — the Campaign was characterized 
by general inaction and debility. 

The theatre of war — except so far as Connecticut territori- 
ally is concerned — was now transferred to the South — where 
Georgia was soon overrun, and every preparation made by 
the enemy to invade the Carolinas, and to extend the sphere 



432 CHAP. XXXVI. — TEUMBULL. 1779. 

of conquest from this region northward. Congress was ex- 
ceedingly tardy this year in replenishing the national army. 
It was not until the ninth of March even that requisitions 
were made upon the States for their several quotas. Meas- 
ures, in short, were not adopted for raising men, until the 
time when they should have been already in camp, thor- 
oughly trained and prepared for service. When adopted, 
they were carried into effect very slowly — and this in spite 
of advice and entreaties to the contrary from Washington — 
from Trumbull — and from others of those leading spirits of 
the day, who in no respect yielded to the overwrought ex- 
}>ectation of the country in regard to the speedy termination 
of the war — but who, on the other hand, foresaw nothing 
but disappointment and ruin to the American cause from the 
prevailing false hopes, bewildering apathy, and general 
neglect. 

It was not until the close of July, that Washington re- 
ceived a single reenforcement to his army, since the last 
campaign, save four hundred recruits from Massachusetts. 
Yet, so far as Trumbull is concerned, there was not in this 
particular sphere of labor the same necessity for exertion 
which existed in previous years. The Connecticut quota of 
troops in the Continental Line of the preceding year was so 
little diminished by the expiration of enlistments, or by sick- 
ness, desertion, or other causes, as that but eight hundred 
more effective men were required from the State to make her 
battalions complete. These, with the aid of one hundred 
and fifty thousand dollars granted him by Congress for the 
purpose, Trumbull proceeded with due expedition to raise, 
clothe, and equip. And he had the pleasure of seeing them 
take their places, quickly as possible, in the Grand Army of 
the country on the banks of the Hudson — there, some of them, 
to achieve glory in that immortal band under General Wayne, 
which, on the fifteenth of July — in the dead of night — with 
unsurpassed intrepidity — without a bullet in their muskets, 
or a whisper in their mouths — under a tremendous fire of 
grape shot and musketry — mounted the works at Stony 
Point — struck the British standard from its height — and 
made the hours of darkness suddenly vocal with Major Po- 



1779. CHAP, XXXVI. — TRUMBULL. 433 

sev's soul-thrilling cry — ^'■The forVs our own P''^ "May we 
not forget on this event," wrote the grateful Governor at this 
timef — "duly to notice the hand of the Supreme Director of 
events, who causes us to sing of mercies in the midst of 
judgments!" 

Two calls more upon Trumbull, and two only — in the way 
of providing troops for the general service of the country, 
outside of the State — were made during the year now under 
consideration. One was for the Connecticut quota for Rhode 
Island, as settled by the Springfield Convention. This Trum- 
bull furnislied as usual — and, early in the year, he performed 
another duty towards the State in question which deserves 
particular mention. 

The long presence of the enemy there — sweeping com- 
pletely, as they did, with their power the whole island on 
which they were posted, and lowering like a storm-cloud 
ready to disgorge itself on the whole adjacent Main — had 
caused very great distress to a large number of the inhabit- 
ants there. It had stripped them of property. It had de- 
barred them from cultivating their lands. It had cut off their 
trade, navigation, and fishery — and thrown them — women 
and children many — unhappy fugitives all — upon the com- 
passion and charity of the country. Even national interven- 
tion was called out at last for their relief. "Many must in- 
evitably perish unless they are speedily supplied with the 
necessaries of life " — reported to Congress the Delegates from 
Rhode Island, in February. And Congress, in consequence, 
recommended the States of Connecticut and New York — so 
far as the supply of provisions for the sufferers, by land, is 
concerned — to repeal their respective embargo acts. 

The Governor, and Council, and General Assembly of 
Connecticut, had anticipated this recommendation. " The 
State of Rhode Island," wrote Trumbull, February twenty- 
second, to Dyer and others in Congress — " has received a 
grant for seven thousand bushels of grain to be carried from 
hence thither — with a Brief throughout this State for the 

* He was the first — standing ty the side of Col. Henry, who first struck the 
British standard — to give tongue to this phrase of victory, 
tnis letter to Maj. Gen. 0. Wolcott. 
37 



434 CHAP. XXXVI. — TKUMBULL. 1779. 

sufferers driven from the Island of Ehode Island — which 
■will raise both money and grain for their relief. I have re- 
ceived nothing from the President [of Congress] on that or 
any other head." 

The Brief to which Trumbull here refers, was an Authority 
given to Jonathan Otis, and Oliver K. Warner, of Newport, 
to collect in every Eeligious Society in Connecticut, dona- 
tions for the sufferers from "the charitable and well-disposed." 
Trumbull, with characteristic humanity, took pains to pro- 
mote this benevolent purpose.* He granted permits freely 
for the transportation of flour, and other necessaries, into the 
afflicted region — and the succor thus afforded he continued, 
whenever necessarj^, until the British pall was wholly lifted 
from the territory of Rhode Island. 

That was indeed to him a gratifying moment, when this 
event took place — when, by letter from Providence, October 
thirtieth. General Gates informed him that the troops of the 
enemy — stealing surreptitiously away in the darkness of the 
night — all their heavy artillery and a large quantity of stores 
left behind — by "an extraordinary and j^recipitate abandon- 
ment," yielded Newport — for the undisputed possession of 
whose ramparts Trumbull had so long and so earnestly 
toiled — into American hands. 

The troops of Gates — all the Continental troops that had 
been employed in Rhode Island — soon — about the middle of 
November — marched for Head Quarters on the banks of the 
Hudson. They took their way — a day or two apart — in two 
divisions — on through Plainfield, Canterbury, and Wind- 
ham — to encamp, near a week, at Hartford, ere they marched 
again for their final destination. The road they followed, 
was at some points but five or six miles distant from the 
family mansion of that Governor, who was among the fore- 
most to feel for their dangers, to supply their necessities, and 

* To the people everyrvhere he said, in the language of a legislative resolution 
of the time — tliat, while "they adored the gracious Providence, which, in the 
course of a wasting and distressing, though just and necessary war, had exempted 
them from so many of the calamities and desolations which had fallen on some 
of the sister States" of the Union — they should "cheerfully and liberally con- 
tribute, each one according to his ability, for the relief of those who suffered 
under the rigorous, inhuman, and vindictive cruelty of our common enemy." 



1779. CHAP. XXXVI. — TRUMBULL. 435 

to pray for their success. How pleasant now to imagine, 
that — attracted by their proximity for a time to his own 
house — Trumbull might have ridden over to gratify his eye 
with the spectacle of their columns on their winding way — 
to take Gates, their chief commander, and Livingston, Jack- 
son, Webb, Green, Angell, and Sherburne, their colonels, by 
the hand, in mutual congratulation — perhaps to receive com- 
plimentary salutes, heart-bestowed, from scores of drums and 
ear-piercing fifes — from the mouths of thousands of muskets, 
and from the brazen throats of Colonel Crane's artiller}^ — the 
echoes of whose thunder, rolling up and down the valley of 
the Shetucket, and upon the bosom of the murmuring 
Thames, may have been borne from Tolland Lake to the 
Falls of Yantic, and from Yantic to the sea. Just tribute, if 
such perchance there might have been, to one of the most 
dauntless of Work-masters for Liberty ! 

The other of the two calls, this year, upon Governor 
Trumbull for troops, to which we have referred, was, in Oc- 
tober, for a force to cooperate with Count D'Estaign — just 
when the fleet of the latter, after the attack on Savannah, 
was "hourly looked for" on the northern coast, to renew, in 
conjunction with Washington, assaults upon the foe at New- 
port and New York. Upon this occasion, the Commander- 
in-chief made a requisition on Trumbull for four thousand 
militia.* Promptly, as usual — the General Assembly assent- 
ing — the latter issued his Proclamation for the purpose. 
" Taking into consideration," as in this document he said, 
" the foregoing requisition — the important reasons on which 
it is granted, and the happy consequences, which, by the 
blessing of Almighty God, may attend a cheerful and vigor- 
ous exertion in this peculiar and great occasion — [taking into 
consideration also] the singularly noble and generous con- 
duct of the French Admiral in leaving to hazard his acqui- 
sitions in the West Indies, and coming to our aid at the re- 
quest of Congress — and the emotions he must feel if disap- 
pointed of the spirited cooperation he has been made to ex- 

* He at the same time required from Massachusetts two thousand — from New 
York twenty-five hundred — from New Jersey two thousand — and from Pennsyl- 
vania one thousand. 



436 CHAP, XXXVI. — TRUMBULL. 1779. 

pect from tlie several States " — lie tlie Governor, therefore, 
called for " a free, cheerful, and immediate enlistment " of the 
required number of men. 

They were to be formed into two brigades — which were to 
rendezvous along the coast and western frontiers of Connec- 
ticut, either for defence in these directions, or for cooperation 
with the French, as the Governor and Council should direct. 
And he urged officers and privates, all, to provide themselves 
with necessar}'" arms, blankets, and equipments — for all of 
which he promised them "a reasonable allowance and full 
compensation, if lost without their default." And at the 
same time, by the consideration of " the happiness and salva- 
tion of their country," he earnestly pressed the neighbors and 
friends of those who enlisted " to lend and furnish " with 
equipments all such as could not supply themselves. The 
brigades were raised.* Every thing that Congress or Wash- 
ington required in the case, was fully effected. But D'Es- 
taign did not, as expected, sail for the North, but away for 
the West Indies. The force, therefore, which the energy of 
Trumbull had thus collected for cooperation with the French, 
was in December disbanded. 

Though thus — as regards the defence of the country at 
large — Governor Trumbull was not called upon the present 
year to make exertions by any means so strenuous as those 
he made in previous periods of the war — yet, so far as the 
home defence of Connecticut is concerned, there was no year 
wijich gave him so much anxiety and duty as this of seven- 
teen hundred seventy-nine. For it was at this time that the 
enemy — in order at any event to drive the Colonies into sub- 
mission, or to render their accession to France, if such was to 
be the issue, of as little avail as possible — began to pursue sys- 
tematically, and relentlessly, the system of making the Ameri- 

*"The time," -WTOte Trnmbnll to Washington, November fifth, "when the 
arrival of the fleet iinder Count D'Estuign may be expected, being so far advanced 
that the utmost readiness to cooperate with him is become necessary, sliould he 
appear on this coast, and the immediate danger to which our own seaports will be 
exposed from the collected force of the enemy, should he be prevented from com- 
ing this way, have prevailed to induce the General Assembly of this State to 
order the militia, requested by your Excellency, to be assembled at the places of 
rendezvous proposed, as soon as possible." 



1779. CHAP. XXXVI. — TRUMBULL. 437 

can coasts scenes of perfect desolation. And Connecticut 
was now the first among the States to feel — and to feel more 
deeply than any other one in the Union — the effects of this 
ill-fated and detestable policy. 

Johnson, Carlisle, and Eden, the King's Commissioners to 
America of the preceding year, had threatened this course. 
" The policy as well as benevolence of Great Britain," they 
said in their boastful Proclamation to the Colonies — " have 
thus far checked the extremes of war." But when America, 
they menacingly added, " professes the unnatural design, not 
only of estranging herself from us, but of mortgaging her- 
self to our enemies, the whole contest is changed, and the 
question is, how far Great Britain may, by any means in her 
power, destroy and render useless a connection contrived for 
her ruin, and for the aggrandizement of France." Instruc- 
tions to the same effect came from the British Ministry to 
Sir Henry Clinton. " Keep the coasts of the enemy con- 
stantly alarmed " — wrote Lord George Germain. "Destroy 
their ships and magazines. Prevent the rebels from becom- 
ing a formidable maritime power, and obstructing the com- 
merce of his Majesty's subjects, and from sending out that 
swarm of privateers which has enabled and encouraged them 
to persevere in their revolt ! " 

The instructions thus given — notwithstanding a counter- 
manifesto from the American Congress that " exemplary 
vengeance " should be taken, if the policy they contemplated 
was attempted — were yet to a great extent executed — and 
with a Vandal-like ferocity — as Connecticut, unfortunately, 
experienced — she particularly at this time having been se- 
lected by the foe for a victim. 

Governor Trumbull early heard that such was to be the 
future policy of the English King and Ministry. It was in 
fact foreshadowed, towards the close of February, by the 
invasion of Greenwich — when fourteen or fifteen hundred of 
the enemy, under General Tryon, destroyed some salt-works 
and a store, burnt a schooner, plundered the inhabitants of 
the principal part of their effects, broke furniture and win- 
dows, and stripped many families even of the clothes on their 
backs. But Trumbull had better information of British de- 



438 CHAP. XXXVI. — TRUMBULL. 1119. 

signs than tliis foray alone would give him — and he had it 
from abroad. 

"I have received intelligence," wrote to him Arthur Lee 
from Paris, April sixth — " that it is just determined in the 
British Cabinet to send over immediate orders to New- York, 
for an expedition through the Sound up Connecticut Eiver. 
The enemy are to land at Wethersfield, and proceed by land 
to Newhaven Ba}^, where they are to embark, after having 
plundered, burnt, and destroyed all in their way." " The 
English Parliament have given orders to burn the sea-coast 
of New England — particularly to burn Newhaven, Hartford, 
and Boston " — reported also to Trumbull Captain Niles, on 
his return from the European seas. Such at this time was 
the complexion of news from abroad. 

" Sixteen transports, I am informed," he was apprized by Washington 
in March — " with a flat-boat each, a sloop-of-war of sixteen guns, and 
five or six strong privateers, went up the Sound a few days ago with a 
view of joining the Scorpion and Thames of twenty guns. The advices 
also say, that the Admiral [Gambier] in a sixty-four, with a sloop-of-war, 
sailed from the Hook about the same time, with a pilot acquainted with 
Long Island and the Sound, that the supposed design of the expedition is to 
take the frigates at New London, and that their determination now is to 
plunder and distress the coast. There are accounts, besides these, that 
troops have been drawing towards the east end of the island, and 
some flat-boats building under the direction of Sir TTiniam Erskine. It 
is added, that General Clinton is gone there himself" 

Such was the complexion of advices at this time which 
Trumbull received from Washington. 

In this conjuncture, therefore, he made every preparation 
in his power to ward off the impending calamity. Two regi- 
ments had been regularly ordered in the spring for the de- 
fence of the State. These he hurried to their stations. He 
added new guards along the sea-coast. He improved signals, 
multiplied expresses, increased the munitions of war, and 
strengthened all works of defence. In particular he largely 
augmented the troops at New London, and General Putnam 
went there to take the command. He ordered the militia 
everywhere to be ready for instant service. " Call out your 
brigade." he specially instructed General Wolcott — "and 



1T79. CHAP. XXXVI. — TRUMBULL. 439 

guard the stores at Danbury, and the whole western frontier, 
and the pass from Fishkill to Fredericksborough I " 

But spite of all these precautions, the blow came — like a 
thief in the night, came unexpectedly in the quai'ters where 
it fell — and with a devastating force. Monday, July fifth — 
at two o'clock on the morning of that very day on which 
the citizens of Newhaven were to assemble to celebrate the 
Declaration of Independence — the Camilla and Scorpion, 
British men-of-war — with forty-eight tenders and transports, 
bearing from twenty-six hundred to three thousand men — 
anchored off the beautiful city of Davenport, and Eaton, and 
Sherman, and Wooster. 

Sunrise — and the foe landed. In vain the small, but brave 
and spirited force of militia and volunteers which opposed 
them. Noon — and they entered the town. Afternoon and 
night — and Newhaven was given up to pillage and to out- 
rage. Houses were sacked — many burned. Stores, and 
magazines, and shipping, at Long Wharf, were reduced to 
ashes. Individuals, even women and children — shocking 
execrations in their ears, and the bayonet at their breasts — 
were everywhere insulted, lacerated, and robbed. The vener- 
able President of Yale College,* while pleading for his life, 
was gashed four times to the skull-bone, and then plundered. 
Worthy, inoffensive old Mr. Beers, was shot in his own door- 
way. The aged and helpless Mr. English was murdered in 
his own house. An insane man had his tongue cut out, and 
was then killed. The honored widow of General Wooster 
was seized, hurled mercilessly about, cursed, and, with a 
bayonet levelled at her bosom, made to give up her plate, and 
part of her attire. Some women, less fortunate than herself, 
escaped the reigning brutality only with ravishment. 

Tuesday morning — and this execrable scene of British 
barbarity was ended. The foe suddenly retired — with plun- 
der, much of it — with about forty inhabitants taken cap- 
tive — having killed outright no less than twenty-seven 
others, wounded nineteen, and despoiled Newhaven — in the 
teeth of their lying proclamation of immunity to all who 

*Dr. Napthali Daggett. 



4-iO CHAP. XXXVI. — TRUMBULL. 1779. 

sliould remain peaceably within tlieir own dwellings — of 
more than one hundred thousand dollars worth of property. 
Expresses flew with the news of this invasion to Trumbull 
at Lebanon — and to the commanding officer also at New 
London, The Governor at once sent the intelligence to 
General Wolcott, and to General Ward, with fresh incite- 
ments to vigilance, and fresh orders to establish posts wher- 
ever necessary on the sea-coast, and to watch the frontiers. 
He at once also transmitted the intelligence to General Wash- 
ington, and prayed for help. The militia in the region 
around him were ordered under arms, and to be ready to 
march to the scene of danger. But news quickly reached 
him — on Julj^ the eighth — that General Tryon had left New 
Haven. Here was a pause, therefore, now for his anxiety. 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 
1779. 

The attack on Fairfield, and report of a projected attack on Hartford. 
Trumbull's measures in consequence. The attack on Norwalk, and his 
measures. The alarms upon other parts of the Connecticut coast, and 
his successful -watchfulness against future hostile descents. Maritime 
losses and gains this year. Loss of the Oliver Crom-well, and of the 
privateer Governor Trumbull. The whaleboat system again, and 
Trumbull. 

The pause for Trumbull, witli wliich our last Chapter 
closes, was brief indeed — but for a few hours only. The 
very next day after he heard of the evacuation by the 
enemy of Newhaven, he received news of their attack on 
Fairfield. 

Sure enough! There they were — ^July seventh — in an- 
other beautiful town of Connecticut — the scattered, desultory 
fire from a few intrepid militia-men and volunteers who op- 
posed them, having proved fruitless — there they were, the 
bloody Hessian and Yager bandits, again let loose for plun- 
der and rapine — again sacking houses — breaking open desks, 
trunks, and closets — seizing pocket-books, and even but- 
tons — dashing glasses, ware of china and stone, and furni- 
ture of all kinds, in pieces — threatening lives, and taking 
many. Wrapping one poor victim in a sheet saturated with 
rum, they burned him to death. They knocked down, and 
rifled, the old and infirm. They stripped with violence rings 
and buckles from feeble women. They robbed them of their 
bonnets, their aprons, their handkerchiefs. Pouring into 
their ears language the most foul and profane, they left them 
with but just strength enough to escape, stunned, bruised, 
and fainting, from a "horrid conflict" in defence of their vir- 
tue. And at last they consummated their hellish work by 
firing the town — the conflagration — while a sudden thunder 
storm overspread the heavens — illumining "the earth, the 
skirts of the clouds, and the waves of the Sound, with an 



442 CHAP. XXXYII. — TRUMBULL. 



1779. 



union of gloom and grandeur at once inexpressibly awful 
and magnificent."* 

Ninety-seven dwelling houses — sixty-seven barns, most of 
them just filled with wheat, from a harvest that was extraor- 
dinarily bountiful — when the fields had borne a "load" 
more "ponderous" than for many years before — forty-eight 
stores — two school houses — one County House — two Meeting 
Houses, and one Episcopal Church — nearly two hundred 
thousand dollars worth of property in all — these were the 
sacrifices which at this time "pleasant Fairfield" made to its 
ferocious assailants. Such "the smoking ruins, marks of 
hostile ire," to which it was devoted when Tryon "sealed its 
melancholy doom."f 

*Wliat a scene! The sky, in the vivid language of Dr. Dwight — "speedily 
hung with the deepest darkness, wherever the clouds were not tinged with the 
melancholy lustre of the flames" — the lightnings at intervals blazing " with a 
livid and terrible splendor"— the thunder rolling above — beneath, the waving of 
the fires filling up the intervals " with a deep and hollow soimd, which seemed 
to be the protracted murmur of the thunder, reverberated from one end of heaven 
to the other ! Add to this convulsion of the elements, and to these dreadful ef- 
fects of vindictive and wanton devastation, the trembling of the earth, the sharp 
sound of muskets, occasionally discharged, the groans here and there, of the 
wounded and dying, and the shouts of triumph." Then let the Keader place be- 
fore his eyes " crowds of the miserable sufl'erers, mingled with bodies of the 
militia, and from the neighboring hills taking a farewell prospect of their property 
and their dwellings, their happiness and their hopes," and he "will form a just 
but imperfect picture of the burning of Fairfield." It needed "no great eflfort of 
imagination" on the part of those who were witnesses of the event, adds Dr. 
Dwight — "to believe that the final day had arrived, and that, amid this funeral 
darkness, the morning would speedily dawn to which no night would ever suc- 
ceed, the graves yield up their inhabitants, and the trial commence, at which was 
to be finally settled the destiny of man." 

+ Language from an elegy written by Col. Humphreys, in 1779, on the spot 
where the town stood. The following interesting entry was made in the Eecord 
of the Congregational Church at Faii-field, by its pastor at the time when Tryon 
laid the town in ashes — the Eev. Andrew Elliot. 

" 1779, July 7. A part of the Biitish enemy, consisting of Britons, Germans, 
and American refugees, under the command of Maj. Gen. Trj'on and Brig. Gen. 
Garth, landed in this town from a fleet, commanded by Sir George Collier. 

"In the evening and night of the same day, great part of the buildings in the 
town plot were consumed in the flames by said troops. 

" July 8th. In the morning the Meeting House, together with the Church of 
England buildings, the Court House, Prison, and almost all the principal build- 
ings in the Society, were laid in ashes. 

" Our holy and our beautiful house 
"Where our fathers praised thee, is 
Burnt up with fire ; and all our 
Pleasant things are laid waste. 



1119. CHAP. XXXVII. — TRUMBULL. 443 

Again quickly, expresses — wliicli in the present emergency 
Trumbull bad established — at but fourteen or fifteen miles 
only apart — all the way from Lebanon to the New York 
line — bore to him the news of this fresh invasion. And 
with this news came also a report that a formidable body of 
the enemy, six thousand in number, were advancing into 
Connecticut by the western frontier — were already at Eye 
Neck — bent on devastation — and on making Hartford, more 
particularly now, feel their vengeance. 

Again therefore Trumbull armed the State for a crisis. 
He augmented to its full complement the two battalions that 
had been already ordered for home defence. He sent three 
hundred Lighthorse to Newhaven. He directed all the mili- 
tia of the third brigade, and one-quarter of the two brigades 
of General Douglass and General Wolcott, to assemble at 
New London — Washington had informed him by express 
that he had instructed General Glover — who about this time 
was on his way from Providence to join the Main Army on 
the banks of the Hudson — to take his course not far from 
Long Island Sound, and cooperate with the troops of Connec- 
ticut in case the enemy should make a descent. Trumbull 
immediately, therefore, sent an urgent request to Glover to 
bring his brigade on by Norwich to New London, That is a 
post, he wrote, which must "not be left naked for a day." 

He again also urged Washington for further aid from the 
Continental Army. "Mine of this morning," wrote Wash- 
ington in reply, from his Head Quarters at Windsor, July 
twelfth — "will inform you that on hearing of the enemy's 
movement from below, I had detached a body of troops un- 
der Major General Heath to counteract them. It gives me 
pain that I have it not in my power to afford more effectual 
service to our country ; but the smallness of my force obliges 

The Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken 
Away : Blessed be the name of the Lord. 
All things work together for good to them 
That love God — to them that are the 
Called according to his purpose. 

Alleluia. 
The Lord God Omnipotent reigneth. 

Amen." 



4:4:4: CHAP. XXXVII. — TRUMBULL. 



1779. 



me to confine my attentions so entirely to one essential point, 
that I can do little more than lament the depredations of the 
enemy at a distance." 

Trumbull was not, however, disconcerted by this inability 
on the part of Washington to render him the full assistance 
he desired — but at once, on consultation with his Council, 
applied to Massachusetts and to New Hampshire for aid — • 
and from the former State received it, promptly. One-sixth 
of its militia from the counties of Berkshire and Hampshire, 
and Frothingham's company of artillery at Springfield — con- 
sisting of tliirty men, with a train of six field pieces — were 
ordered to his relief. And he distributed them for defence, 
part on the sea-coast of Connecticut — part at Hartford — and 
part at Middletown.^ 

Force, however, could not be assembled and stationed in 
the western part of the State in time sufficient to ward off 
another most serious blow from the enemy at Connecticut. 
July eleventh, Tryon crossed the Sound from Huntington Bay 
to Norwalk — there to crown himself "plentifully," as General 
Parsons remarked at the time, with laurels from another "fiery 
expedition" — there "upon the rebellious women, and formi- 
dable host of boys and girls," in another defenceless, hapless 
town of Connecticut, to wreak his "master's vengeance." 

Vain the opposition of a little band of Continental soldiers 
under the intrejjid Captain Betts. Vain that of a few mili- 
tia, and of one hundred horsemen, from the northern heights 
of the town. Vain that of a small force under General Par- 
sons — save, after the work of destruction was accomplished, 
to hasten the enemy's retreat. Seated — a table by his side — 
in a chair, on the top of Grummon's Hill — whose sides, in 
the graphic description of an eye witness,! were "aZZ red with 

*"rrora every appearance," he MTote Washington, Angnst second — "there is 
no reason to think our enraged enemy are satisfied with the phinder and destruc- 
tion they have already made in this State, but that it is yet an object of their 
determined pursuit, and especially the town and port of New London, which, 
from a variety of circumstances and intelligence, I have reason to apprehend they 
will attack in a few days — and should they be able to carry it, that they will en- 
deavour to make it a post from which it would be very diiScult to dislodge 
them" — and he goes on renewedly to urge the great importance of its harbor, 
and the overruling necessity for its defence. 

t Nathaniel Eaymond, of Norwalk. 



1779. CHAP, XXXVII. — TRUMBULL. 445 

the British'''' — with beautiful Norwalk, and the river flowing 
through its midst, the Sound, the long train of islands front- 
ing the town, and neighboring Long Island, all fidl in his 
view — Tryon wrote his fiery orders. And from tliis his scat 
he beheld eighty dwelling houses — all in the town but six — 
two churches, eighty-seven barns, that were many of them 
overflowing with wheat and hay, seventeen shops, four mills, 
and four vessels — in all a property of nearly one hundred 
and sixty-seven thousand dollars — reduced to ashes. He be- 
held a thriving population — amid abuse and pillage — amid 
bloody menaces, and mortal stabs, such as sent poor John 
Waters, and John Rich, to their graves — burned out of house 
and home. 

July eleventh, the report of this disaster — third in the 
list of startling forays upon Connecticut within but about a 
single week — reached Trumbull. Not his the disposition, in 
consequence, to relax one nerve of effort. The power of the 
enemy, thus far superior and resistless, but fired his energy 
anew — and he proceeded, with his Council, to take fresh 
measures for defence. 

" Can the whole strength of your province cope with the 
force which may at any moment be poured through every 
district in your country ? " — was the taunting inquiry which 
Tryon. and Collier made in their Proclamation at this period 
to the inhabitants of Connecticut. Four thousand men, 
ordered anew, August second, to stations along the whole 
coast of the State — from Stonington to Byram River — was 
Trumbull's answer.* 

" You who lie so much in our power," continued the in- 
vading commanders, in the same vaunting document — " afford 
the most striking monument of our mercy." You, therefore, 
"ought to set the first example of returning to your allegi- 
ance. "We hoped that you would recover from the frenzy 
that has distracted this unhappy country. We offer you a 
refuge against the distress, which, you universally acknowl- 

* "Four thousand troops," he wrote Washington, August second — "are detailed 
for the defence of the State — besides the complement of men we are filling up for 
the Continental Army — by all which we are greatly distressed, and the agricul- 
ture of the State, so important for our own and for the supply of the army, is in 
danger of suffering material injury." 
38 



446 CHAP. XXXVII. — TKUMBULL. HtQ. 

edge, broods witli increasing and intolerable weight over 
your wbole country ! " 

That "frenzy" you charge us with, answered by their 
conduct, Trumbull and his State — is the enthusiasm of lib- 
erty. We are the " monument," not of your " mercy," but 
of your barbarity. "We owe no " allegiance " to your master, 
and shall never "set the example of returning" to it, "first" 
or last. The people of Connecticut, in the memorable lan- 
guage of Colonel Whiting's response to Tryon at Fair- 
field — "having nobly dared to take up arms against the 
cruel despotism of Great Britain " — and having had " the 
flames precede the answer to your flag — will persist to 
oppose to the utmost the force exerted against injured 
innocence."* 

Such, as now described, were the devastations of the ene- 
my, in the year 1779, upon Connecticut. They were devas- 
tations by which half a million of dollars worth of property — 
the painful accumulation and sole stay of a large mass of 
frugal human life — was wantonly immolated — and defence- 
less men, women, and children, by crowds — through the 
ferocity of a foe that boasted of its superior humanity and 
civilization — were suddenly forced to hide themselves "in 
the dens and in the rocks of the mountains," and to say " to 
the mountains and the rocks, fall on us, and hide us from the 
face " of those to whom it hath been given " to kill with the 
sword, and with hunger," and "to hurt the earth and the 
sea." 

But Trumbull's watchfulness was not confined solely to 
those particular marauding expeditious which we have now 
sketched.f He had also, as in former times, other inva- 
sions — that were menaced on the coast during almost every 
period of the present year — to note and guard against. And 

* Trumbull sent the intrepid Eesponse referred to in the text, together with the 
hostile Proclamation which elicited it, to General Washington. "I thank your 
Excellency for the Proclamation and answer," wrote back Washington, July 
tweltYh. "The first is truly ridiculous, and must tend to incense rather than 
intimidate ; the last is laconic, but to the purpose." The Eesponse was dated 
"7th July, 1770." 

t He took special note, however, it should be stated in this connection, of all the 
losses they occasioned — which, carefully collected by Committees of the General 
Assembly, were by hhn transmitted to Congress. 



1779. CHAP. XXXVII. — TRUMBULL. 447 

alarms in 1779 were particularly rife — more so tban during 
any other season of the War. They shook the seaboard and 
the State. 

Conspicuous among these was, first, that which, in April, 
was occasioned by the apjDearance of a British fleet of thirty- 
one sail — then by that of another of thirty sail — which, pass- 
ing both up and down the Sound — now seizing some Ameri- 
can schooner laden with "West India goods — now other 
craft — now rocking at anchor near Gull Islands — now off 
Fisher's Island — were reported as meditating a speedy at- 
tack upon the Connecticut Main — and pointedly upon New 
London. 

Next came an alarm, in June, from a fleet of twenty hos- 
tile ships, which anchored off Fisher's Island, and again 
menaced New London. 

Next, in July, another was occasioned by the landing of a 
detachment from the enemy's fleet on Fisher's Island, which 
blew up a house — fired outbuildings — fired hay — and threat- 
ened other serious mischief on the adjacent coast. Next — 
far more startling than the preceding, and in the same 
month — came an alarm that a most formidable British fleet 
of fifty sail had appeared off Point Judith, and would soon 
move on a plundering and burning expedition to Connecti- 
cut. And next, towards the close of autumn, there was still 
another and extensive alarm, when — the fleet of D'Estaign 
having failed to appear at the North — fresh inducement and 
opportunity were, in consequence, offered to the foe to renew 
their depredations. 

Upon some of these emergencies — as, particularly, when 
that immense British flotilla was expected from Point Judith, 
and the roar of cannon, from Stonington and New London, 
roused the militia of the whole surrounding country to arms — 
the consternation created was universal — and the energies of 
the Captain General of Connecticut, and of the forces under 
his command, were tasked to the utmost. At the very be- 
ginning of the year, when the western Sound was filled with 
the armed craft of the enemy — for the purpose of either tak- 
ing or destroying them — he concerted, with the Marine Com- 
mittee at Philadelphia, a plan for joinmg two ships of Con- 



448 CHAP. XXXVII. — TRUMBULL. 1779. 

necticut to a. Continental armed vessel* — and by his judicious 
arrangements, fresh troops, as emergencies happened, were 
poured to every exposed point. He gave orders to the Brig- 
adier Generals of the State to hold more in constant readi- 
ness to march. Men from the County of Hampshire in Mas- 
sachusetts, and from the hills of Berkshire, were at times 
stationed at menaced New London — and the defences there 
were freshly inspected and strengthened. 

"Should the advanced season," he wrote "Washington, towards the 
close of this eventful year, November fifth — " or any other unforeseen 
cfiuse, prevent the Count [D'Estaign] from coming this way, and the in- 
tended enterprise against the enemy in New York be laid aside, the front- 
iers and sea-coasts of this State will be eminently exposed to the depre- 
dations and ravages of the enemy. We would flatter ourselves it will be 
in your Excellency's power to send a part of the troops, under your com- 
mand, into this State, to take post so as to cover and protect the most 
exposed part of our sea-coast and frontiers ; and desire you to inform us 
whether we may expect that our hopes and wishes, in this respect, may 
be realized, "t 

Thus did Trumbull make every preparation to receive the 
enemy, at all times, should they attempt a landing, or an as- 
sault. Fortunately they did not. His own and the signal 
activity of the State, at the perilous periods, averted farther 
attack. 

And while thus active to guard against fleets of formidable 
size, Trumbull did not forget to keep his eye, as heretofore, 

* " By an Express from the Navy Board of the Eastern Department," wrote to 
him, February 10th, 1779, Samuel Adams, Chairman of the Marine Committee — 
this Committee " had the honor of receiving your letter to them of the 22d of 
January, respecting the enemy's armed vessels in the western Sound, and the 
probability of taking or destroying them by joining the force of the Confederacy 
to the two State ships. They were very anxious of adding the Confederacy to 
the number of those ships destined for another service ; but the object you have 
in view is so very desirable, and the accomplishment of it, from your representa- 
tion, attended with so little danger or delay, that they have fallen into the meas- 
ure, and consented to join the Confederacy to the State ships." 

+ " The keeping up large guards of the militia on the coasts," he proceeds — 
"besides the enormous expense attending, injures the public service by with- 
drawing the men from the field, and lessening our ability to supply the army with 
men or provisions. But I persuade myself, I need not use arguments to prevail 
on your Excellency to indulge our request, if consistent with the public service 
and a due regard to the general interests of the States." 



1779. CHAP. XXXVII. — TRUMBULL. 449 

on all the smaller British craft that infested the Sound — and 
upon Long Island particularly, where most of the refugee and 
torj privateers were harbored and equipped.* 

Nor did he forget the little Marine of Connecticut — but, 
as usual, kept the armed vessels of the State in constant 
motion. And not infrequently, by direction of his Council, 
he chartered other vessels to cruise in the Soand. Privateers, 
which he commissioned, continued to dart out for British 
prey, whenever they could, and met, on the whole, with great 
success. 

The Oliver CromireU^ it is true, was lost this year — having 
been taken — June fifth, off Sandy Hook — aft^er a most gallant 
defence against a superior British force, consisting of the frig- 
ate Daphne, and one or two other smaller British vessels.f 
So too was lost — infelicitous reverse indeed — that privateer 
twentj^ gun ship to which we have heretofore referred, as 
having been named after the patriot we commemorate — the 
Oovernor Trumbull While cruising off the West Indies, in 
March, she was captured, and taken into St. Kitts, by the 
Yenus — with this only consolation attending her loss, that 
the British frigate which took her was originally a patriot 
vessel, owned by Massachusetts, and was first named the 
Bunker Hill! Add to these losses now, that of the sloop 
Wooster, Captain Brintnall of New Haven — of the sloop 
Maccaroni^ Captain Eldridge of Stonington — which were 
both captured and carried into the West Indies — and of a 
few other inconsiderable vessels and small craft — and we 
have the sum total of prizes which the enemy made this year 
from the Connecticut Marine — while, on the other hand, the 
State counted her prizes taken from the enemy, by scores. 

* " A fleet," he wrote Deputy Governor Bowen of Ehode Island, August ninth — 
" is fittiiij^ out at Huntington, of Tories to come on another plundering and burn- 
ing expedition on our coasts." This is an example of his watchfulness to secure 
information, and communicate it, for cooperation in defence, to adjacent States 
whose coasts also were exposed. 

+ Connecticut had the mortification of finding this vessel — ^her name changed to 
that of the Restoration — advertised, July 31st, in Eivingston's Gazette, as then 
fitting for sea "to join the Associated Eefugee Meet in Huntington Harbor," 
with the intention of soon paying "a visit to the rebel coast" — the coast of the 
very State which had built her, and for which she had been employed to fight 
many a brilliant battle on the seas. 
38* 



450 CHAP. XXXVII. — TRUMBULL. 1779, 

In June, no less than eighteen of the latter were libelled 
in a Court of Admiralty held at New London, on one and the 
same day. On another day, preceding, no less than one brig, 
three schooners, and seven prize sloops, with all their cargoes 
and tackle, were advertised for sale at public auction. Nine 
New- York or tory privateers, captured between the first of 
March and the thirteenth of June — the brig Ranger, a refu- 
gee privateer of twelve guns, that was cut out from Sag Har- 
bor early in the year — the privateer Ariel, of twelve guns, 
also taken — eleven vessels captured in the spring, all of 
which were loaded with valuable produce, most of it from 
the West Indies — a ship from Liverpool freighted, among 
other articles, with thirty thousand pounds of steel — a rich 
ship from Halifax, likewise taken — these, together with innu- 
merable smaller prizes, far outbalanced any losses that Con- 
necticut sustained. 

The American Revenue^ the Eagle, Washington, Gates, the 
Revenge, Gull, Rattlesnake, Beaver, Hancock, and Young Crom- 
well — these privateers particularly — spite of the almost over- 
powering presence of the enemy in the Sound — distinguished 
themselves by their dashing exploits, and amply justified the 
commissions their owners had received at the hands of Gov- 
ernor Trumbull. Armed whaleboats too, by their descents 
on Long Island, continued to add much to the general stock 
of acquisitions from the enemy. True very few of these, as 
has been heretofore intimated — on account of irregularities 
which had crept into their system of warfare — received com- 
missions from the Governor this year. Still the temptation 
to retaliate upon the enemy on the opposite coast was irre- 
sistible — and many bold men ventured, without license, to 
pounce upon the cattle, horses, goods, plate, furniture, and 
other property on the Island, and bring them over to the 
Connecticut Main — accompanied often by prisoners whom 
they made, from one to little groups of eight, ten, and thir- 
teen in number. 



CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
1779. 

Great •want of money. Depreciation of national Bills of credit deep- 
ened. Eight millions four hundred thousand dollars apportioned on 
Connecticut by Congress. The impossibility of raising this sum. 
Trumbull's anxiety on the subject — and his confidence in the future 
ability of the nation. His views on the finances of the country sho'wn 
in a letter to Henry Laurens. He hears from Baron Capellan, asking 
for an American Agent to reside secretly among the Dutch — and so- 
liciting also from him a circumstantial account of American transac- 
tions, resources, and prospects. Trumbull gives the account in a let- 
ter of great length and ability. The letter. It was shown to the Presi- 
dent and Members of Congress before it was sent, and was highly ap- 
proved Capellan delighted with it as a most energetic defence of the 
American cause — and makes advantageous use of it to counteract Eng- 
lish views and opinions regardiDg America. He so w^rites Trumbull — 
and in his letter speaks feelingly of himself, and his own life. Tribute 
to the patriot. 

The addition made to the means of Connecticut, from the 
sources indicated at the close of our List chapter, was this 
year felt as peculiarly valuable — for it was more than ordi- 
narily difficult to obtain supplies. Trumbull, it is true, suc- 
ceeded in procuring his usual quota of food and clothing for 
the country — and closed his labors in this respect, in Decem- 
ber, by furnishing eight thousand barrels of flour for the 
Continental Array, which Congress had apportioned on Con- 
necticut, But so far as money is concerned for the general 
service, this could not be raised, in the way either of taxa- 
tion or of loans, to any considerable extent — either in Con- 
necticut, or in any other State — and the fact gave Trumbull 
great anxiety. 

Such were the wants, difficulties, and dangers of the time — 
so sadly was that great instrument of the war. Paper Money, 
now depreciated — no less than seventy-two millions of dol- 
lars having been this year added to its former amount — so 
large had been previous draughts on the resources of the 
country — so completely deranged was the course of regular 
industry — and so feeble the powers of the General Govern- 



452 CHAP. XXXVIII. — TKUMBULL. 1179. 

ment — that taxation, under these circumstances, was almost 
wholly impracticable. Of specie, there was hardly any in 
the country. But the pitiful sum of seventy-three thousand 
dollars, in gold and silver, reached the National Exchequer 
during the entire year ! How then could Connecticut — these 
things considered — be expected to raise by taxation the enor- 
mous sum of eight millions and five hundred thousand dol- 
lars, with which she was charged this year by Congress, as 
her quota of the general expense? It was impossible. 

Trumbull deeply felt her powerlessness in this respect. 
But he at the same time felt, as ever before, an abiding con- 
fidence in the ability of his country ultimately to redeem all 
its pecuniary obligations. It must necessarily increase in 
population, he reasoned — in accordance with the confiding 
Congress of the nation. "Extensive wildernesses, now 
scarcely known or explored, remain yet to be cultivated, and 
vast lakes and rivers, whose waters have for ages rolled in 
silence and obscurity to the ocean, have yet to hear the din 
of industry, become subservient to commerce, and boast de- 
lightful villas, gilded spires, and spacious cities rising on 
their banks." Such resources in prospect then, the national 
debt can, and must be paid. "Let it never be said," was his 
own, as well as the noble language of Congress at this peri- 
od — " let it never be said that America had no sooner become 
independent than she became insolvent, or that her infant 
glories were obscured and tarnished by broken contracts and 
violated faith, in the very hour when all the nations of the 
earth were admiring and almost adoring the splendor of her 
rising ! " And his remedy, he said, for all the pecuniary 
embarrassments of the day, was embraced in two words — 
"Z)o Justice " — as in the following extract from a letter ad- 
dressed from Hartford, November second, 1779, to the Presi- 
dent of Congress, Henry Laurens, he repeats — and at the 
same time, in connection, expresses other important views. 

" I sincerely lament with you," he proceeds, " the prospect before us 
respecting our Finances. Yet I am far from being discouraged. Wheth- 
er the remedy applying by Congress will prove the radical cure we wish, 
I will not absolutely decide.* I wish, however, the aspect in my view 

* The remedy to which Trumbull here alludes, was the attempt by Congress, 



1119. CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 453 

had a more favorable appearance. A remedy might I think be applied — 
a remedy simple, easy, and perfectly right. In short, two words will 
express it — Do Justice. If this remedy in our present circumstances 
cannot have its full operation, come as near to it as we can, and do the 
best we can. Let our creditors be assured, in the most absolute terms, 
it shall be done. Remove false weights and measures. Fix the curren- 
cy, if circumstances will admit — if not, fix on some standard measure by 
which the variation may be ascertained — and let the variation be con- 
stantly made up.* Continue the present currency a legal tender to all 
intents and purposes — but when so used, let the quantity tendered make 
up the quality or value. Make good all contracts, equal to the value 
contracted. Remove the deception of sounds, and let not nominal value 
attempt to drown the idea of intrinsic worth. In short, use this substi- 
tute for money as it ought to be used — measuring it by some real stand- 
ard. In this track I think our political safety must be secured. We 
have tried too many devious paths already. The more we deviate, the 
more we stray. The only sure way, in my mind, is the simple road of 
justice and equity, as near as we can practice it — and in that only shall 
we find our security. 

" Great resources to relieve our coming necessity might be found from 
internal loans, were these loans on a proper footing. How long are the 
lenders to want the assurance that the value lent shall be repaid, or se- 
cured ? Was this assurance given in the most positive terms, the pres- 
ent creditors would be perfectly easy, and might be induced to trust 
large further sums. Till that takes place, I think all prospects from 
loans must fail." 

The views on finance, wlaicli, in this letter to Laurens, Trum- 
bull presents, and his firm conviction also of the ability of 
the country to redeem its plighted faith, were repeated by 
him this year, in various forms, to numerous other corres- 
pondents, both at home and abroad — and among those abroad 

this year, to call in and destroy two of its emissions of Bills of credit — one of 
1777, and one of 1778 — and at the same time to impose heavy taxes, and estab- 
lish a prospective sinking fund. 

* " Is there no means to prevent tlie farther depreciation of our currency " — 
inquired Trumbull, writing Congress September sixth, and again urging taxa- 
tion. " Can there be no radical cure ? The measures used formerly, in the case 
of the old Tenor bills, answered the end at that time — wliy not at the present I 
The bills are of the nature of Tallies, that each individual may know and bear 
his burden in equal proportion. An appreciation will prove more pernicious 
than depreciation. Justice ought to be sought for and done to all, as far as is 
possible. Taxation is an infallible remedy. A tax nominally high is as easily 
borne as one of a lower denomination, where the value is the same. 'Tis always 
best to pay our debts, when the means for doing it are in our power, which is 
assuredly the case while the bills, or tallies, are so equally distributed." 



454 CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1119. 

to no one so fullj and earnestly as to Baron Van der Capel- 
Ian in Holland — that ardent friend to America, and to tlie 
cause of liberty in general, to whom we have heretofore re- 
ferred. This will appear in the course of a letter, mainly 
upon other topics, which we are now about to introduce to 
our readers. It is one of the ablest and most important that 
ever came from the hands of Trumbull, and with it we shall 
close our review of his life for the present year. To appre- 
ciate this document fully, however, some preliminary re- 
marks and statements are necessary — to which we now invite 
attention. 

In a letter to Trumbull, dated Amsterdam, July sixth, 
1779, Capellan assures the Governor of his still unwavering 
attachment to the American struggle for Independence, and 
of his endeavors still to promote the same both by his 
" mouth and pen." And in proof of his sincerity — at a time 
when the conciliation of Holland — both for the sake of her 
pecuniary aid, and of commercial and political alliance — was 
of the utmost importance to the United States — but when, 
unfortunately, the English party and influence were still pre- 
dominating there, and wholly false accounts of the situation 
and resources of America were everywhere rife — at this criti- 
cal time he urged upon Trumbull — as he did also upon Gov- 
ernor Livingston of New-Jersey* — the appointment of some 
able agent from the United States to go over and reside 
among the Dutch. There, ^jn'yafe?^ for awhile — ^^ under the 
rose,^^ as Capellan expressed it — he wished him to form useful 
connections, become acquainted with the language and dispo- 
sitions of the country, and promote the interests of America, 
until such time as circumstances might allow him to appear 
openly in a public character.f 

At the same time that Capellan urged upon Trumbull this 

*Capellun refers to Livingston in his letter to Trumbull, and says that he has 
desired the former to communicate specially with the Governor of Connecticut 
upon the subject of his epistle. 

t" Congress," wrote Capellan, "would do well to send over, the sooner the 
better, a gentleman of distinction and capacity, to be incognito among us, and as 
a private gentleman to form connections and acquaintances, to obtain a sufficient 
knowledge of the maxims, dispositions, and even language of the country, and at 
the same time promote the interests of America (under the rose) until the proper 
season arrive openly to appear in and assume his public character." 



1119. CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 455 

scheme — and upon other occasions also — be warmly solicited 
the Governor, himself to prepare and send over to him a cir- 
cumstantial account of American transactions, resources, and 
prospects — in order that upon information thus obtained, he 
might be fully armed to resist English statements, ideas, and 
influence in Holland, and better aid the rising Eepublic of 
the New World to take her place among the free and inde- 
pendent nations of the earth.* 

With this request Trumbull complied in a letter of great 
lengthf — in which he describes New England, and the origin 
and progress of the Revolutionary War — shows that the Brit- 
ish are masters of but little more than they possessed at the 
outbreak of this war — and replies most fully to all the leading 
false reports against his country. He compliments Dutch 
valor, and, advantageously for the United States, compares the 
Dutch and American contests for liberty. He describes the 
American governments, soil, climate, productions, and induce- 
ments for settlement. He treats of the Continental currency, 
and American indebtedness — and concludes with a grateful 
reference to Capellan's generous exertions in Holland, and 
with some allusions to his own, the writer's family.:}: 

It is a document full of value to the cause of that abused 

* "A description of the present state and advantages of United America," 
eays Capellan in his letter to Trumbull — " of the forms of government in its 
different republics ; of the facility with which strangers can there establish them- 
selves, and find subsistence ; of the price of lands, both cultivated and unim- 
proved; of cattle, provisions, &c. ; with a succinct history of the present war, 
and the cruelties committed by the English, would excite astonishment in a 
country where America is known but through the medium of gazettes." — "I 
shall be much honored," he wrote, "with your Excellency's correspondence, 
which in future I intend (as good as I can,) to answer in English." 

t It fills thirty printed pages in Volume sixth, Series of the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society's Collections. 

X "Another cause of distrust, in relation to the credit of America, is the false 
intelligence which the English incessantly circulate, and the effect of which the 
friends of the Americans cannot destroy, from want of information. It would be 
of the last importance to enable them, by authentic relations, which should con- 
tain nothing but what was 'precisely true, and in which even the disadvantages 
inseparable from the chance of war, should not be concealed, to enable them, I 
say, from time to time, to give an idea of the actual state of things, and of what 
is really passing on the other side of the ocean. If you choose. Sir, to honor me 
with such a correspondence, be assured that I shall make a proper use of it. 
Communications, apparently in confidence, have much stronger influence than 
those which appear in public." — Capellan^ s Letter. 



456 CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. l'?'?9- 

and suffering country, for whose particular vindication it was 
written. It will compare most favorably in point of ability, 
and is in its general nature and aim the same, with that cele- 
brated Alemorial, which, at a little later period — in 1781 — 
John Adams addressed to the States General of Holland, in 
order to promote their recognition of American Independ- 
ence. It was shown to the President and Members of the 
Congress of the United States ere it was sent abroad — was 
b}^ them highly approved — and with their "knowledge and 
consent," as we are assured by Capellan, was transmitted to 
himself.* 

Let those who read it now, we would further remark, not 
fail to bear fully in mind the circvimstances under which it 
was written — that the period of its composition was one of 
deepest anxiety for the American cause abroad — that the 
Cabinet of Great Britain, as already intimated, was busy 
poisoning the mind of Europe, and particularly of Holland, 
witli the idea that America — from divisions and factions in 
her Congress and among her people, from discord between 
the French and Americans, from a rapid increase of royalists, 
fiom her depreciated currency, ruined credit, and almost total 
lack of resources — could not much longer maintain her con- 
test for Independence — nay was, upon the whole, disinclined 
to persist in it — and that, therefore, neither Holland, or any 
other European country, ought to look with an eye of pity, 
least of all with a helping hand, upon her condition of 
revolt. 

Add to these circumstances the consideration, that — spite 
of all these efforts of Great Britain — there was a growing 

* A part of it also was placed under the inspection of the Minister of France 
at Philadelphia, the Chevalier de Liizerne — with what comment upon it, on his 
part, we do not learn. Trumbull was in the habit of transmitting important 
letters from Capellan, to Congress, by which Body they were carefully scanned. 
Writing to its President Sept. 6th, 1779, he says : "I have lately received an an- 
swer to my letter of the 27th June, 1777, addressed to Baron Van der Capellan. 
Enclosed is his original with its enclosures, written in French. * * Enclosed 
is a packet for him, prepared in answer — left open for Congress and your observ- 
ation — to communicate so far as you think fit and prudent. Please to seal and 
forward the same by the first good conveyance. I entertain raised expectations 
of some solid benefit to the public from this nobleman. Money and goods may 
be had most advantageously from the Hollanders." 



1779. CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 457 

disposition in Holland to favor America* — that her mer- 
chants, particularly, were all anxious to share in that com- 
merce which the Independence of the United States would 
open to the world, and were at this period deeply irritated at 
the aggressions which England had committed upon their 
trade in naval stores with France — and we have a series of 
facts which cannot fail to render the document we are now 
about to present, of absorbing interest to those who will pe- 
ruse it. Surely it was of vital importance to secure on the 
side of the American Eevolution — and against its armed 
foe — a Sovereignty so distinguished as Holland then was — 
she being rich in resources, and one of the first and most 
formidable maritime Powers of Europe. It is to this end 
that the letter of Trumbull is directed. Let us proceed now 
to look at it. It is dated "Lebanon, Aug. 1779," and thus 
opens : — 

" Dear Sir. I have the honor and pleasure to acknowledge the receipt 
of your first and triplicate letter, dated 7th December, 1778 ; the former 
came to hand the 18th instant, the latter about three weeks ago by Capt. 
Niles, from France. The duplicate came to Philadelphia ; Mr. Erkelaus 
took it, and unhappily irrecoverably lost it in Connecticut River, to his 
and my grief. I do sincerely thank you for the communication ; and 
your kind offer of correspondence is very freely embraced. The letters I 
sent, I feared were not received, or neglected. Col. Derks kindly offered 
to see the quadruplicate delivered. That gentleman's polite and agree- 
able behaviour and disposition inclined me to make another attempt, to be 
sure of its delivery. Before the receipt of that, sent by him, I am agree- 
ably entertained by yours. In consequence, I shall embrace every op- 
portunity to carry on a correspondence, which, I trust, may be mutually 
acceptable, and prove beneficial to the public, especially to this spring- 
ing in the wilds of America." 

The Governor goes on now to describe succinctly, yet with 
great accuracy, the early settlement of New England — the 
first hostilities at Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill — the 
establishment by Congress of an army — the taking of Crown 
Point and Ticonderoga — and the military affairs in Canada, 

*"The people of Holland begin to think now more favorably of America," 
wrote Capellan at this period — " so that this would be the very time to establish 
its rising credit." 

39 



458 CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1119. 

before Quebec and elsewhere, uncler Montgomery, Arnold, 
and Scliujler. He sketches the evacuation of Boston, with 
its military causes — the defeat of General Clinton in South 
Carolina — the naval fight under Arnold on Lake Champlain, 
and the subsequent retreat and despondency of the American 
Army. He notes the Declaration of Independence — the mili- 
tary proceedings at New York, and Battle of Long Island — 
the retreat of the American Army through New Jersey — 
their return and victories — the Expedition for Philadelphia, 
and Battle of Brandywine. Leaving the British in quiet 
possession of the metropolis of America, he proceeds to out- 
line the Northern Campaign, and surrender of General Bur- 
goyne — the Treaty with France — the evacuation of Philadel- 
phia — the military proceedings and battles at Newport, 
Ehode Island — the military events in Georgia and South 
Carolina — the expedition of the enemy up the North Eiver — • 
their plundering and burning expeditions to Newhaven, 
Fairfield, and Norwalk, in Comiecticut — the recapture of 
Stony Point by General Wayne — the expedition to Penob- 
scot — and the defeat of the English in the West Indies by 
Count D'Estaign, His description of these events, because 
of their great familiarity to the Reader, we do not here pre- 
sent — but proceed with his letter from this point. 

'" The foregoing account," he continues, " gives you a general idea of 
the operations of tlie war, in which, notwithstanding their many con- 
quests, whether boasted or real, you find the British actually, at this day, 
masters of little more than they first possessed. New York, Staten Is- 
land, Long Island, Rhode Island, Savannah in Georgia, and Penobscot 
in Massachusetts, are the extent of their present dominions, all of which, 
you will naturally remark, owe their preservation much more to the navy, 
whose superiority we have no power to dispute, than to the army, whom 
we are now ready to meet in the field. 

" I can well conceive the address and perseverance of our enemies, in 
disseminating false and disgraceful reports of our resources and move- 
ments ; but a very little knowledge of mankind will be sufficient to teach 
even the most simple, what confidence is to be reposed in the assertions 
of those, whose actions are seen to deviate widely from every rule of 
right. They assert, that ' of 32,000 electors of Congress, only 600 have 
taken the oath of abjuration.' But I affirm to the world, that only in the 
little state over which I have the honor to preside, there are 10,000 elect- 
ors, every one of whom has abjured his allegiance to the king of Great 



1779. CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 459 

Britain, and sworn to support with his Ufe and fortune the liberties and 
independence of his country — these oaths being one established and irre- 
vocable condition on which the right of election is founded. They assert 
that 'the people are disgusted with the measures of the new Congress.' 
On the contrary, the recommendations, only, of this worthy body of men, 
have every effect of laws, in guiding the actions of their constituents; 
and it may be truly said, that they have taken no one materiiil step, 
which has not been received with the most hearty approbation. It would 
be strange indeed, and unprecedented in the annals of mankind, if, in the 
establishment of a new empire, under the numberless embarrassments 
through which we have struggled, no errors had been committed which 
an after prudence might find to correct. 

"'The number of royalists is said to have increased with rapidity.' 
General Johnson should have learned to discriminate between people who 
voluntarily declare in favor of a part}^ and those whom misfortune re- 
duces to the necessity of partial and temporary submission to avoid the 
horrible alternative of fire, captivity, and slaughter. Experience, or his- 
tory might have taught him, that a submission, thus forced, is but the 
prelude to revenge ; if he demands example, let him look at New Jer- 
sey, or the modern instances of Georgia, Carolina, and Connecticut. 

" ' Discord already reigns between the French and Americans, and 
even among the Americans themselves.' Let the French gentlemen, who 
have been in America, relate the reception they have met with in this 
country; or inquire of my countrymen what treatment they receive in 
France. The answer will decide on individual affection ; and the une- 
quivocal conduct of the Courts of France and Spain leave as little doubt 
of the subsistence of national harmony. For ourselves, at the com- 
mencement of the war, the southern and northern States were almost as 
unacquainted as two different nations ; but now, not orAj political, but 
individual union subsists on the firmest, most amicable foundations. 

" ' That many of the States are on the point of following the example 
of Georgia, Carolina, and Connecticut, in returning to their allegiance,' 
is an assertion too impudently false, almost, to merit an answer. How- 
ever, let the present state of Georgia and Carolina, let the late oijposi- 
tion of two or three hundred raw, surprised militia, and the children of 
a college at Newhaven, to as many thousand veteran troops in the 
field, and the precipitate retreat of those veterans in less than eighteen 
hours, be considered, and I will grant that America, in general, is upon 
the point of returning to her allegiance in the very same manner. 

" The history which you already have, of the operations and misfor- 
tunes of the war, with their causes, furnishes a ready answer to the in- 
quiries of your countrj'^men, and gives the true reason why ' we did not 
improve the opportunity of General Burgoyne's defeat, and the support 
of Count D'Estaign, to dispossess our enemy, entirely, of the small part 
of the continent which still groans under their dominion.' It was want 
of power. New York, Newport, and Penobscot, with the islands, are to 



460 CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1779, 

us real GilraUars, impossible to be reduced so long as the enemy com- 
mand the seas ; and this command we can have no power to dispute for 
many years to come, except by the support of our allies. 

" I acknowledge, my dear Sir, that no one action of the present war 
merits any comparison to the fury, and the rage of valor, which was dis- 
played at the sieges of Harlem, Leydcn, &c., and which rendered your 
ancestors so justly, so illustriously celebrated. But when we compare 
the circumstances of the two countries, perhaps we may be induced to 
believe, that the collective conduct of the present has been, by no means, 
less arduous than that of the former war. 

" At the time of your revolt, Holland might already be called old in 
population, in government, in war, and in arts. Your country, though 
not of wide extent, was crowded with cities and inhabitants. You had 
many men of extensive knowledge and experience : your people were in- 
ured to the fatigues and discipline of war, by land and sea. Cultivation 
and manufiictures were, by you, carried to an height of perfection un- 
known to almost any part of the world : trade and commerce you had 
almost engrossed to yourselves : your cities and harbors were already 
covered with extensive and very strong fortifications : and to these must 
be added, your real dominion over the seas, whether on the ocean, where 
your fleets were nearly equal, if not almost superior to those of your 
enemy, or by your inundations, which formed a new, and absolutely un- 
conquerable style of defence. On the other hand, we see America al- 
most in a state of infancy. We are three millions of inhabitants indeed, 
but thinly scattered over an immense country, whose extent on the sea is 
not less than fifteen hundred miles, and to the back country more than 
three hundred ; destitute of a single fortified town, or the engineers, the 
men, or the revenue, necessary for works of the kind; without a civil 
officer informed in independent government, or a military of higher rank 
than a colonel of irregulars ; without almost a man who had ever served 
on board a ship of war, or in a disciplined army. Cultivation is, from 
the youth of the country, but very imperfect; and manufactures, espe- 
cially of arms, ammunition, and the requisites of war, from the policy of 
our connections, were almost unknown in the smallest degree. These 
are disadvantages, which already form a striking contrast to the re- 
sources of Holland, and might have well been sufficient to deter the most 
heroic people from an attempt, which, thus embarrassed, reason would 
almost stamp with the character of madness and despair. 

" But let us go further, and compare our naval situation with yours (to 
say nothing of the advantage derived from your inundation.) Our com- 
merce has always been so cautiously restricted to our mother-country, 
that we Mere almost unknown, by name, to the other nations of the 
earth. Thus destitute of commercial connections, or political acquaint- 
ance, we had, at first, little to expect from the friendship or alliance of 
strangers ; while the same mediocrity of commerce, in itself, deprived 
us of seamen, the soul of a marine. In fine, there was not, at the com- 



1T79. CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 461 

mencement of the war, a single armed ship on the continent, to defend, 
even the smallest point of our vast extended coast, against a navy, which, 
but a few years before, had triumphed over the united powers of the 
world. The innumerable misfortunes, which were the inseparable con- 
sequence of this inferiority, are obvious ; it was impossible to combat to 
advantage an enemy who could thus, in a moment, evade an attack, and 
transport himself to a thousand different defenceless quarters of the 
country. Devastation and plunder were continually in his power, while 
supplies, of ammunition, and military stores, were almost more precari- 
ous from abroad than the manufacture of them was unknown at home. 
Thus friendless, and thus destitute of resources, the maxims of Fa- 
bius were necessarily adopted, and we have hitherto 'conquered by 
delaying.' 

"You will find in the enclosed answers to the inquiries of the British 
Court, an accurate description of the form of government, population, 
soil, climate, produce, and trade of the State of Connecticut. The gov- 
ernments of the other States are founded on democratic principles like- 
wise, and nearly similar to ours ; most of them ai'e already established, 
though some (from peculiar difficulties of situation,) are still scarcely 
arranged. 

" The climate, the soil, and the productions of a continent, extending 
fi'om the thirtieth to the forty-fifth degree of latitude, and in longitude 
an unknown width, are various beyond description, and the objects of 
trade consequently unbounded. There is scarce a manufacture, whether 
in the useful or ornamental part of life, of which you will not find the 
materials, collected, as it were, in an immense magazine. In every req- 
uisite for naval armaments we abound : our forests yielding prodigious 
quantities of timber and spars ; our mountains vast masses of iron, cop- 
per, and lead ; and our fields producing ample crops of flax and hemp. 
Provisions of all kinds are raised in much greater quantities than are 
necessary for our own consumption ; and our wheat, our rye, our cattle, 
and our pork, yield to none in the world for quality. 

" The price of cultivated lands is by no means extravagant ; and of 
uncultivated, trifling ; twelve thousand acres, situated most advan- 
tageously for future business, selling for three hundred guineas English, 
i. e., little more than sixpence sterling the acre. Our interests and our 
laws teach us to receive strangers, from every quarter of the globe, with 
open arms. The poor, the unfortunate, the oppressed, from every coun- 
try, will here find a ready asylum ; and by uniting their interests with 
ours, enjo}-^ in common with us all the blessings of Hberty and plenty. 
Neither difference of nation, of language, of manners, or of religion, will 
lessen the cordiality of their reception, among a people whose religion 
teaches them to regard all mankind as their brethren. 

" The only obstacle which I foresee to the settlement of foreigners in 
this country, will be the taxes, which must inevitably, for a time, run 
high, for the payment of the debts contracted during the present war. 
39* 



462 CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1779. 

Those, indeed, will be much lightened by the care which has been taken 
to confine these debts, as much as possible, among ourselves, and by 
emitting a paper currency in place of borrowing from abroad. But this 
method, though it secures the country from being drained, hereafter, of 
immense sums of solid coin, which can never return, has exposed us to 
a new and very disagreeable embarrassment by its monstrous deprecia- 
tion — an evil which had its rise in, and owes all its rapid increase to, the 
single cause of our not having provided, at a sufficiently early period, for 
its redaction and payment by taxes. This measure was indeed rendered 
impracticable, at the proper time, by the radical derangement of the sys- 
tem of government, and consequently of revenue, in many of the United 
States ; and its necessary delay, till the removal of these impediments, 
gave time for avarice and suspicion to unite in sapping the foundations 
of our internal credit. Many methods have been attempted for the pre- 
vention of a further depreciation ; and among others, the regulation of 
prices and markets has been repeatedly essayed ; but all efforts of the 
kind must forever prove fruitless, while they do not strike at a radical 
cure ; and the evil, after each momentary restraint, springs up, like the 
hydra's head, redoubled and renewed in vigor ; each new attempt con- 
stantly evincing to us, what we ought at first to have received as a fixed 
principle, that the value of money, whether real or artificial, will forever 
be determined by the proportion of its own quantity to the quantity of 
all the objects of trade in the country where it is current. 

" Taxes, therefore, are now adopted, and the evil seems at a stand.* 
The continuation of this system, and stopping the emission of additional 
sums, we now begin universally to acknowledge as the only effectual 
remedy ; and the increasing union of sentiment, which pervades all 
classes of men, will soon produce the desired effect. The danger of ex- 
travagant taxes, indeed, is much more imaginary than real. We have 
to defray the expenses of an army of twenty thousand men for four 

* This was particularly true as regards Connecticut. "Washington, in a letter 
to Edmund Pendleton, Nov. 1st, 1779, after alluding to the "capital injury" to 
the country from the depreciation of the Continental money, thus, witli a com- 
pliment to the State over which Trumbull presided, urges the restoration of 
public credit. 

Let the enemy, he says, " once see, that, as it is in oiir power, so it is our in- 
clination and our intention, to overcome this difficulty, and the idea of con- 
quest, or hope of bringing us back to a state of dependence, will vanish like 
the morning dew. They can no more encounter this kind of opposition, than 
the hoar frost can withstand the rays of the all-cheering svm. The liberty and 
safety of this country depend upon it. The way is plain, the means are in our 
power. But it is virtue alone that can eifect it. For without this, heavy taxes 
frequently collected (the onlj^ radical cure,) and loans, are not to be obtained. 
Where this has been the policy, in Connecticut for instance, the prices of every 
article have fallen, and the money consequently is in demand ; but in other 
States you can scarcely get a thing for it ; and yet it is withheld from the public 
by speculators, while everything that can be useful is engrossed by this tribe of 
black gentry, who work more effectually against us than the enemy's arms." 



1779. CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 463 

• years. These expenses are almost entirely within ourselves ; and one 
hundred bushels of wheat will at this day discharge the pay of a man as 
readily as at the commencement of the war. What matters it then (so 
long as our country continues to produce an equal quantity of essential 
wealth,) whether that wheat is nominally called one hundred pounds, or 
an hundred shillings? The real value (that is in any foreign market, or 
in solid coin,) is still the same, however we may vary the denomination 
of our internal currency. 

" You find I am not an advocate for internal or foreign loans ; in my 
opinion, they are like cold water in a fever, which allays the disease for a 
moment, but soon causes it to rage with redoubled activity ; temporary 
alleviations, but ultimately real additions to the burden. The debts 
which we have already contracted, or may hereafter be necessitated to 
contract abroad, I have no doubt but will be paid with the utmost punc- 
tuality and honor ; and there can be no surer foundation of credit than 
we possess in the rapidly increasing value and importance of our country. 

'* Indeed it is not so much my wish, that the United States should 
gain credit among foreign nations, for the loan of money, as that all na- 
tions, and especially your countrymen in Holland, should be made ac- 
quainted with the real state of the American War. The importance and 
greatness of this rising empire, the future extensive value of our com- 
merce, and the advantage of colonization, are objects which need only to 
be known, to command your attention, protection, and support. 

"Your 'Tertia,' with its enclosures, will (together with this,) be imme- 
diately forwarded to Congress, where, I doubt not, the services you have 
already rendered this country, and the affectionate attachment you are 
pleased to testify to our interests, will meet that acknowledgment of 
gratitude which pity and relief demand in return from the unfortunate. 

" Give me leave, most sincerely, to express my grief that the efforts 
you have made for the removal of oppression in your own country, and 
for extending the blessings of liberty and plenty to the poor, should have 
met with so ungrateful a return of persecution and insult. Unhappy 
state of man ! where opulence and power conspire to load the poor, the 
defenceless, and the innocent, with accumulated misery ! where an un- 
worthy few join to embitter the life of half their fellow-men, that they 
may wallow in the excess of luxurious debauch, or shine in the splendid 
trappings of folly! 

"Go on, however, my dear Sir; continue to assert the liberties of 
mankind, and support the cause of this injured and unfortunate country. 
And may heaven, in return for your generous, benevolent, and virtuous 
exertions, crown your life with the enjoyment of every public and do- 
mestic blessing. And if future events should render it convenient or 
agreeable to you to visit this new world, and share with us the enjoyment 
of universal freedom, may you be happy. 

" For myself, sixty-nine years which I have already lived, allow me 
but a few days at best, of which I can even hope for the enjoyment. 



464 CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. l'J79. 

But I have children, in whom I am happy to anticipate an elongation of 
life ; and in whom, you may be assured, you will meet with faithful 
friends, though you should not chance to see. My dear Sir, your most 
obliged, most obedient, and grateful humble servant, 

"Jonathan Trumbull." 

To the letter from Trumbull now given, Capellan replied, 
from Zwoll, early in December of the present year. He was 
" delighted," he said, with the communication. He had made 
it known, " with discretion," in Amsterdam — down to De- 
cember "without giving any copies" — he reported — and it 
had made " a strong impression " upon all who read it. "All 
regret," he added, "that so handsome^ so energetic a defence of 
the American cause, should be shut up in the portfolio of 
an individual." 

Such, however, was the necessity in Holland, just then. It 
was not quite time yet, in the judgment of the Baron, to 
publish it openly to the Dutch — for the Court of London 
stood ready to pounce upon this nation at once with the talons 
of war, in case of any active interference in behalf of Ameri- 
ca — and indeed had succeeded, at the moment, in deepening 
the prejudice against the American cause. The United States 
will break off from France — they do not defend themselves 
" with that exasperation and fury manifested by Hollanders 
in past days " — such were the " disparaging reports," among 
others, with which Capellan said he was himself "mortified 
every day." Are there " no true heroes in America as in 
Switzerland," he asked of Trumbull in this connection — in 
true affliction of soul, yet still with unyielding confidence in 
American bravery. " Should America not have her sacred 
Phalanx as well as Thebes ? Yes, certainly ! " 

For himself, he added — he was rejoiced to be the object of 
the public esteem of America — and but for an aged father, 
and wife, and child, would go over and take up his abode 
there — shut out still, as he was, on account of his attachment 
to liberty, from the Council of his Province — and feeling the 
ties, therefore, which united him to his native land, sensibly 
impaired. His own political proscription, however, he said, 
he did not regret; for he greatly preferred "a quiet, unoflS.- 
cial life " — especially as it was plainly manifest to himself, 



1779. CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 465 

that, though but thirty-eight years of age — because of sick- 
ness, great application to business, and trouble — he was " old 
before the ordinary time," and unable, therefore, "to do 
much." 

Still what he could, he would do, he promised, for the in- 
fusion, and spread of liberty. He had himself subscribed, he 
stated, to a loan for the United States — was still busy urging 
others to subscribe — and wished Trumbull to continue to 
send him full accounts of his country — the refuge and the 
hope of freedom, and always inexpressibly dear to his heart. 
What Trumbull had already sent, he was anxious, were it 
prudent, to publish at once. It should be used, however, he 
assured him — as all else that he would transmit — for the 
benefit of America. And it was so used — most effectively. 
Holland became at last, though slowly, inoculated with the 
views, and with the arguments sustaining them, which Trum- 
bull had presented — and no longer distrustful of American 
credit — but propping it with her own funds — took her station 
side by side with the struggling Eepublic of the Western 
World — an open foe to its great Oppressor. 

Philanthropic, self-sacrificing Capellan ! Thou wast one 
among the first of the nobles of Europe, that — stepping off 
from the platform of hereditary rank — bursting every bar- 
rier with which wealth and power in the Old World have en- 
trenched and palisadoed man from his fellow-men — didst 
come with thy cheering sympathy, thy purse, and thy influ- 
ence, upon the arena of oppressed America, and bid her — 
Be free ! At a time when she was rocking, at utter hazard, 
in the stormy cradle of war, thou didst say to her — Be of 
good cheer! Honor then to thy name, thy bounty, and thy 
love ! Honor for that undying confidence in the final tri- 
umph of liberty here, which thou wouldst permit no arrow 
barbed from our distress ever to wound ! The shield thou 
thus lifted for American defence, should be emblazoned with 
gratitude, wherever thy good deeds are known ! Fame, in 
fair guerdon of thy worth, should tell to posterity thy vir- 
tues, and keep the temple thou hast erected in the American 
heart, ever vocal with thy praise ! 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 
1780. 

The Campaign of 1780. Another Valley Forge scene. The Continental 
Army starving again in ita -winter quarters. The portion of it upon 
the North River relieved hy Trumhull. Testimony of George Wash- 
ington Parke Custis on this point. The army distressed for support 
during most of the year Trumhull, therefore, called upon for extra- 
ordinary exertion. A change made hy Congress in the Department of 
Supplies. Trumhull under the new organization. He furnishes pro- 
visions, tents, camp equipage, and gabions and fascines, to "Washington. 
He supplies Ethan Allen with powder. His task rendered douhly difl&- 
cult on account of the wretched state of the national currency. Yet 
he achieves it. The whole suhject of finance in Connecticut is com- 
mitted to his special care. Favorahle results. A new Congressional 
plan, started this year, for improving the currency, is sustained in 
Connecticut. 

The Campaign of 1780 opened under favorable auspices. 
France, we were assured, was to help us. Spain looked upon 
us with a cautious, yet with a kindly eye — she was at least 
pledged against Great Britain. The combined navies of these 
two Powers were in the waters of the "West Indies to threat- 
en there the annihilation of British armaments and commerce. 
Eussia, Denmark, Sweden, and Holland, had combined in an 
Armed Neutrality that was profoundly humiliating to British 
naval power and pride. Lord George Gordon was beginning 
to rock London with civil convulsions. Ireland was restive 
under the oppression of her master, and threatened retalia- 
tion. Disturbances, directed against the English Gov- 
ernment, were rife in Scotland. Prospects then for Amer- 
ica were auspicious. The hour of deliverance seemed at 
hand. 

But, alas, no deliverance came. The campaign of the 
year was tardy — and, upon the whole, fruitless but of gain 
to the enemy.* A capital city of the South — beleaguered 

* True, in some respects, America was profited. Hurricanes and assaults in 
the West Indies, had wounded Great Britain in her "tenderest point," her 



1780. CHAP. XXXIX. — TRUMBULL. 467 

Charleston — fell. Upon the blood-soaked plains of Camden, 
Gates was defeated, and the heroic Baron de Kalb expired. 
The bloody Tarleton ravaged and plundered, almost with 
impunity, from the slopes of the Alleghany down to the sea 
upon which his master's fleet rode quite triumphant. Lord 
Cornwallis, not without reason, regarded Georgia and South 
Carolina as conquered provinces — and his foot was planted, 
with apparent firmness, on a part of North Carolina, ready 
for an advance northward into Virginia, and beyond — an ad- 
vance which nothing seemed able to prevent. 

Yet though the main theatre of the war — transferred at 
the close of 1779 to the South — remained there during the 
whole of the year now under consideration — a full thousand 
miles away from the immediate observation of that Governor 
we commemorate — who for the five years that preceded, had 
been accustomed to see battle rage in his own neighbor- 
hood — still at home — for the military departments directly 
around him — he had his usual amount of labor and duty to 
perform — at one period of the year indeed, as we shall see, 
more than an ordinary share. 

The year opened with another call upon his services in the 
way of supplies for the Continental Army, which involves a 
scene of great interest — and one peculiarly illustrative of his 
promptness. To this, therefore, we first direct the Header's 
attention. 

On going into quarters — in a winter again signally 
severe — in the first month of the year — the scene of Yalley 

trade — source of her wealth and credit. Portugal had insulted her, fearlessly 
and without provoking retaliation, by shutting her ports against her ships-of- 
war, and her prizes. Strangely enough, the petty principalities of Germany, 
which had heretofore sold her Hessians and Waldeckers for a few shillings a head, 
now paused in the mercenary traffic, and rendered additions to her troops des- 
tined for America from this source impracticable. The American cause too in 
Europe had gained in credit. There was satisfaction and even joy felt there at 
the expected circumscription of English domination. Though expending all her 
finesse to detach France from her alliance with the United States, yet England 
had not succeeded. Though she had labored to weaken the friendliness of Spain 
and Holland, she had not succeeded. All these circumstances — forcing her, as 
they did, to maintain her belligerent attitude — still to muster her battalions, and 
task her resources, for a continued contest with America — left her, at the end of 
the Campaign of 1780, upon the whole, in a posture by no means favorable. 
God, "in bounty," seemed to be "working up storms" about her. 



468 CHAP. XXXIX. — ^TRUMBULL. 



1780. 



Forge, as regards distress for want of food, was renewed 
among the American troops, with even aggravated horrors, 
" The present situation of the army, with respect to provis- 
ions," wrote Washington, January eighth — " is the most dis- 
tressing of any we have experienced since the beginning of 
the war. For a fortnight past, the troops, both officers and 
men, have been ahnost perishing for want. They have been 
alternately without bread or meat the whole time, with a very 
scanty allowance of either, and frequently destitute of both. 
They are now reduced to an extremity no longer to be 
supported." 

Such at this period, was the melancholy picture drawn by 
the Commander-in-chief And it was but too true. There 
they were, the poor soldiers — both those in quarters in New 
Jersey, and those cantoned on the North River — on the very 
verge of famine — reduced to half, and sometimes to less than 
half allowance — five or six days, at times, without either 
bread or meat — compelled to eat every kind of horse-food 
excepting hay — their magazines absolutely exhausted — their 
medical department without sugar, tea, chocolate, wine or 
liquors of any kind, and driven to the alternative either of 
perishing with cold and hunger, or of dispersing to relieve 
their biting wants by indiscriminate plunder — honest and 
honorable though their intentions, and heroic and unex- 
ampled their patience. 

To those of them that were in winter quarters in New Jer- 
sey, Washington, under the menace of military impress- 
ments — fortunately, on account of the magnanimous exertions 
of the people and magistrates of that State, seldom carried 
into effect — was compelled to extort an irregular and preca- 
rious subsistence. 

But for those cantoned upon the North River he ap- 
pealed — just at their extremest point of suffering — to Gov- 
ernor Trumbull of Connecticut — as did also General Heath — 
and Congress also, in pressing terms, twice within six days — 
to a State that was apparently, from her previous exhausting 
contributions, destitute of any provisions beyond those im- 
mediately necessary for the subsistence of her own inhabit- 
ants. Of the manner in which Trumbull responded, the fol- 



1780. CHAP. XXXIX. — TRUMBULL. 469 

lowing account, gathered from tlie personal statements of the 
late venerable George Washington Parke Custis — the adopted 
son of the great Father of his Country — will give tlie Reader 
a vivid idea.* 

"It seems that once," proceeds the account, "when Gen. Washington 
was quartered in New York, the necessities of the army were at a dis- 
couraging extremity, and such frequent and exhausting calls had been 
made upon the various States, that he despaired of being able to diaw 
any substantial quantity of supplies from any quarter. However, as a 
last resort, he wrote to Gov. Trumbull on the subject, expressing his 
mind with perfect frankness, and sending his letter by a special messen- 
ger. The Governor received the letter in the afternoon, and, after read- 
ing it, told the messenger to rest for the night, and call the next morn- 
ing to take his answer. The envoy supposed the case was desperate, and 
as he galloped his horse back to New York the next day, believed that 
he was carrying information of the utter inability of Connecticut to sup- 
ply the provisions asked for. 

" The letter was opened by Gen. Washington, and, much to his sur- 
prise, informed him that on a stated day he might expect a certain num- 
ber of barrels of beef, a certain number of barrels of pork, and other 
provisions in detail. The news was joyfully received, for the Governor 
was never known to prove false to his promise. On the day assigned, 
squads of American soldiers might have been seen on the highest hills in 
the vicinity of the camp, straining their eyes down the line of road from 
the East, in which the longed-for wagons were expected to appear in 
sight. 

" Within half an hour of the time assigned by Governor Trumbull for 
the arrival of the stores, the expectant eyes almost filled with tears of 
joy at discovering through the mists of the valley the teamsters cheering 
along their jaded horses. It was like the cry of " sail ho " to the ship- 
wrecked. Every heart bounded with gratification, and Gen. Washing- 
ton was delighted to receive fresh evidence of the trustworthiness of the 
sterling people and punctual Governor of the State of ConnectHcut, dur- 
ing the "times that tried men's souls." 

"With respect to provisions," wrote Washington, January 
twenty-ninth — "the situation of the army is comfortable 
[now,] on this head. I ardently pray it may never be again 
as it has been of late." But the prayer of the Commander- 

* The facts were communicated to the Hon. Charles Eockwell, then of Nor- 
wich, Connecticut, upon occasion of a visit paid by himself and lady to Mr. 
Custis. By Mr. Eockwell they were communicated to Charles Hosmer, Esq., of 
Hartford— by Mr. Hosmer to L. F. Eohinson, Esq., of this city and by the latter 
were written out and published. 
40 



470 CHAP. XXXIX.— TEUMBULL. 1780. 

in-chief was not, however, answered — for though relieved at 
the time he describes, yet spring, and summer, and autumn 
too — the whole year in fact — saw the same distress painfully 
renewed. May — and the troops were at a half, a quarter, 
and even an eighth allowance, for subsistence. September — 
and the destitution in camp caused "Washington to send fif- 
teen hundred of the militia of Connecticut, as well as militia 
from other States, home — just to procure their " daily bread." 
Instances these of want which are "so reiterated and con- 
stant," said the Commander-in-chief about this time, as "can- 
not but lead to alarming consequences." And the conse- 
quences predicted did ensue. Two regiments of the Con- 
necticut Line were forced into seeming mutiny — as were sub- 
sequently portions of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey 
lines. 

Trumbull, therefore, as at the beginning, so during the 
whole course of the year, was compelled to do extraordinary 
duty in the department of supplies — a fact which leads us to 
dwell somewhat on this duty here. Though it is familiar to 
those who have thus far followed us in this work, still its 
round at this time, for Trumbull, varies a little from that of 
former years, and in justice to him should not, though under 
some aspects analagous, be untrodden either by his Biog- 
rapher, or the Eeader. 

It was at this period that Congress new-modelled the De- 
partment of Supplies — and for the old system of Continental 
purchases by Continental agents, substituted the plan of 
making requisitions upon the States for specific articles — to 
be procured under State authority, by State agents, with 
State money. Connecticut, therefore, appointed, for herself, 
a Commissary and Assistants, to make requisite purchases — 
and Trumbull superintended their performance of duty. 
From time to time, in order to ensure supplies, this State, as 
has been observed, decreed embargoes. Trumbull pro- 
claimed and enforced these — this year as before — and as 
against all exportations that might interfere with demands 
for the public service. Connecticut again, passed careful acts 
for collecting and storing provisions and refreshments, and 
for impressing them even, if otherwise they could not be ob- 



1780. CHAP. XXXIX. — TRUMBULL. 471 

tained. The Governor saw these Acts too, faithfully exe- 
cuted — nor did he forget to add beef and pork to the general 
stock, from prizes brought into New London by American 
privateers.* 

So that when the Army, during the year, was in need, 
Trumbull was alwa3^s prepared with a supply — greater or 
less — generally all, and often more than was the just quota 
of the State. "When the French troops — arriving this year — 
were in want, he relieved them — and frequently also during 
the year, supplied some of the people of neighboring States, 
from the strangely exhaustless magazines, as they sSemed, of 
old Connecticut. The Manager of a forge in New Jersey, 
for example, on which the army was dependent, wrote him 
that unless he received aid in provisions, his workmen must 
be dismissed. The provisions were sent. The people of 
Nantucket, in March, were suffering from want of bread. 
He gave them permits to barter their oil, salt, and rum, in 
Connecticut, for this great necessary of life. 

Congress called upon him, in March, foii one thousand bar- 
rels of pork, and one thousand five hundred barrels of flour — 
to replace stores that had been borrowed from the French 
Marine. They were furnished. In June, De Cornay came 
to him with a letter from the President of Congress, request- 
ing his aid for the steady supply of the French force, and for 
the prevention of all competition in purchases between 
France and the United States. This aid Trumbull cheerfully 
bestowed. He commissioned agents to go to Boston for a 
conference and arrangement on the subject with agents from 
other States. Twenty thousand pounds were advanced to 
the French Commissary from the Treasury of Connecticut — 
and wagon after wagon, loaded down with provisions — un- 
der permits which Trumbull granted to Commissary Wads- 
worth — rolled along the roads from Connecticut to the 
French Army at Newport. 

In September again, Congress asked him for five hundred 
and thirty-nine head of cattle — for the "full" number, and 

* As onoe, for example, in May, when he sent Commissary Champion to New- 
London, to seize such stores, then lately captured, and convert them to the 
public use. 



472 CHAP. XXXIX. — TRUMBULL. 1780. 

"immediately." The cattle were sent. In the same month, 
again, General Heath — the militia and troops under his com- 
mand at Newport being in extreme want of bread, and in 
the "utmost danger," in consequence, he said, of a mutiny 
and desertion — sent to him for three or four hundred bushels 
of Indian corn.* Permission was given to take five hund- 
red. "Washington wanted four or five hundred barrels of 
salted beef for exhausted Fort Schuyler. "I desired Gov- 
ernor Trumbull," he wrote Governor Clinton of New York, 
"to hurry them on, that they might be got up, in all, this 
month." -The barrels of beef w^ere "hurried" on. 

In November again. Congress asked him for fifteen hund- 
red barrels of beef — twenty-five thousand hundred weight of 
beef — three thousand barrels of pork — twenty-five thousand 
gallons of "West India rum — eight hundred and thirteen 
bushels of salt — and two hundred and two thousand three 
hundred and ninety-nine dollars and one-third, in money. It 
was an enormous demand. Trumbull communicated the 
call to the General Assembly. Make what purchases you 
can — said the Assembly to himself and his Council — but at 
the same time represent to Congress their own tardiness in 
making the requisition, its magnitude, its disproportion, and 
our own inability, at present, to comply with it fully. 

This representation Trumbull made. The requisition, he 
wrote to Congress, is so "dilatory as to render a reasonable 
compliance absolutely impracticable " — why was not Congress 
more prompt? It is "large and untimely," especially in the 

* The following is the letter of Gen. Heath to Governor Trumbull, upon this 
occasion. 

^^ New2)ort, Sept. BO, 1780. Sir. Since I had the honor to address your Ex- 
cellency on the 22d, we have been in extreme want of bread, and the militia on 
the point of a mutiny and dispersing. 

"A temporary relief of flour and meal arrived yesterday from Massachusetts; 
but your Excellency well knows that the resources of that State in grain, espe- 
cially in the neighbouring parts of it, are but small. Permit me therefore again 
to request some aid from your State, if possible. Capt. Collins will bring 300 or 
400 bushels of Indian corn from your State, if he can gain permission. As this 
can be ground here, and the meal mixed with wheat and rye flour, it will be a 
groat relief to the troops." 

"Had it not been for Connecticut," says a newspaper account, speaking of this 
period — " the whole south-eastern part of Massachusetts would have been deso- 
lated by a famine." 



1780. CHAP. XXXIX. — TRUMBULL. 473 

article of salted provisions — and "vastly beyond" the just 
proportion for Connecticut. Congress is not sufficiently care- 
ful of its supplies, when obtained. There is the article of 
clothing, for example, in which there has been "great loss 
and spoil." Still Connecticut is patriotic, and though much 
exhausted, '' will make every proper effort." Such were the 
views he presented. 

" 'Tis difficult and ever will be," he wrote again to Congress upon an- 
other occasion this j'ear — " for Governors and Executive Councils to be 
Commissaries and Quarter Master Generals. But we must struggle 
through the present campaign as we can. The winter, T think, will be 
employed in systematizing still farther. Is it not already time to be form- 
ing j'our estimates for another year — that the States may know what 
they have to obtain — that their procurements may be in their season — 
and that we may not have the misfortune and embarrassment to look up 
our salted meats, &c., after they have all passed to markets. I wish 
Congress would for once economize in point of time as well as money." 

But it was not provisions alone, but supplies of every 
other kind wanted for the war, that Trumbull, this year, was 
more than ordinarily active in procuring. Washington, for 
example, in July, called for a large quantity of tents and 
camp equipage. Trumbull made them ready. Gabions and 
fascines were wanted. One thousand militia-men were, in 
July, set to work cutting them on and near the banks 
of the Connecticut River. "Washington again, in August, 
called on him for fifteen hundred arms. They were furnished. 
Ethan Allen, in February, and again in December, ap- 
pealed to him, in behalf of Vermont, for powder with 
which to ward off an expected invasion from Canada. El- 
derkin and Wales, by Trumbull's order, sent two tons in 
all to the "Green Mountain Boys" from their powder-mill at 
Windham. 

Labors like these now described, in the department of sup- 
plies, were achieved by Trumbull, it should be remembered, 
when the medium of purchases — Continental Money main- 
ly — now thirty-nine fortieths at least below its nominal val- 
ue — was fast verging to the point of utter annihilation — when 
in fact, at times, there was no available money at all — as, in 
September, Commissary Champion declared before the Coun- 



474 CHAP. XXXIX. — TRUMBULL. 1780. 

cil of Safety, wlien pressed by this Body to " do his utmost" 
for supply. True Congress — early in the year — had taken 
measures to reduce the quantity of bills in circulation — and 
to establish and appropriate specific funds for the punctual 
redemption of a new paper substitute, which they endeav- 
ored to render equivalent to specie.* True, their appeal to 
the States for cooperation in their plan was kindly met by 
Governor Trumbull, and the people of Connecticut — who, in 
their General Assembly — for the purpose of sinking the 
wretched outstanding paper of the country — authorized a 
lottery — and imposed an annual tax of seven pence on the 
pound, for six years, on all the polls and rateable estate of 
the State. 

But all these proceedings did not suffice to make money, 
in the language of Wall Street, either "plenty" or "easy" — 
and the business of supply therefore, to Trumbull, the pres- 
ent year, was on this account — as well as on account of a 
disposition still existing, among some, to engross and fore- 
stall commodities — an arduous task. Yet, aided somewhat 
by a fresh emission of State bills of credit — spite of all em- 
barrassments — he achieved it. 

It is a striking proof of the confidence felt in his financial 
ability and integrity — that the General Assembly, this year, 
specially empowered him " to superintend " the whole subject 
of Finance in Connecticut — to supervise and direct the Treas- 
ury, and the Pay Table — to examine into the state of the 
public debts and credits — to make a proper estimate of the 
amount of public expenses, and of the ways and means pro- 
vided for their discharge — and to take effectual measures for 
securing, from the towns of Connecticut, their respective 
arrearages of the public taxes. All this duty he performed — 
and he inspired confidence. The people began, after a while, 
to accept cheerfully the new system of finance devised by 
Congress. " The Connecticut traders " — was the compliment 
which, at this time, the Honorable James Duane of Con- 

* By issuing them on the funds of particular States — ^by guaranteeing their 
payment, and making them, principal and interest, redeemable in specie, or, at 
the election of the holder, in sterling bills of exchange drawn by the United 
States on their Commissaries in Europe, at 4s. 6p. sterling. 



1780. CHAP. XXXIX. — TRUMBULL. 475 

gress,* paid to the State over whicli Trumbull presided — 
" have done themselves great honor, as -well as the principal 
farmers. The former, in an Address to the Assembly, de- 
clare their readiness to receive the new money at its value 
specified by Congress, in payment for their commodities. 
New- York, I am sure, will concur." 

* In a letter to General Washington. 



C HAPTE R XL. 
1780. 

Trumbull and military affairs at the Nortli. Devastations "by the ene* 
ray in the Jerseys, and elsewhere. The forces raised by- Trumhull 
for Continental service, and for Home Defence. Enlistments difEcult. 
An alarm upon the Hudson River. Washington applies to Trumhull 
for aid. Arrival of a French land and naval force at Newport. High 
expectations of the country in consequence. Preparations for cooper- 
ation. Trumbull, through La Fayette, congratulates Count Rociam- 
beau and Admiral Ternay, upon their arrival. Arbuthnot, however, 
blockades the French fleet Trumbull orders on troops to that quar- 
ter. Another alarm. Clinton, with a formidable armament, is report- 
ed to be in Long Island Sound. The Governor's measures in conse- 
quence. A meeting between the American and French Commanders- 
in-chief, at Hartford, to arrange a combined plan of operations. Their 
expenses in Connecticut are paid from the State Treasury. Their im- 
posing reception at Hartford, the Governor being present. Their first 
interview in the street near the State House. Their subsequent inter- 
view and consultation at the house of Col. Jeremiah Wadsworth. 
Trumbull shares in all their deliberations. The result. Escorted by 
the Governor's Guards, and amid the roar of artillery, the Command- 
ers-in-chief depart for their respective Head Quarters. Washington 
on his way hears of Arnold's treason. 

So mucli for Trumbull's labors in tbe department of 
finance and supplies, for tlie present year — a year which, 
though the arena of war, as has been stated, was chiefly at the 
South, yet did not pass at the North without dyeing some 
portions of this quarter with blood, and keeping the expecta- 
tion of armed collision almost momentarily alive. And it is 
to Trumbull's connections with military affairs in this quar- 
ter that we now turn. 

It was during this year that large detachments from the 
British . army, advancing upon the Jerseys, reduced Spring- 
field and Connecticut Farms to ashes — and that Sir Henry 
Clinton, having settled, as he supposed, South Carolina and 
Georgia in firm allegiance to the King, returned fi*om his 
successes southward to New- York — thence, with a veteran 
army, now become immense, to menace the American battal- 



1180. 



CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. 477 



ions around Momstown, and all the posts in the Highlands 
upon the North River. It was in this year that the alarm- 
ing treachery of Arnold came near throwing West Point 
into the hands of the British Commander. It was in this 
year that the French naval armament under Admiral Ternay 
arrived at Newport, and cooperation with the United States 
for the expulsion of their formidable foe was carefully 
planned. It was in this year also that Major Carlton and 
Sir John Johnson — with their motley hordes of Europeans, 
Indians, and tories — dashed upon the northern parts of New 
York — and, reducing two hundred dwellings and immense 
quantities of wheat and forage to ashes, startled the dwellers 
upon the upper Hudson and the Mohawk with fresh scenes 
of terrific waste and conflagration. 

The period, therefore, was a most anxious one at the 
North, as well as at the South. It exacted constant military 
watchfulness. It consequently called on Governor Trumbull 
not only for the supply of provisions and munitions of war, 
but largely also for the supply of troops. These he had to 
raise, as usual, both for regular service in the Continental 
Army, and for Home Defence. 

Of the former there was required, first, in January, a force 
of eighteen hundred men to make up a deficiency in troops 
that had been previously ordered by Congress from Connec- 
ticut — second, in May, a force of twenty-five hundred and 
twenty men to complete a quota of three thousand two hund- 
red and thirty-eight that in February was assigned to the 
State by Congress, for the Campaign of 1780 — and third, in 
October, a force of about two thousand to complete a quota 
of four thousand two hundred and forty-eight ordered by 
Congress for the ensuing Campaign of 1781, to serve for 
three years, or during the War, and which was to be made 
ready, and be in the field by the succeeding first of Janu- 
ary — at which time — through the expiration of enlistments, 
and other causes, it was calculated that the old regular army 
would be diminished one-half — down to six thousand men — 
to but a shadow and a name. 

Add now to these, two regiments which in January were 
ordered for Home Defence — to serve steadily — and other 



478 CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. 



1780. 



troops that were only occasionally, in some emergency, 
raised for the same sphere of duty — as once one thousand 
men for Horseneck — add a body of two thousand militia 
that, in June, upon an alarm in the Highlands, was suddenly 
made ready, and marched to West Point — add also a body 
of about one thousand, which, in July, was detached, and 
sent on to Greenwich, Rhode Island, upon occasion of an ex- 
pected attack upon the French at Newport — and we have, in 
all, a force — distributed through the year — of about twelve 
thousand men, that was newly raised for public service in 
1780 — with the superintendence of which Governor Trum- 
bull was occupied. 

To raise it was at many times — as in days that had 
passed — a difficult task. Once, in May — in order to secure 
men — it became necessary to lay an embargo on the priva- 
teers, letters of marque, and armed vessels of Connecticut — 
which the Governor proclaimed and enforced — making, how- 
ever, such exceptions as in his own judgment were expedi- 
ent. Empowered as he was, with his Council, to fill up all 
deficiencies in the army — make peremptory detachments, if 
necessary — call out, if thought best, the whole military 
strength of the State — and, at discretion, regulate bounties — 
which, in the course of the year, were raised to the amount 
of even three hundred dollars a man — ^he had occasion to 
exercise these powers, nearly every one of them, more or 
less. And though through the country generally — partly 
from dilatoriness in Congress — partly from jealousy of a 
large standing army, such as was contemplated, of from 
twenty-five to thirty-five thousand men — and partly from an 
overstrained reliance on the French auxiliary force — there 
was tardiness in completing the Continental battalions — yet, 
so far as Trumbull is concerned, his own exertions in the 
case were put forth with his usual energy. With the hu- 
manity also which ever characterized him, he labored assidu- 
ously to make the condition of all the officers and soldiers 
comfortable as possible — and, in May, united cordially with, 
the General Assembly in a Public Act which was intended 
to secure to all of them the balances which were already due, 
and those additional which would become due on the ensu- 



1780. CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. 47&- 

ing first of January — a purpose which was achieved by hav- 
ing every soldier registered at the Pay Table, and his wages, 
together with interest thereon, provided for in installments 
that were secured and made payable, from time to time, 
within a few years. 

Two occasions, particularly, this year, drew upon the Gov- 
ernor's energies. One was an alarm at West Point, and upon 
the Hudson Eiver generally, in the beginning of summer — 
and the other was the American plan of cooperation with 
the French land and naval force at Newport. 

The alarm to which we refer occurred about the middle of 
June — at the period of Sir Henry Clinton's return from the 
South to New York. At this time everything indicated that 
the British Commander would proceed immediately to attack 
the American posts in the Highlands — while General Knyp- 
hausen, having just burned the flourishing settlement of 
Connecticut Farms, should continue to harass New Jersey, 
and threaten the American army and stores around Morris- 
town. In pursuance, to all appearance, of this project, Clin- 
ton assembled transports, and embarked his troops. His des- 
tination was believed to be West Point. He had at this time, 
in and around New York, an army of no less than twelve 
thousand men, while Washington had an operating force of 
but about three thousand only — a fearful disparity. It was, 
therefore, a most auspicious time for the British general to 
undertake the scheme he threatened — but one of gloomy 
prospect indeed, and pressing danger, for the American 
troops. 

Washington fully apprehended " some alarming scene 
shortly to open," as he expressed it — some "serious misfor- 
tune " in the quarter of the Highlands. Pn-epare^ therefore, 
he wrote to General Howe, who was then in command at 
West Point. Circulate ideas of having the militia ready 
for a sudden call. Apply to Governor Trumbull for the ad- 
vance of the Connecticut regiments. Collect boats, sufficient 
to carry two thousand men, and put the garrison under mov- 
ing orders, with provision for three days, for a demonstration 
in your quarter, in case the design of the enemy should be 
against the army in New Jersey — and take such other steps 



480 CHAP. XL.— TRUMBULL. 1780. 

as, without making a noise, may give tlie enemy some 
alarm. 

Governor Trumbull responded, of course, to tlie applica- 
tion made to himself. lie ordered a peremptory detachment 
of about two thousand militia — and " caused them to march 
with the utmost expedition" to General Howe. They 
reached the exposed quarter, and gave strength and confi- 
dence to the garrison there. The relief they afforded was 
most timely. And the arrival, speedily, of the French fleet 
with Count Eochambeau — which gave Clinton occupation in 
other directions — rendered this relief complete. " I am un- 
der no apprehensions now of danger to West Point," wrote 
Washington to Livingston, June twenty -ninth — "on the 
score either of provisions, the strength of the works, or of 
the garrison. I have dismissed all the militia that were 
called in for the defence of the posts on the North Eiver." 
"I beg your Excellency," he wrote Trumbull at about the 
same time,* "to accept my warmest acknowledgments for 
your exertions in behalf of West Point." 

The second occasion to which we have alluded as specially 
commanding his Excellency's attention the present year, was 
the arrival, at Newport, of the French Armament just men- 
tioned. Six thousand soldiers from sunny France — gallant, 
devoted, ambitious — came bearing the aegis of protection for 
America in her perilous struggle for independence. It was 
a boon and benison soul-stirring! The chivalric La Fay- 
ette — chief promoter of the event — announced their coming, 
April twenty-seventh, from on board a frigate in the Bay of 
Boston which his Majesty of France had furnished him for 
his passage — that he might be the bearer of the tidings, and 
find himself once again one of the "loving soldiers" of 
Washington. How the good news flew the country over I 
How the heart of each American patriot kindled with exult- 
ation! The foe, in his belief, could certainly now be ex- 
pelled from New York! The South would be recovered! 
The proud navy of England would no longer ride triumph- 
ant on the American seas ! America would be free at once ! 
Beautiful dream — to be realized at last — surely — but not at 

* July twenty-seventh. 



1780. CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. 481 

the time this present Joy dated its fulfilment — not in the 
year seventeen hundrefl and eighty I 

Still preparations were made as if its immediate fulfilment 
were certain. A memorial from the Minister of France* 
roused Congress — and this Body appealed to the country for 
ten millions of dollars — to be paid within thirty -five days at 
least — and to be used solely for bringing an army into the 
field, and forwarding its supplies. Connecticut, for her 
share, was asked for one million three hundred and twent}'-- 
nine thousand dollars. Congress called on the country also 
to complete a force of twenty-five thousand men, which, in 
January, had been promised for cooperation with France. 
Connecticut had yet many soldiers to enlist in order to make 
up her assigned quota of this force. Congress demanded 
explicit information from all the States as to their men, 
money, and provisions, and charged their Supreme Execu- 
tives wnth the duty of correspondence with a Committee of 
its own at the Head Quarters of the Army, to communicate 
the measures they took from time to time in pursuance of the 
public requisitions. A Circular from this Committee to all 
the States detailed measures — many and vital — and entreated 
for their execution.f 

*At Philadelphia. 

t The following is General Washington's appeal to Trumbull, June 27th, on 
the Plan of Cooperation : — 

" Dear Sir. I can omit no occasion of repeating my earnest entreaties to your 
Excellency to use all your influence to forward the measures recommended by 
the committee of cooperation. I assure you with the greatest sincerity and 
truth, that nothing short of them will answer our purpose, and that I am fully 
pursuaded, from a general view of European and American affairs, that the fate 
of our cmise depends on the exertions of this campaign. The sparing system 
has been tried, till it has brought us to a crisis little less than desperate ; and, if 
the opportunity now before us be neglected, I believe it will be too late to 
retrieve our afi'airs. These are ideas which I may safely trust to your judgment, 
though I know they would be slighted by those indolent and narrow politicians, 
■who, except at the moment of some signal misfortune, are continually crying All 
is well, and who, to save a little present expense and avoid some temporary in- 
convenience, with no ill designs in the main, would protract the war, and risk 
the perdition of our liberties. As I always speak to your Excellency in the con- 
fidence of friendship, I shall not scruple to confess, that the prevailing politics, 
for a considerable time past, have filled me with inexpressible anxiety and ap- 
prehension, and have uniformly appeared to me to threaten the subversion of 
our independence. I hope a period to them has now arrived, and that a change of 
measures will save us from ruin." 
41 



482 CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. 1180. 

To tlie new duties tbat now devolved upon him, Trumbull 
devoted himself with his usual assiduity — and, notwithstand- 
ing the great embarrassments of the country, with compara- 
tively good success. The occasion was indeed an extraordi- 
nary one — calling for an extraordinary amount of concert 
and correspondence, and for the greatest wisdom and energy. 
The General Assembly, it is true — in view, as they said, of 
the fact that " affairs of great weight and moment to the 
peace, happiness, and safety of the States" would "now de- 
volve on the Executive Department" of Connecticut, and 
that " very vigorous and important exertions " must be put 
forth — added ten gentlemen, for the conjuncture, to the Gov- 
ernor's Council. Their advice and aid were received by him 
with respect and attention, but did not very materially dimin- 
ish his own labors — for his were hands which found always 
something to do. Nor, to any great extent, did they relieve 
his sense of responsibility — for this, Chief Executive of the 
State as he was — with such sensitiveness to duty as he pos- 
sessed — no number of Councillors, though a multitude, 
could weaken. 

Soon as the French troops appeared at Newport, he warmly 
congratulated the Public on their arrival. He spoke in flat- 
tering terms of their commanders — and by La Fayette — who 
on his way, in July, to join his countrymen, visited him at 
his home in Lebanon — he sent on to Eochambeau and Ter- 
nay words of courtesy, and zealous assurances of his own 
purpose to do all in his power to make their mission grateful 
to themselves, and fruitful of good to the great cause which 
they came to succor. 

It was but a few days only after their arrival, as is famil- 
iar history, when the British Admiral Arbuthnot — suddenly 
reenforced by Graves with six ships of the line — reversed the 
naval superiority of the French, and effectually blockaded 
them in their quarters at Newport. 

July twenty-seventh, Trumbiill heard of the appearance of 
Arbuthnot off this place. General Heath wrote him. So 
did Governor Greene. The news was alarming. The ene- 
my, it was said, would immediately make an attack. Quick- 
ly therefore did Trumbull provide, so far as was within his 



1780. CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. 483 

own power, for tlie emergency. He ordered half the men 
from four eastern brigades to be made ready to march to the 
threatened quarter. A part of the forces from the two bi'ig- 
ades of Tyler and Douglass, he sent immediately on to Ehode 
Island. To the same quarter also he sent Captain Timothy 
Backus with his troop of Veterans from Canterbury — aud 
Captain Daniel Tyler with his company of Matrosses from 
Pomfret — instructing them all to rendezvous at Greenwich — 
and there, placing themselves under the order of the officer 
commanding in that department, to be momentarily ready to 
defend Newport, should the enemy, as expected, make an 
attack. 

But two days after this, came a second installment of start- 
ling news. It was at ten o'clock at night, July twenty -ninth, 
that a wearied express — one among others who, by order of 
General Silliman, had ridden night and day upon his er- 
rand — drew up his panting steed at the door of Governor 
Trumbull's mansion at Lebanon, and announced that Sir 
Henry Clinton — with a most formidable armament — was on 
the waters of Long Island Sound. He had embarked eight, 
probably ten thousand land forces — was the report which his 
Excellency received. The armament had been in menacing 
position off Greenwich, it was added. It had now put into 
Huntington Bay, and lay there at anchor. It was des- 
tined, concluded the message, for Newport — or for New 
London ! 

The Governor instantly sent the news, by express, to Gen- 
eral Heath. An attack upon you at Newport, he wrote, 
"may be momently expected." Another express he sent 
with the news to General "Washington. Other expresses he 
sent to New London — and in various other directions — with 
numerous and urgent commands that every preparation 
should be made to receive the enemy — that fresh aids of mili- 
tia should be put under marching orders — that coast guards 
should be multiplied, supplies augmented, spy-boats sent out, 
and the most sleepless vigilance be everywhere exercised. 

Fortunately the danger was escaped. To alarm Clinton, 
General Washington moved rapidly with a force of ten 
thousand men towards Kingsbridge, threatening New York. 



484 CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. 1780. 

Arbutlmot found that tlie Frencli liad so strengtliened tlieir 
defences, as in his judgment to defy assault — nor did he like 
Clinton's plan of combining a land and naval force for his 
project. It was, therefore, abandoned. Newport was re- 
lieved. New London was relieved — and Clinton went back 
to New York. His bootless expedition was at an end. 

Arbuthnot, however, still continued to blockade New- 
port — and cruised from his station off Block Island to inter- 
cept, if possible, that second division of French troops which 
was daily expected from Brest. August passed — and this 
second division had not come. Neither did Count de 
Guichen, so anxiously looked for with a fleet from the West 
Indies, appear. Nor — from the over-abounding confidence 
engendered by the presence of Eochambeau, and from other 
causes — was the American Army recruited rapidly and fully 
as it should have been. How then recapture New York — 
the darling project of General Washington — or how other- 
wise direct, separately, or in union, the French and Ameri- 
can forces — were now the great questions to be settled. 

In order to settle them — "to combine some plan of future 
operations " which events might render practicable — arrange- 
ments were made for a personal interview between the French 
and American Commanders-in-chief. It was to take place at 
Hartford, Connecticut, September twentieth — and Trumbull 
was to be present. On a Monday moriiing, therefore, Wash- 
ington — with General Knox and La Fayette for companions, 
and some other officers of his suite — set out to meet Count 
Eochambeau and Admiral Ternay at the appointed place. 

It is a singular and interesting fact, related by Gordon — 
and one which shows strikingly the pecuniary pressure of 
the times — that, on the departure of Washington and his 
party from Camp — they were compelled to send about in 
every direction in order " to muster up " money with which 
to pay the expenses of their contemplated trip — and that, 
after strenuous exertions, all they could obtain was eight 
thousand paper dollars — such was the " scarcity," says Gor- 
don, " even of that depreciated commodity at camp." Be- 
fore quitting New York, they had expended "more than 
half their stock " — and were much embarrassed by the idea 



1780. CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. 485 

that soon tliey would become quite unable "to pay their 
way." Nevertheless, they "put a good countenance" on the 
matter, when in Connecticut, says Gordon — " called for what 
the}^ wanted, and were well supplied — but the thought of 
reckoning with their host damped their pleasure. To their 
great joy, however, when the bills were called for, they were 
informed that the Governor of Connecticut had given orders 
that thej' should pay nothing in that State, hut should he at free 
cod! " 

Gordon is correct. Trumbull's thoughtfulness upon this 
occasion did anticipate their wants, and those too of the 
French commanders and their suite — for, September nine- 
teenth, say the Records of the Council of Safety — " agreeahle 
to the orders of his Excellency,^'' three hundred and forty-five 
pounds are to be drawn from the Treasury " for the reception 
and entertainment " of General "Washington, and the French 
General and Admiral at Hartford. 

Upon their appearance in this city, they were received 
with imposing ceremonies. The Governor's Guards, and a 
company of Artillery, were on duty upon the occasion. 
They saluted Washington, as he entered the town, with thir- 
teen guns. Trumbull, and Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth, 
and other distinguished personages of the State, met him as 
he advanced. They gave him a cordial welcome — and, 
through crowds that rent the air with cheers, and strained to 
catch a sight of the illustrious Commander-in-chief, the latter 
made his way, together with Knox and La Fayette, to the 
residence of their mutual friend, Colonel Wadsworth — there 
upon the site where the Historical Society of Connecticut 
now lifts its walls — and where, in a beautiful mansion, still 
standing, though upon another spot, himself and his princi- 
pal ofl&cers were nobly entertained during their stay. 

The same ceremony was repeated soon after Washington 
came, upon the arrival of the French commander and suite.* 

* The following interesting occurrence, upon tlieir journey to Hartford at this 
time, is related by Eochambeau himself. 

"I will here venture to intrude on the kind attention of the Eeader with an 
anecdote, which is strikingly characteristic of the manners of the good republic- 
ans of Connecticut. The conveyance in which I proceeded to the conference, 
in company with Admiral de Temay, who, by the way, was very infir m^ broke 
41* 



486 CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. 1780. 

They were formally received attlie City Landing, after crossing 
the ferry — and marching to the area in front of the Capitol, 
were there met by General Washington and his military 
companions. It was the first time that these distinguished 
leaders of the great Allied Armies, saw the faces of each 
other — the first time that, through their chief martial repre- 
sentatives, France and America shook hands — and the spec- 
tacle is described as having been one of the most august and 
imposing character. 

There were the noble-looking Frenchmen, gayly dressed, 
and sparkling with jewelled ensignia. There was Washing- 
ton — erect, tall, commanding — in his buff vest, buff breeches 
buckled at the knee, long-spurred boots, white neckcloth, 
and blue, bufi'-lined coat, that shone with a pair of rich, 
massive epaulettes. There were Knox, and other American 
officers, in nearly similar attire. There were Governor 
Trumbull, Colonel Wadsworth, and other noted patriots, in 
the close-fitting short clothes, embroidered vests, and drab or 

down. I dispatched my first aid de camp, Fessen, to fetch a wheelwright, who 
lived about a mile from the spot where the accident occurred. He soon after re- 
turned to us, however, that he had found the man sick with the ague, and that 
he had positively declared to hira that for his hat full of guineas he would do no 
work at night. I prevailed on the Admiral to accompany me to the man's shop, 
and we repaired thither ; we told him that General Wasliington would arrive at 
Hartford the same evening, to confer with us the following day, and that unless 
he could repair our carriage, we should be too late to meet him. ' You are no 
liars at any rate,' he replied, ' for I read in the Connecticut paper that Washing- 
ton was to be there to confer with you ; as it is for the public service, I will take 
care that your carriage shall be ready for you at six in the morning.' He kept 
his word ; and we proceeded on at the promised time. As we returned, another 
wheel broke, and we were once more obliged to have recourse to our old friend. 
' Well,' said he, ' so you want me to work again for you at night ? ' 'Aye, in- 
deed we do,' I replied. 'Admiral Rodney has arrived to reenforce threefold the 
naval forces against which we are contending, and it is of the highest import- 
ance that we should return without delay to Rhode Island to oppose him.' — 'But 
what can you do,' he continued, ' with your six ships against the twenty Eng- 
lish ? ' — ' It will be the most glorious day of our life if they attempt to break our 
line.' — ' Come, come,' said he, ' you are good honest fellows ; your carriage shall 
be put in repair by to-morrow morning at five o'clock. But tell me, before I set 
to work, although I do not wish to inquire into your secrets, how did you like 
Washington, and how did he like you ? ' We assured him that we had been de- 
lighted with hira ; his patriotism was satisfied and he kept his word. I do not 
mean to compare all Americans to this good man ; but almost all the inland cul- 
tivators, and all the land owners of Coimecticut, are animated with that patriotic 
spirit which many other people would do well to imitate." 



1780. 



CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. 487 



crimson broad-flapped coats, wliich then distinguished the 
dress of the opulent citizen. 

In close proximity to this central group, were the Govern- 
or's Guards, in glittering uniform, and Mattrosses with their 
shining brass artillery — and around — crowding the street, 
and filling every window, stoop, and niche in the vicinity, 
was an immense, eager multitude — composed of men, women, 
and children, who had assembled from Hartford, and the 
neighboring towns, to witness the novel and gorgeous spec- 
tacle of a meeting in America between the Eepresentatives 
of the two great military families of France and the United 
States. Everything passed off most happily. " The great- 
est satisfaction," says the Hartford Courant of that day, 
" was expressed by the parties at this meeting, and the high- 
est marks of polite respect and attention were mutual." 

The interview between the commanders was continued at 
the house of Colonel Wadsworth — whither the parties re- 
tired — and where, we are reliably informed — Trumbull in 
their midst, and lending his own highly valued aid and ad- 
vice — they proceeded with that consultation which was the 
special object of their meeting. They conferred long and 
earnestly — about recapturing New York — about a combined 
expedition to the South — and about eventual operations by 
the French squadron against the British West India isles, in 
case the enemy should be expelled from the United States — 
operations in which these States — to be "disencumbered," it 
was hoped, "of an internal war" — might vigorously unite 
their own inhabitants and resources, for the benefit of the 
common cause. 

But this deliberation resulted in no definite plan of ac- 
tion — because, as Washington informs us, "neither side 
knew with certainty what was to be expected. We could 
only combine possible plans," he adds, "on the supposition 
of possible events, and engage mutually to do everything in 
our power against the next campaign." Still, though the 
exceeding complicity of public affairs, at this time, rendered 
it impossible for the illustrious military Areopagus at Hart- 
ford to concert any project for immediate execution, yet the 
interview was fruitful of good to the country by bringing the 



488 CHAP. XL. — TEUMBULL. 1780. 

great leaders of tlie French and American forces personally 
in contact — making them acquainted with each other — and 
by augmenting mutual respect, attachment, and harmony. 

Thursday night, the Conference was concluded. Friday 
saw the French officers start on their return to Newport — 
the Governor's Gruards again in martial array — escorting the 
distinguished guests to the Eiver bank, while thirteen guns 
renewedly rent the air. The same parade was again pro- 
duced on the following morning — at which time General 
Washington and suite shook hands with the hospitable 
Wadsworth, the worthy Governor Trumbull, and numerous 
other friends — and, amid volleys of huzzas, started for the 
Head Quarters of the Army — their way, for a while, pleas- 
antly beguiled, doubtless, with thoughts of the friends and 
the welcome they had left — but soon awfully saddened by 
the report, which met them on their journey, of the fearful 
treason of one, whom in confidence and friendship, but five 
days before, "Washington had met at King's Ferry — whither, 
from West Point, to pay the Commander-in-chief his respects, 
had come the execrable Arnold. 



CHAPTER XL I. 
1780. 

Trumbull aids to rebuild Fairfield and Norwalk. British marauding ex- 
peditions upon the -western frontier of Connecticut. Similar expedi- 
tions from Long Island — particularly from a hand of "Associated 
Ijoyalists " at Lloyd's Neck. TrumhuH's precautions. Illicit trade, 
and forays upon Long Island. TrumhuU in this connection. Capture 
of Gen. Silliman, and counter-capture of Judge Jones. Trunahull re- 
stores Silliman to liberty. The Governor and naval defence. Mari- 
time prizes this year comparatively rare — losses inconsiderable. Gal- 
lant capture of the Watt by the frigate Trumbull. The army goes into 
-winter quarters. Trumbull and Col. Sheldon's regiment of Horse. 
The Duke de Lauzun, and his famous corps of Hussars, take up their 
quarters at Lebanon. Their appearance and mode of life at this time 
A dinner given by the Duke to the Marquis de Chastellux and Baron 
Montesquieu. Trumbull present. Sketch by Chastellux of his ap- 
pearance, and of his " saying grace " at the repast. Another sketch of 
him by the same hand, and also of Col. Jeremiah Wads-worth. 

The foreign fleet — wliose coming originated tlie Confer- 
ence described at tlie close of our last Chapter — we have 
found to have been the cause, indirectly, of a great alarm to 
Connecticut — that occasioned by Clinton's expedition, No 
large British squadron, however, like that of July, seems to 
have again threatened the coast of this State during the pe- 
riod on which we now dwell — and Trumbull, therefore, had 
a little time to devote to the good work of lifting Fairfield 
and Norwalk up from the ashes to which the enemy had re- 
duced them the previous year — a work which he promoted 
by freely granting permits for the exportation of produce 
from Connecticut to Boston and elsewhere, for the procure- 
ment of boards, glass, and other materials required for the 
rebuilding of these towns — while at the same time, at other 
points where the enemy had expended their fury — as par- 
ticularly at Fisher's Island* — he promoted re-inhabitation 
and industry. 

Still, so long as the foe occupied New York and Long Is- 

* In February, on application of John Winthrop, he gave this gentleman per- 
mission to rebuild on this island, and cultivate. 



490 CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 1780. 

land, Connecticut was never otherwise tlian in immediate 
danger. Still marauding expeditions against the western 
frontiers were frequently set afoot by them — as once in July, 
when a band of their horsemen surprised a militia-guard at 
Horseneck, killed four, wounded as many more, took twenty 
prisoners, and drove off a large number of horses, and thirty 
or forty head of cattle — and as once again in December, when 
another British party of one hundred horse and foot, sur- 
prised another militia-guard at the same place, and carried 
off about thirty prisoners. Such forays as these, of course, 
drew immediately upon the Governor's care — some of them 
for extraordinary care — as upon one occasion in June, when 
he sent to General Howe at West Point for forty Lighthorse 
to relieve Greenwich — and upon another occasion late in the 
fall, when for the defence generally of the western frontiers, 
he asked Washington and Howe for the return of two Con- 
necticut regiments from the Highlands that had been tempo- 
rarily loaned, upon a fresh alarm in that quarter — and upon 
still another occasion, in December, when one thousand addi- 
tional soldiers were ordered for the defence of Horseneck and 
vicinity. 

Marauding expeditions too from Long Island against the 
Connecticut Main, were frequently concerted and attempted. 
Particularly did these originate from a nest of tory priva- 
teersraen at Lloyd's Neck — who, this year, for the first time — 
for the express purpose of annoying the sea-coast of the "re- 
volted " provinces, and distressing their trade — became form- 
ally organized, as a " Board of Associated Loyalists," so 
styled, under a commission from Sir Henry Clinton, and with 
Trumbull's own former prisoner — Governor Franklin of New 
Jersey — for their President.* The watchfulness, however, 
of Connecticut against them was abounding. For there, 
cruising in the Sound — one set from Stonington to Guilford — 
another set from Guilford to the Housatonick — and still an- 
other from the Housatonick westward — were ten thoroughly 
armed whaleboats — under the command respectively of 

* " The important post of Lloyd's Neck," says Onderdonk, in his Revolutionary 
Incidents of Queen's County, L. /., " was put under their direction, and they were 
furnished with suitable armed vessels, provisions, arms, and ammunition, to de- 



1780. 



CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 491 



Pliinelias Bradley, William Ledyard, and David Hawley — 
captains whom Trumbull commissioned for the special em- 
ployment — and manned by nine men each, such as, in the 
language of the Eecord, were "true to the American cause," 
and might "be relied on for their fidelity." And they were 
aided occasionally by some of the large armed vessels of the 
State — and once, in October, by two or three vessels from the 
French fleet at Newport, for which Trumbull specially 
applied.* There they were, day and night, cutting the 
waters of the Sound, turning its waves in sparkles to the sun 
and stars, in order to intercept and check all hostile craft, 
guard the coast, and detect and prevent illicit trade. 

This illicit trade, the present year, was more than ordina- 
rily active. The General Assembly had to pass a new and 
special act for its suppression. And plundering expeditions, 
by some unprincipled men, from -the Connecticut shore over 
to Long Island, were to some extent still continued — spite of 
the fact that Governor Trumbull — in obedience to the advice 
of Congress and of Washington, and in consonance with his 
own convictions of duty — had, on account of abuses, refused 
any longer to grant commissions for armed descents upon this 
quarter. Still they were made, at times — against law — as 
one Colonel Hamilton of Flushing, for instance, found to his 
cost — for the house of this man, filled with elegant furniture, 
and stocked with provisions and costly wines for the enter- 
tainment of his British and tory friends — was in January, by 
a party of whaleboat adventurers, burned to the ground. 
The vigilance, therefore, of Trumbull in regard to forays 
upon Long Island, was still kept active. 

fend the post, and carry on enterprises against the rebels." The conditions of 
their "Association" were as follows: — 

"1. Each Associator was to receive 200 acres of land in North America. 2. All 
captures made by them to be their own property. 3. Prisoners taken by them to 
be exchanged for such Loyalists as the Board may name. 4. The sick and 
wounded to have the benefit of the King's Hospital. A skilful surgeon, with a 
complete medical chest, to reside at Lloyd's Neck, and accompany the Associatora 
in their excursions. 5. It will be their care to stop those distinguished cruelties 
witli which Colonial loyalists are treated, when in the hands of rebels, under the 
distinction of prisoners of war and prisoners of StaU. The Directors will omit 
nothing to make the rebels feel the just vengeance due such enoimities." 

*He asked for them to be stationed "at or near New London, and the mouth 
of the Connecticut Eiver." 



492 CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 1780. 

And in this connection it should be noticed, that the pris- 
oners made from this island, and those taken upon the 
Sound, as well as those taken elsewhere, also gave him at 
times, this year, much duty to perform — both as regards 
their security, and their exchange. Prominent among 
the exchanges which it devolved upon him to negotiate, 
was that of his endeared friend, the patriotic General Silli- 
man — who was Superintendent at this period of the coast 
of Fairfield, and whose case, as it illustrates strikingly the 
exposures and perils of the day, deserves brief mention 
here. 

It was the dead of night in 1779, and General Silliman and 
his family were soundly sleeping at his house in Fairfield, 
when a violent assault, from without, upon the door, suddenly 
awakened them all. The General leaped from his bed — 
seized a musket — sprang to a window — and there saw eight 
armed men striving to force an entrance. Quick as thought 
he attempted to fire his musket — but it only flashed. And 
the assailants, dashing through the window, seized their vic- 
tim — pronounced him their prisoner — plundered him of his 
purse, a pair of pistols, a sword, and a few other articles — 
and just giving him and his son* time to dress themselves, 
hurried them down to the water-side, which they reached 
at two o'clock, and thence instantly embarked for Long 
Island. 

" Have you got him? " — was the excited inquiry of Colo- 
nel Simcoe to the party as they approached the shore of 
Lloyd's Neck — where Simcoe commanded, and where he 
stood waiting for the expected prisoner. 

"Yes" — was the reply. 

"Have you lost any men? " — inquired Simcoe again. 

" No " — said the captors. 

" That 's well " — commented at once the licentious British 
Colonel, in the true tory style of detraction — "Your Silli- 
mans are not worth a man, nor your Washingtons I " 

Father and son were at once ordered to the guard-house — 
an indignity, however, from which the General's remon- 

* Gold Selleck SiUiman. 



1780. CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 493 

strance saved liim at last* — and soon, under an escort of 
dragoons, they were both sent to New York — and thence to 
Flatbush — where, carefully guarded, they worried out many 
months of imprisonment. Such was the consummation 
mation of a plot which Sir Henry Clinton himself had devised. 

It was night again — about nine o'clock, November the 
sixth — when brave Captain Hawley, from Fairfield, with a 
party of about twenty-five gallant volunteers — having crossed 
the Sound, hidden his whaleboat in the bushes, and made his 
way, stealthily, through the woods, fifty-two miles — stood at 
Fort Neck, Long Island, in a pleasant solitude, before the 
door of the Honorable Thomas Jones — one of the Justices of 
the Supreme Court of New York. There was a ball in the 
house that evening. " Music arose with its voluptuous swell," 
and the lamps shone brilliantly "o'er fair women and brave 
men " assembled for the dance. The approach of the adven- 
turers, therefore, had been unheard. Captain Hawley knocked 
at the door. The knock was unanswered. He forced the 
door open. There stood Judge Jones, immediately confront- 
ing him in the entry. 

"You are my prisoner!" — said the Captain, seizing him, 
and drawing him out into the darkness, while others of his 
companions at the same time seized and bore away a young 
gentleman by the name of Hewlett. The party started on 
its return — rapidly — leaving many hearts that " beat happily " 
but a moment before, astounded. A small guard of British 
soldiers happened at the time to be posted at a little distance 
from their road. The captive Judge hemmed, sonorously, as 
they were passing it — that he might attract its attention, and 
be rescued. 

" Do that again, and you shall die ! " — was the quick ex- 
clamation with which Captain Hawley sternly forbade him 
to repeat the sound. 

* " Tlie prisoners were ordered to the guard-house. The General asked the 
Adjutant whether this was the manner they treated prisoners of his rank. The 
Adjutant replied, ' We do not consider you in the same light as we should a 
Continental General.' ' How,' said General Silliman, ' will you view me when an 
exchange shall be proposed ? ' 'I understand you,' said the Adjutant, and with- 
drew. These questions probably preserved General Silliman from the indignity 
of being confined in a guard-house." — Br. DwigM. 
42 



494 CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. ITSO. 

This menace was effective. The party pushed on, thirty 
miles that same evening. The following day, they lodged in 
a forest — for the alarm had been given, and the British Light- 
horse were on their track. Six of their number, in fact, be- 
came victims to the pursuit. On the third night, however, 
spite of all perils, they reached Fairfield in safety — with their 
prisoners. General Silliman and his son were avenged/ 

And doubly avenged — for the wife of the captive Gener- 
al — with a noble magnanimity — retaliated the sufferings of 
herself, her husband, and her son, under the sweet law of 
hospitality — soon as she heard of the arrival of Judge Jones, 
invited him to breakfast at her own house — made her house, 
though guarded, his home — and soothed his imprisonment 
by every courtesy in her power, until the prisoner, "distant, 
reserved, sullen,"* as the accounts of the day state him to 
have been, was, with his companion Hewlett, removed at last 
for safe keeping to Middletown. 

Here now was an opportunity, as it seemed, for the recov- 
ery of General Silliman. Himself and Judge Jones — both 
gentlemen of high distinction — equivalents, to all appearance, 
in consequence and influence — would make a fair exchange. 
Trumbull gladly seized the chance, and issuing a suitable 
commission and instructions, not only for the exchange of 
Silliman and his son, but at the same time for several other 
prisoners — he communicated his proceedings to General 
Washington. 

The British Authorities in the case, hesitated — down till 
the month of May. Throw in Washburn, they then said — 
a tory refugee, who happened at this time to be a prisoner 
with the Americans — throw him in along with Hewlett and 
the Judge, and we will send you the rebel General and his 
son. The proposition was accepted. Washburn, a man no- 
torious for his worthlessness, was included in the exchange ' 
as a kind of make-weight, and Silliman, with his son, was 
sent home. On his passage in a vessel up the Sound, he 
was met by another vessel with Judge Jones and his com- 
panions on board, going down the Sound. The two vessels 

* He had been made a prisoner before — in 1776 — and was then confined in the 
jail at Norwich, Connecticut. 



1780. CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 495 

paused. The General and the Judge — who seem to have 
been well acquainted, and aside from their political affinities 
on good terms — dined together — and then proceeded to their 
respective destinations — the latter to New York — and the 
former to Fairfield — where he was "welcomed with demon- 
strations of joj by all the surrounding country " — and by 
no heart more cordially than by that of him, who, with all 
the zeal of private friendship, as well as with all the author- 
ity of his official position, had, chiefly, been instrumental in 
the restoration of the General to liberty. 

Thus, as now described, against surprises and captures like 
that of Silliman, and for the protection generally of the Con- 
necticut Main, was Trumbull still active — and chiefly this 
year through the whaleboat system of defence. For the 
larger armed vessels of the State, though at intervals they 
cruised under the Governor's directions, from some causes or 
other — chiefly, it is probable, on account of the presence of 
overpowering British squadrons either at the head of the 
Sound, or around Block Island — did not cruise as much, or 
so successfully, as in some former years. Prizes were com- 
paratively rare. A sloop from St. Kitts, laden with rum, 
which in March Captain Smedley, of the Recovery, took and 
sent into New London — a large brig, which in March again, 
Captain Whittlesey, of the Retaliation, captured and sent into 
Newport — a letter-of-marque sloop, of ten guns and twenty- 
one men, with among other articles one hundred puncheons 
of rum, and the Cornelia, a brig from Dublin laden with a 
very valuable cargo, which, in April and June, were brought 
into New London — these were the chief captures of the 
season. 

On the other hand, naval losses were few and inconsider- 
able — the privateer sloop Revenue, which was driven on 
shore by the enemy near Hog Island, and bilged — and the 
brig Dispensier from New London, which was taken by a 
British frigate, and carried into New York — being the prin- 
cipal ones. And these were far more than compensated to 
the Governor and State by the account, in June, that the frig- 
ate Trumbull — whose construction, for Congress, at Chatham 
on the Connecticut River, his Excellency had himself super- 



496 CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 1780, 

intended — nobly distinguislied herself in an action " which is 
judged, all things considered, to have been the best contest- 
ed, the most equally matched, equally well-fought, and 
equally destructive battle during the war."^ 

But little more now remains to be said of Trumbull in his 
military connections for seventeen hundred eighty. The 
campaign, towards its close, at the North, was wasted away 
in almost entire inaction.f Save an apprehension, early in 
October, that Newport would be freshly attacked — upon 
which occasion General Greene, then in command at Rhode 
Island, was empowered by Washington, in case of an emer- 
gency, to call on Trumbull for the two regiments of Connec- 
ticut that were stationed on the Sound — nothing occurred to 
create general alarm, or to concentrate troops upon any mili- 

* " When about a hundred yards distant," says Cooper in his Naval History, 
describing the contest — "the English ship fired a broadside, and the action 
began in good earnest. For two hours and a half the vessels lay nearly abeam 
of each other, giving and receiving broadsides without intermission. At no 
time were they a hundred yards asunder, and more than once the yards nearly 
interlocked. Twice was the Trumbull set on fire by the wads of her enemy, and 
once the enemy suffered in the same way. At last the fire of the Englishman 
slackened sensibly, until it nearly ceased. Capt. Nicholson now felt satisfied 
that he should make a prize of his antagonist, and was encouraging his people 
with that hope, when a report was brought to him, that the mainmast was totter- 
ing, and that if it went while near the enemy, his ship would probably be the 
sacrifice. Anxious to secure the spar, sail was made, and the Trumbull shot 
ahead again, her superiority of sailing being very decided. She was soon clear 
of her adversary, who made no eifort to molest her. The vessels, however, 
■were scarcely musket-shot apart, when the main and mizzen topmasts of the 
Trumbull went over the side, and, in spite of every effort to secure them, spar 
after spar came down, until nothing was left but the foremast. Under such cir- 
cumstances, the enemy, who had manifested no desire to profit by her advantage, 
went off on her proper course. Before she was out of sight, her main topmast 
was also seen to fall. It was afterwards ascertained that the ship engaged by the 
Trumbull was a letter-of-marque called the Watt, Capt. Coulthard, a vessel of 
size, that had been e.xpressly fitted to fight her way. * * In the way of a 
regular cannonade this combat is generally thought to have been the severest 
that was fought in the war of the Revolution." 

The TrumhuU-wsis distinguished in other respects this year. With the Deane, 
the Confederacy, and the sloop-of-war Saratoga, she was selected by Congress to 
be put under the control of Washington, and employed for cooperation with the 
French fleet in any naval enterprises on the coast of North America — and again 
was selected by the national Board of Admiralty for a special cruise of six 
months, "without loss of time, for the protection of trade, and annoyance of the 
enemy." 

+ " We are now," wrote Washington, October fifth, " drawing an inactive cam- 
paign to a close." 



1780. 



CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 497 



tary enterprises. In October, the Army began to tliink of 
winter quarters — and early in December, the arrangements 
for their accommodation were completed — the Pennsylvania 
and New Jersey lines being cantoned at Morristown and 
Pompton — the New York brigade in the vicinity of Alba- 
ny — and the New England lines at West Point and its de- 
pendencies — save Sheldon's regiment of Horse, which — for 
a short time quartered at Colchester, Connecticut — was, upon 
a representation from Governor Trumbull, removed subse- 
quently to Northampton. 

The occasion of the Governor's interposition in this case 
grew out of the fact that a large force of French cavalry was 
to be quartered, it was expected, in Colchester, and it was 
feared there would not be a sufficient quantity of forage for 
both troops. Washington was somewhat discontented at the 
plan of sending Sheldon's regiment into Massachusetts, and 
so expressed himself at the time — in a letter to Trumbull — 
because he deemed such State interposition with his own ar- 
rangements as improper. " It was striking," he said, " at the 
most essential privilege of the Commander-in-chief that could 
be exercised." This was making rather prodigal claim. 
However, he submitted to the new arrangement, as he seemed 
bound to do, having alread}?^ previously written to Eocham- 
beau, and " very much " approved this officer's intent of quar- 
tering a portion of his troops, the second division, in Con- 
necticut. 

To carry out this intent, Eochambeau had himself care- 
fully conferred with Trumbull. He applied to the latter for 
the cantonment of two regiments of his troops at New Lon- 
don, three at Norwich, and one at Windham — and October 
nineteenth, wrote him in regard to the cantonment of the 
Duke de Lauzun's celebrated Legion of Horse — a corps six 
hundred strong, and " as fine a one," said General Heath, "as 
I have ever seen." Ehode Island, he informed Trumbull, had 
" kindly prepared good lodgings " for Lauzun and his corps 
at Providence, but the " cupidity" of some people there, he 
said, had "raised forage to an extravagant price in hard 
money" — and therefore, having consulted with Colonel 

Wadsworth on the subject, he had determined to apply to 
42* 



498 CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 1780. 

Connecticut for their winter quarters. " Good policy," lie 
added, "would render it necessary that the corps should be 
in the same place, under the inspection of its chief," upon 
whose " honesty every way," he assured Trumbull he might 
depend. "I am acquainted," he concluded, "with all the 
zeal that your Excellency has for our common cause, and 
that you will do all in your power to receive that part of the 
French corps." 

This "part," to which Rochambeau refers, consisted of 
about two hundred and twenty or two hundred and forty 
Hussars, with about an equal number of horses. And these, 
under arrangements speedily ordered by Trumbull, were 
carefully cantoned in Lebanon, a little west of the Church, 
on the road that leads to Colchester. The spot is known as 
"^Ae barracks'''' to this day — and formed a portion of a farm 
which belonged to Governor Trumbull himself, and subse- 
quently passed into the possession of his son David Trum- 
bull. Other portions of the French corps of Hussars were 
quartered at Colchester, and at Windham — at the latter place, 
however, only temporarily* — by far the largest division of 
the whole being ultimately all gathered at Lebanon, and oc- 
cupying, many of them, portions of the broad and beautiful 
village street — there "by their watchful fires" — traces of 
whose seat, in portions of brick ovens, still exist — to remain 
for about seven months — their festivities and gay parades, at 
times, making the neighborhood sparkle with life and activi- 
ty, and their morning drum-beat making the air each day 
vocal with the uprousing reveille. 

Trumbull's son David, and Colonel Wadsworth, were spe- 
cially appointed to prepare quarters for them, by taking va- 

*Nov. 15. " Windham is fifteen miles from Voluntown. I there found Lau- 
zun's Hussars, who were stationed in it for a week, until their quarters were 
prepared at Lebanon. I dined with the Duke de Lauzun," &c.— Travels of 
Chastellvx, 

"De Lauznn's legion was obliged, for want of provisions, to divide from its 
cavalry, which was sent, with the artillery, horses, and provisions, to the State 
of Connecticut, to occupy the barracks which had been built at the Banora for its 
militia. The Duke of Lauzurn-Biron, who was in command of this canton- 
ment, rendered himself very agreeable to the Americans by his prepossessing 
manners, and succeeded in every transaction which he had to conclude either 
with the veteran Governor Trumbull, or with the other members of the Legisla- 
ture of the State." — Rochambeau^ s Journal, 



1780. CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 499 

cant houses, by repairing some decayed buildings, and by 
building a series of barracks "near as possible to each 
other." The Duke de Lauzun — himself a highly accom- 
plished nobleman, of great wealth, celebrated alike for the 
beauty of his person, his wit, his liberality, and his brav- 
ery — had his own special quarters in the house of the Gov- 
ernor's son David. There he was most hospitably enter- 
tained during his entire stay in the town — and there, in re- 
turn for civilities often extended to himself and his officers 
by Governor Trumbull and other citizens of Lebanon, he 
often gave gay and brilliant parties — the banquet and the 
ball — at which the wine cup was not infrequently freely 
pledged, and talk 

" Rolled fast from theme to theme — from horses, hounds, 
To church or mistress, poHtics or ghost." 

Upon one of these occasions, but a few weeks only after the 
arrival of the Hussar Corps — at a dinner given by Lauzun 
in honor of two distinguished visitors from the French 
Army — the Marquis de Chastellux, and Baron de Montes- 
quieu, the latter a grandson of the illustrious author of the 
"Spirit of Laws" — Trumbull was present. And the Mar- 
quis — ^himself a highly able Major-General in the French 
service, of accomplished education, of a gay spirit, and of 
polite and agreeable manners* — ^has given us, in the Journal 
of his Travels in North America, a graphic picture of the 
appearance of the Governor at this time, and of a striking 
incident that marked his connection with the entertainment. 

" On returning from the chase," he proceeds — he had been out hunt- 

* He was a relative and friend of La Fayette, and quite a favorite with General 
Wasliington, who speaks of him as " a gentleman of merit, knowledge, and 
agreeable manners, and of literary as well as military abilities." Franklin, in a 
letter introducing him to Washington, says — " I have long known and esteem 
liim highly in his several characters as a soldier, a gentleman, and a man of let- 
ters. His excellent book on. '■^ Public JIappiness" shows him a friend toman- 
kind, and as such, entitles him wherever he goes to their respect and good offices. 
He is particularly a friend to our cause. He translated into French Col. Hum- 
phrey's poem entitled " The Campaign." He was a member of the French 
Academy. The College of William and Mary in Virginia bestowed upon him 
the title of Doctor of Laws. 



500 CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 1780. 

ing squirrels* — "I dined at the Duke de Lauzun's, with Governor 
Trumbull and General Huntington. The former lives at Lebanon, and 
the other had come from Norwich. I have already painted Governor 
Trumbull. You have only to represent to yourself this small old man,t 
in the antique dress of the first settlers in this colony, approaching a ta- 
ble surrounded by twentj" Hussar officers, and without either discon- 
certing himself, or losing anything of his formal stiffness, pronouncing, 
in a loud voice, a long prayer in the form of a Benedicite. Let it not be 
imagined that he excites the laughter of his auditors ; they are two well 
trained for that; you must, on the contrary, figure to yourself twenty 
(linens issuing at once from the midst of forty moustaches,X and you will 
have some idea of the little scene. But M. de Lauzun is the man to re- 
late, how this good, methodical Governor, didactic in all his actions, in- 
variably says, that he will consider ; that he must refer to his Council; 
how of little affairs he makes great ones, and how happy a mortal he is 
when he has any to transact." 

What a picture this from a gay Frenchman of tlie worthy- 
old Governor ! He is grave in carriage. His manners seem 
ceremonious. He is preceptive in conversation. He courts 
business. He is the happiest of mortals when he has any to 
transact. He is profoundly considerate in its execution — ^is 
heedful of comparing opinions with his Council — and, from a 
habit of thoughtful attention, magnifies even small affairs 
into "great ones." He wears the • peculiar, imposing dress 
of his ancestors — and there over a table where doubtless 
waited "the brimming bowl" — in the midst of a party of 
volatile, laughter-loving French officers — to all of whom 
good-natured derision and merriment was an instinct — to all of 
whom, doubtless, the utterance of prayer before a meal was a 
solecism — the Governor, in the true old Puritan style, ^^says 
grace " — and with such imposing solemnity of manner, and 
sincerity of tone, as, for his Benedicite, to extort "at once 
from the midst of forty moustaches" — 

" Vociferous at once from twenty tongues," 

* " The Duke de Lauzim entertained me witli this diversion, which is miich, 
in fashion in this country. These animals are large, and have a more beautiful 
fur than those in Europe ; like ours they are very adroit in skipping from tree to 
tree, and in clinging so closely to the branches as to become almost invisi- 
ble." — Chastellux. 

t He was then seventy years of age. 

JThe Hussars of Lauzun's Legion, and the Duke himself, all wore moustaches 
in America. 



1780. CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 501 

twenty profound, complaisant Aniens ! Truly it was a scene 
for a painter.* 

But we have another picture of the Governor from the 
same hand — one to which reference is made in the preceding 
extract — drawn when the Marquis met him on another occa- 
sion — and while the Marquis was for a day or two the guest 
of Colonel Wadsworth, whose house he found "a most 
agreeable asylum" — and whom he describes as then "about 
two and thirty, very tall and well made" — possessed of "a 
noble as well as agreeable countenance " — and of a name, he 
adds, which "throughout all America, is never pronounced 
without the homage due to his talents and his probity."f 

" Another interesting personage was then at Hartford, and I went to 
pay him a visit. This was Governor Trumbull ; Governor, ly excellence, 
for he has been so these fifteen years, having been always rechosen at the 
end of every two years, and equally possessing the public esteem under the 
English Government, and under that of the Congress. He is seventy 
years old ; his whole life is consecrated to business, which he passion- 
ately loves, whether important or not, or rather, with respect to him, 
there is none of the latter description. He has all the simplicity in his 
dress, all the importance, and even pedantry becoming the great magis- 
trate of a small republic. He brought to my mind the burgomasters of 
Holland in the time of the Heinsiuses and the Barnevelts." 

* Upon another occasion, the French officers were invited by Gen. Jedediah 
Huntington to an entertainment at his house in Norwich. " They made a superb 
appearance," says Miss Caulkins in her History of this place, " as they drove into 
town, being young, tall, vivacious men, with handsome faces and a noble air, 
mounted on horses bravely caparisoned." After dinner the whole party, going 
out into the yard, huzzaed for Liberty, and, in good English, bade the people " lo 
live free, or die for Liberty I " 

t"The particular confidence of General Washington," he subjoins, "puts the 
seal upon his merit." 



C HAPTER XLII. 
1780. 

The arrest and iraprisonment in London of the Governor's son — Col. 
John Trumbull — against all reason and justice — upon a charge of trea- 
son committed in America. The son's description of the event. Ben- 
jamin West interposes in his "behalf with the King. Burke, Fox, and 
other distinguished men lend him their aid. He is finally liberated — 
goes to Holland, in accordance ■with particular instructions from his 
father, to labor for a loan of money — and then returns to America. 
The father's anxiety and feelings on the subject. The cruel teatment 
never forgotten. Death of the Governor's wife. Trumbull's grief. 
Her character. Extract from a sermon preached at her funeral. A co- 
temporaneous Obituary Notice. Her patiotric sacrifices and conduct. 
A scene of contribution for Revolutionary soldiers in the Church at 
Lebanon, in which Madam Trumbull figures conspicuously. 

The War, tlirougli wliose connections with wliich, for 
1780, we have now followed Governor Trumbull, occasioned 
this year one event of startling consequence, which deeply 
affected his own immediate family circle, and gave to him- 
self great inquietude. We refer to the arrest and imprison- 
ment in London of his son, the painter. Let us look at the 
case. 

About the middle of May, in 1780, Colonel John Trum- 
bull — partly for the purpose of managing a commercial specu- 
lation, in which himself and a few friends were interested, 
but chiefly with the view of pursuing the study of painting 
under Sir Benjamin West, in the metropolis of the British 
empire — embarked at New London on board the La Ne- 
gresse, a French armed ship of twentj^-eight guns, bound for 
Nantes. Previous to his departure he had taken the pre- 
caution — through his friend Sir John Temple — the Consul 
General of Great Britain in New York — to secure from Lord 
George Germaine, the British Secretary of State for Ameri- 
can affairs, an assurance that if he chose to visit London for 
the purpose of studying the fine arts, no notice would be 
taken by the- Government of his past life — and that though 



1780. CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 503 

"the eye of precaution" would be constantly upon him — 
compelling him, therefore, to shun the "smallest indiscre- 
tion" — ^yet that so long as he avoided "political intervention, 
and pursued the study of the arts with assiduity," he might 
"rely upon being unmolested." 

Confiding in this assurance, and also in the Proclamation 
made by his Majesty's Commissioners in America in 1778, 
that all treasons committed in America prior to the second 
of October of that year should be pardoned — twenty months 
before which time he had resigned his commission in the serv- 
ice of the United States — he took up his abode in Loudon. 

" I had remained some time " here, proceeds the Colonel himself in his 
own deeply interesting narrative of the transaction — "with more pros- 
pect of success than in any place on the continent, and perfectly secure 
under the name of an artist, till the news of the death of the unfortu- 
nate Andre arrived, and gave a new edge to the revengeful wishes of the 
American I'efugees.* The arts they had for a long time used to no effect, 
now succeeded ; and they had interest enough to persuade the ministry 
that I was a dangerous person, in the service of Dr. Franklin, &c., &c. 
The occasion united with their wishes, and the resentment of Govern- 
ment marked me as an expiatory sacrifice. 

"On the 15th of November, 1780, news arrived in London of the 
treason of Gen. Arnold, and the death of Major Andre. The loyalists, 
who had carefully watched my conduct from the day of my arrival, now 
thought themselves certain of putting an end to my unintelligible secu- 
rity and protection. Mr. Andre had been the deputy adjutant-general 
of the British army, and I a deputy adjutant-general in the American, 
and it seemed to them that I should make a perfect pendant. They 
however took their measures with great adroitness and prudence, and 
without mentioning my name, information was by them lodged at the 
office of the secretary of State, that there was actually in London (doubt- 
less in the character of a spy,) an officer of rank in the rebel armj'', a 
very plausible and dangerous man, Major Tyler.f In the very natural 
irritation of the moment, a warrant was instantly issued for his arrest. 
The warrant was placed in the hands of Mr. Bond of the police, and the 

* American refugees in London, for the most part, were " in the incessant pur- 
suit of personal and interested vengeance." They did very much to embitter 
the separation between England and America, and to precipitate the Eevolution. 
English policy " decorated them with the name of lai/aluta.^^ 

t Major Tyler was from Boston, and was a fellow-passenger with Trum- 
bull on his voyage out, from New London. He had gone abroad to settle some 
mercantile concerns of his father — having previously served in the American 
Army. 



504: CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 1180. 

additional information was given to him by the under secretary, Sir Ben- 
jamin Thompson, afterwards Count Rumford (himself an American loy- 
alist,) that " in the same house with the person who is named in this 
warrant, lodges another American, who there are strong reasons for be- 
lieving to be the most dangerous man of the two — although his name is 
not inserted in the warrant, you will not however fail, Mr. Bond, to se- 
cure Mr. TiumbuU's person and papers for examination, as well as Major 
Tyler's." 

Mr. Bond did not fail. " My orders are to secure your 
person and papers, Mr. Trumbull, for examination," he said 
to the Colonel, as on a Sunday night, at midnight, at his 
lodgings near the Adelphi in London, he proceeded to arrest 
him. 

"A thunderbolt falling at my feet," continues the Colonel — "would 
not have been more astounding ; for conscious of having done nothing po- 
litically wrong, I had become as confident of safety in London, as I 
should have been in Lebanon. For a few moments I was perfectly dis- 
concerted, and must have looked very like a guilty man. I saw, in all its 
force, the folly and the audacity of having placed myself at ease in the 
lion's den ; but by degrees, I recovered my self-possession, and conversed 
with Mr. Bond, who waited for the return of Mr. Tyler until past one 
o'clock. He then asked for my papers, put them carefully under cover, 
which he sealed, and desired me also to seal ; having done this, he con- 
ducted me to a lock-up house, the Brown Bear in Drury Lane, opposite to 
the (then) police office. Here I was locked into a room, in which was a 
bed, and a strong, well-armed officer, for the companion of my night's 
meditations or rest. The windows, as well as door, were strongly se- 
cured by iron bars and bolts, and seeing no possible means of making 
my retreat, I j'ielded to my fate, threw myself upon the bed, and en- 
deavored to rest. 

" At eleven o'clock next morning, I was guarded across the street, 
through a crowd of curious idlers, to the office, and placed in the pres- 
ence of the three police magistrates, Sir Sampson Wright, Mr. Addington, 
and another. The examination began, and was at first conducted in a 
style so offensive to my feelings that it soon roused me from my mo- 
mentary weakness, and I suddenly exclaimed, "You appear to have 
been much more habituated to the society of highwaymen and pickpock- 
ets, than to that of gentlemen. I will put an end to all this insolent 
folly, by telling you frankly who and what I am. I am an American — 
my name is Trumbull ; I am a son of him whom you call the rebel Gov- 
ernor of Connecticut ; I have served in the rebel American army ; I have 
had the honor of being an aid de camp to him whom you call the rebel 
General Washington. These two have always in their power a greater 



1780. CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 505 

number of your friends, prisoners, than you have of theirs. Lord 
George Gcrmaine knows under what circumstances I came to London, 
and what has been my conduct here. I am entirely in your power ; 
and, after the hint which I have given you, treat me as you please, al- 
ways remembering that as I may be treated, so will your friends in 
America be treated by mine." The moment of enthusiasm passed, and 
I half feared that I had said too much ; but I soon found that the im- 
pulse of the moment was right, for I was immediately, and ever after, 
treated with marked civility, and even respect. 

" Other business of the office pressed, so after a few words more, I 
was ordered in custody of an officer to Tothill-fields, Bridewell, for safe 
keeping during the night, to be ready for a further examination the next 
day. I had not entirely recovered from the shock of this most unex- 
pected event; so I drifted with the stream, without further struggle 
with my fate, and / slept that night in the same bed with a high- 
wayman I " 

The next day Colonel Trumbull was brought up before the 
magistrates for a second examination. He had avowed the 
crime of which he stood accused — that of bearing arms 
against the King — and little else remained to be done but to 
remand him to prison — where, in an old, irregular building — 
behind Buckingham House, towards Pimlico — in a parlor on 
the ground floor, about twenty feet square, which he hired 
from Mr. Smith, the jailor, at a guinea a week, and from 
which two windows, secured by strong iron bars, looked 
upon a "pretty little garden" within the prison yard — he 
spent seven months in durance — " ignominiously imprisoned," 
he says, "as a felon."* 

The moment that Sir Benjamin West heard of Trumbull's 
arrest, he hurried to Buckingham House for an audience with 
the King — and giving every assurance to the monarch that 
the prisoner's conduct in London had been "so entirely de- 
voted to the study of his profession" as to have left him "no 

*"The room," he narrates, "was neatly furnished, and had a handsome bu- 
reau-bed. I received my breakfast and dinner — whatever I chose to order and 
pay for — from the little public house, called the tap. The prison allowance of the 
government was a penny-worth of bread, and a penny a day ; this I gave to the 
turnkey for brushing my hat, clothes, and shoes. Besides these comforts, I had 
the privilege of walking in the garden. Every evening when Mr. Smith went to 
his bed, he knocked at my door, looked in, saw that I was safe, wished me a good 
night, locked the door, drew the bolts, put the key in his pocket, and withdrew. 
In the morning, when he quitted his own apartment, he unlocked my door, 
looked in to see that all was safe, wished me a good morning, and went his way." 



606 CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 1780. 

time for political intrigue," warmly pleaded for the liberty of 
Ms friend. 

"I am sorry for tlie young man," said his Majesty George 
the Third — "but he is in the hands of the law, and must 
abide the result — T cannot inter23ose. Do you know whether 
his parents are living?" 

"I think I have heard him say," replied Mr. West — "that 
he has very lately received news of the death of his mother ; 
I believe his father is living." 

" I pity him from my soul ! " — exclaimed the King. " But, 
"West." said he, after musing for a few moments — "go to Mr. 
Trumbull immediately, and pledge to him my royal promise, 
that, m the worst possible event of the law, his life shall be safe!'''' 

A tedious confinement then, was all now that Trumbull 
had to apprehend — and this he softened, well as he could, 
with books, and with his pencil — copying and finishing, 
among other pictures, a "beautiful little Corregio" loaned 
him by Mr. West, which is now, product and memorial of his 
imprisonment, in the Gallery at Newhaven. Meanwhile, him- 
self and his friends labored for his liberation — West most stren- 
uously — and John Lee, a Member of Parliament, Charles James 
Fox, Edmund Burke, Lord Eockingham, Sir Joshua Reynolds, 
Copley, and many other distinguished men, who paid him 
kind visits, and interested themselves deeply in his case. 

" My commitment and detainer," wrote Trumbull himself to Lord 
George Germaine — "express no other charge than of treason committed 
in America, from which I conceive myself fully protected by the procla- 
mation of his Majesty's commissioners, dated October 3d, 1778, which 
grants pardons for all treasons committed before that day in America, 
long before which I had quitted the American sei'vice, and ceased to act 
hostilcly against this country. My conduct since my residence in Eng- 
land, I trust does now appear to your lordship to have been fair and 
upright. Mr. West, under whom I have regularly studied, and who has 
spoken and written to your lordship on the subject, can give the strong- 
est assurance of this, as well as explain the loss I suffer from the impos- 
sibilit}^ of pursuing my studies in this place." 

" Although personally unknown to you," he wrote, May tenth, 1781, 
to Sir Edmund Burke, giving him all the particulars of his case — " I 
have been encouraged by the generous manner in which some gentlemen, 
your friends, have interested themselves in my favor, and by that benevo- 
lence and liberality of character which I have long since learned to re- 



1780. 



CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL, 507 



spect in you, to solicit your attention to my unfortunate case. I have suf- 
fered six months' imprisonment, and after every reasonable effort, I find 
no disposition in his Majesty's servants to grant me my relief. The man- 
ner in which I have become a prisoner, and the treatment which I have 
received, appear to me equally singular and unworthy. Betrayed, (if I 
may be allowed the expression,) under the specious appearance of liber- 
ality and honor — not taken in arms — I have experienced a degree of se- 
verity which has been shown to very few of my countrymen. It merits 
some consideration that my father, (who has been for many years Gov- 
ernor of one of the now United States,) and family, have been distin- 
guished hitherto for their humanity to British prisoners, and for making 
it their study to alleviate, as much as possible, the distresses of war. 
What change the treatment T receive may make in their sentiments, I am 
unwilling to think. Even the law, to which I would gladly have com- 
mitted my cause, being shut from me by the suspension of the habeas 
corpus act, I am left without a hope of recovering my liberty earlier than at 
the far distant date of peace, except from the generous interest of yourself 
and your noble and honorable friends of the opposition ; but from your 
friendship, should I be honored with it, I have everything to hope." 

" Mr. Burke," adds Colonel Trumbull in a letter to his father — " called 
on me immediately after he had received this letter " — that from which 
we have just quoted — "and assured me of his hearty efforts in my favor; 
that he had already seen Lord George Germaine, and, from what passed 
in their conversation, he had hopes of effecting my discharge. Mr. Fox 
called on me the next day, and assured me of his entire concurrence with 
Mr. Burke ; and, after a few days' delay with forms of law and want of 
precedent, a discharge was sent me from the Privy Council."* 

* The following is a copy of the discharge : — 

[L. S.] " Whereas John Trumbull stands committed to your custody, charged 
with having been guilty of the crime of higli treason, committed in his majesty's 
colonies and plantations in America, contrary to the statute in that case made and 
provided; and application having been made unto his majesty's most honorable 
privy Council in his behalf, to be discharged from his confinement ; the said 
Council have thought fit to order, and you are hereby authorized and required 
forthwith to cause the above said person to be discharged from his confinement, he 
first giving good and sufficient security to appear before the commissioners who 
shall be appointed by his majesty, by the first commission under his great seal to 
try treasons committed out of the realm, at the time and place which such com- 
missioners shall appoint for the trial thereof. And for so doing, this shall be 
your warrant. 

"From the council chamber, Whitehall, this 12th day of June, 1781. 

fBAxnuKST, L. 
Sandwich. 
" To the Governor of Tothill-Fields, j Stormont. 

Bridewell, or his deputy. Clarendon. 

Amherst. 
Loughborough." 



508 CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 1T80. 

A bond now for two hundred pounds — witli Mr. "West and 
Mr. Copley as sureties — conditioned that within thirty days 
he should depart the kingdom, and not return till after peace 
should be restored — left Trumbull at liberty to fly from the 
scene of his unwarrantable persecution and thraldom — a lib- 
erty of which he was not slow to avail himself. Passing 
over immediately to Amsterdam, he there found important 
letters from his father — one of which empowered and in- 
structed him to negotiate a loan in Holland, of two hundred 
thousand dollars, for the State of Connecticut. This he la- 
bored earnestly to effect. But the times were exceedingly 
unpropitious for such a purpose. Neither himself, nor John 
Adams, who was in Holland at the same time striving to se- 
cure a loan for the United States, could succeed. And so, 
" baffled at every point " — " this favorable gleam of hope," the 
loan, he says — his " original mercantile speculation " — and 
his "flattering pursuit of the arts" — all seeming "to fade 
and elude his grasp " — nothing remained for him to do "but 
to find his way back to America, and the quiet of home, soon 
as possible " — a point which he reached in January, 1782 — 
not however without having first, in a mad gale on a lee 
shore, which strewed the coast of Texel Island with wrecks, 
encountered an imminent risk of being lost at sea. 

All the facts of his arrest and imprisonment, with all the 
appertaining documents, he communicated, upon the first 
opportunity, to his father at Lebanon — and particularly in a 
long and careful epistle from Bilboa in Spain, to which place, 
on his return voyage, adverse circumstances had driven him. 
The history is "so complicated," he wrote, "and at the same 
time so interesting to the reputation and public credit of our 
country, as to merit a separate letter." 

The event filled the Governor with grief and surprise. It 
distressed him that his son's career of study and improve- 
ment, under one of the master-painters of the world, should 
have been so abruptly terminated. It was a disappointment 
to his youthful ambition which the father keenly felt — for 
though still of opinion, in a prudential view — as in the boy- 
hood of his son — that the art to which he devoted himself 
would not in his own country prove sufficiently remunera- 



1780. CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 509 

tive — lie yet had learned to respect tlie passion with which 
the latter pursued his favorite art, and freely, though, under 
the circumstances of the war, with a solicitude that was some- 
what trembling, consented to his foreign trip. Now, that 
trip had taken liim — not — save but for a brief time — to the 
studio of Sir Benjamin "West — ^but for many desolate months, 
to a barred and grated apartment in a London prison. Its 
expense was almost entirely thrown away. Its fruit was mis- 
carriage and woe. 

But more than all, the Governor felt the treatment of his 
son as an indignity on national honor — as an outrage on na- 
tional faith, and a gross breach of hospitality. Going to 
London as Colonel Trumbull had gone, under pledges that 
were most sacred and inviolable, and which were freely 
proffered — demeaning himself in all respects there peace- 
ably as any subject of the realm — fulfilling in flict scru- 
pulously every obligation under which he was placed — 
he had yet been selected as the special object of national 
vengeance, and his life placed in imminent peril, just at 
the moment when the death of a favorite British ofllicer* 
had most roused and maddened the spirit of retaliation. 
Upon a charge on which his own perjured accusers had them- 
selves entered a solemn public nolle — a " few frivolous pa- 
pers" which were found in his possession, and his own "too 
generous and unguarded weakness " on his first examination, 
being made the pretext for his commitment — denied the privi- 
lege of a trial — with no other answer from Government, for 
a long time, to his repeated prayers for relief, but " a contempt- 
uous silence" — he had been doomed — "a dungeon's spoil " — ■ 
to "rust in vile repose" side by side with the most atrocious 
convicts and villains ! Truly the treatment was cruel with- 
out warrant, and faithless ! Both father and son felt it as 
such to their dying day. 

But another calamity, far more afilictive than that which 
we have now described, overtook Governor Trumbull the 
present year — that to which Mr. "West alluded in presence of 
the King. Death again entered his household, and on Mon- 
day, the twenty-ninth day of May, snatched from him his 

.o* * Major Andrg. 



510 CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 1780. 

wife — a lady with wbom, united in the bloom of her youth, 
he had passed now nearly forty-five years of uninterrupted 
conjugal happiness. She died at the age of sixty-two years, 
with a dropsical affection, which for some time previously 
had impaired her health, and which, upon a last sudden and 
severe attack, terminated her existence fatally in five days.* 

Trumbull drank this bitter cup with Christian fortitude, 
but still with tears, " copious tears," they are reported to have 
been, of human lamentation. She was deeply endeared to 
him — as a devoted wife — devoted^mother — as the most agree- 
able of companions — as the most valued of friends — and he 
was leaning upon her then in his old age, more droopingly 
than ever before, as a staff and comfort — as the tenderest of 
human props. Of her birth, education, mind, and temper — 
of her moral and religious principles — of her appearance, 
manners, habits, and conduct — of her reputation, and particu- 
larly of the affection which her condescension and diffusive 
benevolence won from all — we are able to present the Eeader 
with quite a full conception, from two interesting memorials 
of the deceased which remain — the one a Funeral Sermon, 
and the other a cotemporaneous Obituary Notice. 

The Sermon was preached at Lebanon upon the day of 
her funeral — Wednesday, May the thirty-first — by Timothy 
Stone, A. M., Pastor of the Third Church in the parish of 
Goshen, in that town — and in that portion of it which relates 
specially to the deceased, proceeds as follows : — 

"Madame Trumbull was honorable in her birth, in her education, and 
in her near connections in life. She was the fifth and youngest daughter 
of the Reverend Mr. John Robinson, of Duxbury — possessed of a good 
natural understanding, of a generous and noble spirit, which being orna- 
mented and informed by an education answerable to her family and 
birth, she was hereby fitted for that peculiar and exalted position in life, 
to which Providence raised her, and for which she was designed. She 
filled every station, and sustained every character of life, with dignity 
and propriety — the elevation of her character never raised her mind 
above her acquaintance, nor diverted her from the openness and familiar- 
ity that were peculiar to herself, nor to neglect the duties and necessary 



* The following is Gov. Trumbuirs entry, in his own family Bible, of his wife's 
death : — • 

" My wife died— Monday 29th May, htdf an hour after noon— 1780." She was 
bom Dec. 11th, 1718, 0. S. 



1780. 



CHAP XLII. — TRUMBULL. 511 



concerns of her family, to which she was ever peculiarly attentive. She 
was a kind, respectful wife, an affectionate, tender parent. The heart of 
her husband did safely trust to her. She looked icell to the ^cays of her 
homehold, and ate not the bread of idleness — her children rise vp and 
call her blessed — her husband also, he praiseth her — she stretched exit her 
hand to the poor, yea, she reached forth her hands to the needy. 

" She was many years a serious professor of the religion of Jesus, a 
Tery constant attendant upon the worship of God's house, and the ordi- 
nances of the gospel ; which she attended with apparent pleasure and 
devotion. I have never had that intimate and personal acquaintance 
with the deceased, which should enable me to speak with knowledge con- 
cerning her internal views, and religious exercises of soul. This however 
I am able to say, without any air of funeral panegyrics, as praising the 
dead ; all her acquaintance will bear witness to her uncommon benevo- 
lence and charity to the poor ; this noble and exalted Christian grace, 
which may be called an expensive grace, and too rare in our days, was a 
grace which, so far as may be known from outward expressions, shined 
with a peculiar lustre in Madame Trumbull. She had an uncommon 
commisseration for the distressed, and was ever ready for, and never 
weary of affording relief to the afflicted and the poor. Her charities 
have been very numerous and very large." 

The Obituary Notice to wliicli reference has been made — 
bearing date June ninth, 1780 — was published in the Con- 
necticut Courant of that time, and is as follows : — 

" On Monday of the last week, departed this life at, her seat in Leba- 
non, J^Iadam Trumbull, consort of his Excellency the Governor of this 
State, aged sixty one years and five months. She was a daughter of 
that wise and venerable minister of the gospel, the late Rev. Mr. John 
Robinson, of Duxbury ; her pious mother was suddenly taken away 
while she was a child, and left her the beloved of her father ; and under 
his wise and tender care, she received a virtuous and polite education, 
becoming the beauty of her person, the elevation of her mind, and the 
honorable station she was destined to fill. She was early married to the 
great and good man now mourning her loss, with whom she lived in per- 
fect friendship and harmony near 45 years, an amiable and exemplary 
pattern of conjugal, maternal, and every social affection. 

"Joined to most comely features, she had a certain natural, peculiar 
dignity in her mien and whole deportment through every scene in life — 
the same accompanied with a graceful modesty, condescension, and kind- 
ness, as bespoke at once the greatness of her soul, and the benevolence 
of her heart — and equally commanded and attracted the esteem and re- 
spectful love of all her acquaintance. But her benevolence was more 
than seen ; she never turned a deaf ear to the cry of the poor, nor was 



512 CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 1780. 

any kind of distress in her power to relieve ever neglected. Tea, she 
sought out and delighted in opportunities of doing good, and promoting 
within her sphere every good and charitable purpose. Her circumstan- 
ces enabled her to begin early and persevere through life, in acting out 
the benevolent desires of her heart. The sum of her charities has been 
great, and the objects very many; but still she had an excellent spirit of 
prudence and economy, and never ate the bread of idleness. Her house 
and all about her was a striking exhibition of regularity and order. She 
was eminently qualified for, and adorned the honorable station in which 
Providence had placed her. 

" She had many friends, and not one enemy. The heart of her hus- 
band safely trusted in her, and her children arise, and call her blessed. 
More than all these, she had hopefully the saving impressions of divine 
grace made on her heart many years since, under the ministry of that 
eminent servant of God, the late Rev. Dr. Williams, and she became a 
serious professor of religion, and devout attendant on all the worship and 
ordinances of the gospel, and ever maintained a fixed hope of eternal 
salvation through the merits of Christ alone. Without ostentation she 
wore the ornaments of a truly Christian spirit. 

" Her health had been for several years greatly impaired, tho' by inter- 
vals she enjoyed a very comfortable state. The last return of her (drop- 
sical,) illness was severe, and in the short period of five days unexpect- 
edly released her from a world of pain and sorrow, to a state (we doubt 
not,) of everlasting rest. 

"The honorable bereaved consort has received and drank this bitter 
cup at the hand of his heavenly father, without a complaining word, re- 
membering all the loving kindness of the Lord, and especially his giving 
and so long continuing to him this so rich and great a blessing. But 
even Jesus wept for a friend ; no wonder then if copious tears have 
bathed his face. But an unshaken trust in the unchanging faithfulness 
of God's everlasting Covenant, is his firm and solid support."* 

The picture given of Madam Trumbull in the extracts now 
presented, we have no reason to think in any respect over- 
drawn — flattering though we know to be, customarily, the 
praise of the dead. Its genuineness is proved from other 
sources, and especially from the evidence of many who have 
heard her described by her cotemporaries. But it is deficient 
in two important features — which the pen of the authors 

* Madam Trumbull was buried in the family vault at Lebanon, and the follow- 
ing is her epitaph : — 

"Sacred to the memory of Madam Faith Trumbnll, the amiable lady of Gov. 
Trumbull, Born at Duxbury, Mass., A. D. 1718. Happy and beloved in her con- 
nubial state, she lived a virtuous, charitable, and Christian life at Lebanon, in 
Connecticut, and died lamented by immerous friends, A. D. 1780, aged 62 years." 



1780. CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 513 

failed even to delineate at all. Madam Faith Trumbull, in 
addition to her otlier virtues, was a lady eminent for her de- 
cision of character, and for her patriotism. Her opinions 
once formed, she was not only frank, but bold to avow them. 
Her purposes modelled, she was not only ready, but resolute 
to execute them. Firmness of will gave energy to her con- 
duct, and certainty to her plans — alike whether these plans 
were to operate in the sphere of domestic life — through the 
rounds of neighborhood benevolence — or upon the stage of 
the Eevolutionary Struggle. 

To this Struggle — in harmony with her husband — in exact 
fulfillment of all the duties which his high position imposed 
peculiarly on herself — she devoted herself, in every form in 
which a lady could, with unwearied assiduity. It was a 
cause she earnestly loved — for which she ceased not a mo- 
ment to labor — for whose success she failed not ever devoutly 
to pray. Like Dr. Franklin's daughter — Mrs. Bache — like 
Mrs. Eead, wife of the President of Pennsylvania — she was 
ever busy rousing charities, and superintending contributions, 
for the suffering soldiers of the Eevolution — stimulating asso- 
ciations among her own sex to provide them with clothing — 
and sending them the encouragement of kind words and 
grateful compliments. 

" The army," said Washington to Mrs. Bache and other 
ladies of Philadelphia, upon occasion of one of their contri- 
butions — " ought not to regret their sacrifices or sufferings, 
when they meet with so flattering a reward as the sympathy 
of your sex ; nor can they fear that their interests will be 
neglected when espoused by advocates as powerful as they 
are amiable." Madam Trumbull was one upon whom a com- 
pliment like this, from the Father of his Country, would 
have been as fittingly bestowed as in this instance upon the 
ladies of Philadelphia. Like them, alike by her spirit and 
her efforts, she was entitled to an exalted place among those 
of her sex who have devoted themselves to the cause of lib- 
erty. Let the following striking example of her conduct in aid 
of the soldiers of the Revolution, vouch for her patriotism ! 

During the War — after divine service on a Sunday, or on 
a Thanksgiving Day — contributions were often taken in 



514 CHAP. XLII. — TEUMBULL. 1780. 

church for the benefit of the Continental Army. Cash, fin- 
ger-rings, ear-rings, and other jewelry — coats, jackets, breech- 
es, shirts, stockings, hats, shoes, every article in fact of male 
attire — besides groceries in great variety — were frequently thus 
collected — in New England particularly, in large quantities.* 
Upon one such occasion in Lebanon Meeting House, Connec- 
ticut, after notice given that a collection would be taken for 
the soldiers — Madam Faith Trumbull rose from her seat near 
her husband — threw off from her shoulders a magnificent 
scarlet cloak — a present to her, we hear on good authority, 
from the Commander-in-chief of the French AlHed Army, 
Count Eochambeau himself — and, advancing near the pulpit, 
laid it on the altar as her offering to those who, in the midst 
of every want and suffering, were fighting gallantly the great 
Battle for Freedom. It was afterwards taken, cut into narrow 
strips, and employed, as red trimming, to stripe the dress of 
American soldiers. 

The act was one of peculiar generosity. It shed an instant 
lustre on her patriotism — and the example was contagious. 
From all parts of the congregation, donations were at once 
showered — and many overloaded baskets upon this occasion — 
as upon many other similar ones in the same place — were 
borne from the church, to have their contents carefully 
packed up, and sent away to the Army.f 

* " On the last Sabbath of December, 1777, a contribution was taken np in the 
several parishes of Norwich, [Conn.,] for the benefit of the officers and soldiers 
who belonged to said town ; when they collected 380 pair of stockings, 227 pair 
of boots, 118 shirts, 78 jackets, 48 pair of overalls, 208 pair of mittens, 11 buff 
caps, 15 pair of breeches, 9 coats, 22 rifle-frocks, 19 handkerchiefs, and £258 17». 
8d. in money, which was forwarded to the army. Also collected a quantity of 
pork, wheat, cheese, rye, Indian corn, sugar, rice, flax, wood, &c., &c., to be dis- 
tributed to the many families of the officers and soldiers. The whole of which 
amounted to the sum of £1400." — Connecticut Gazette^ published at New London. 

" New London, Dec. 26, 1777. On Thanksgiving Day (last Thursday,) a col- 
lection in the North Parish of New London was taken for the benefit of our sol- 
diers in the continental army ; viz., in cash £26 12«., 17 shirts, 14 pair of stock- 
ings, 4 coats, 7 jackets, 3 pair of breeches, 2 pair of drawers, 20 pair of mittens, 
1 pair of trowsers, 7 pair of shoes, 1 pair of gloves, 2 felt hats, and 2 linen hand- 
kerchiefs." — Green's Gazette, New London, Conn. 

t The act too was one of picturesque beauty — a primitive parish scene of paci- 
fic, pains-taking Revolutionary service. We have caused it, therefore, to be illus- 
trated, that the Eeader may gaze upon it. Let him look then on the picture 
opposite 1 

There, near her husband— in the act of laying her cloak upon the altar, stands 




J.H.Bufrords Lift, 



Taue 514 



MADAM FAITH TRUMBULL, CONTRIBUTING HER SCATILET CLOAK TO 
THE SOLDIERS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



1780. CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 515 

Madam Trumbull — laer dress a ricli one of the day, and her mien imposing and 
noble. On the left, and adjacent, is a young woman holding in her hands a 
bundle of supplies, which she is about to present. A basket, heaped full, is just 
before her, on the floor, near the altar. To the right is a young lad, bearing a 
pair of boots. Behind him is a little girl, with a small shawl on her arm, which 
she intends to give — and near her is a little lad, with a cheese in his hand, which, 
his mother tells him, he may give " to the poor soldiers." Just behind Governor 
Trumbull is a young lady, with her head leaning, in the act of taking a ring from 
her ear for contribution. Others of the congregation, in the gallery and else- 
where, are busy producing the various donations which they design to make, or 
are gazing with a pleased and anxious interest on the scene — which is also over- 
looked, from his pulpit, with great satisfaction, by the clergyman of the parish. 
They are all ready to contribute, each something, after the wife of the Governor 
shall have placed her gift on the altar, and retired. The donations are received 
by a Committee, of which a Deacon of the Church is supposed to be one, and the 
Chairman of the Town Committee of Inspection and Correspondence is the other. 
The whole forms a scene, which carries the beholder vividly back, in thought and 
feeling, in fear, hope, and joy, to the great events and struggles of our American 
Battle for Independence. 



C HAPT E R XLI II. 
^ 1781. 

General view of the Campaign of 1781. Theatre of -war chiefly at the 
South. Again a starving army. Washington writes Trunatull of its 
distresses, and sends on Gen. Knox, and afterwards Gen. Heath, to ex- 
plain them personally. A letter from Knox to Washington descrihing 
his interview with Trumhull. Trumbull's measures for supply. A 
letter from Gen. Heath describing his interview with the Governor. 
New supplies forwarded Some officers in the Connecticut Line dis- 
contented because of not receiving their full pay. They complain to 
Washington, w^ho writes Trumbull on the subject. Trumbull re- 
sponds, explaining the circumstances, and vindicating his State. The 
officers continue their complaints. Another letter from Trumbull, re- 
buking the malcontents, and again vindicating Connecticut.- Great 
dearth of money. Trumbull, in conforraity with instructions from 
the General Assembly, strives, but in vain, to negotiate a loan in Hol- 
land. Great demand upon Connecticut for money. Notwithstanding 
its exceeding scarcity, Trumbull continues hopeful — and at last pro- 
cures funds enough to pay the officers and soldiers of the Connecticut 
Line. 

The year seventeen hundred eighty one — save that radi- 
ance from Morgan's deadly fire at the triumphant battle of 
the Cowpens — opened upon the American cause with gloom. 
The French Army were still blocked up at Newport. The 
Main American Army, on and around the Hudson, were, as 
usual, wretchedly weak in numbers, ill-fed, ill-clothed, almost 
wholly destitute of pay, and alas too, most fearfully riven by 
mutiny in its Pennsylvania and New Jersey lines. Lord 
Cornwallis was in possession of South Carolina, and Georgia, 
and overrunning North Carolina. Arnold and Phillips were 
overrunning and ravaging Virginia. A union between these 
three commanders, for a seemingly irresistible march of con- 
quest northward, was in near prospect. British hopes ran 
extravagantly high — those of America low. Congress was 
disposed to relax American claims, and — against the voice of 
Connecticut, Massachusetts, and North Carolina alone out of 



1781. CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL. 517 

all the Thirteen States — was even consenting, for the sake of 
securing active cooperation from Spain, to relinquish a most 
important part of the navigation of the Mississippi. Such is 
the dark picture which American affairs at this time present, 
almost until the year upon which we now enter, reached its 
meridian. 

Then broke a light, almost from every quarter, auspicious 
to the United States — save from those flames, which, in 
September, left New London, much of it, a charred and 
smoking ruin. The intrepid Greene had returned into South 
Carolina, and to his victorious arms — to himself, and to his 
country's Sumpter — to their Marion, their Lee, their Colo- 
nel Washington, their "Watts, their Williams, their Gaines — 
post after post of the enemy, from the High Hills of Santee, 
through the battle ground of Eutaw, down to the sea-coast, 
had yielded — until the whole country between Cooper Eiver 
and the Edisto was covered by the champion troops of free- 
dom — until at last the little Neck of Charleston, and a few 
adjacent islands, held all that was left at the South, of Lord 
Eawdon and British domination, from the Roanoke to the 
waters of the Savannah. Meanwhile La Fayette with his 
phalanx of twelve hundred chosen men, joining the defence 
in Virginia, had pressed Cornwallis, like Rawdon in Carolina, 
down upon the sea-coast. And Washington and Rocham- 
beau, having united their arms on the banks of the Hudson, 
had marched for the Chesapeake. Yorktown was invested. 
Earth, sea, and air reverberated its doom. The last decisive 
blow for American Independence was struck, and was 
crowned with brilliant success. Cornwallis fell. 

The theatre of bloody strife thus at this time, as in the 

year 1780, lying chiefly at the South, Governor Trumbull 

was, of course, again relieved somewhat from those superior 

anxieties and cares which had pressed upon him in previous 

years, when War stood, as it were, by his own door. Troops, 

however, were yet to be raised, supplies furnished, and the 

frontiers and coasts of Connecticut to be defended — as 

usual — for still a frowning British soldiery occupied New 

York — still menacing British armaments rode upon the Sound. 

The first matter -which occupied Trumbull's attention, at 
44 



618 CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL, 



178L 



tlie outset of the year, was — as the Eeader will readily antici- 
pate — a starving army. Its " aggravated calamities and dis- 
tresses," wrote Wasliington, January fifth, to him — as at this 
time also to the Governors of the other New England 
States — " that have resulted from the total want of pay for 
nearly twelve months, the want of clothing at a very severe 
season, and not unfrequently the want of provisions, are be- 
yond description." ^And the Commander-in-chief sent Briga- 
dier-General Knox to the Governor, personally to explain 
the condition of the army, and enforce his application for relief. 

" I have already," he wrote again, May tenth, to Trum- 
bull — as also again to each of the Governors of New Eng- 
land — " made representations to the States, of the want of 
provisions, the distress of the army, and the innumerable 
embarrassments we have suffered in consequence ; not merely 
once or twice, but have reiterated them over and over again. 
I have struggled to the utmost of my ability to keep the 
army together, but all will be in vain without the effective as- 
sistance of the States. I have now only to repeat the alterna- 
tive which has been so often urged, that supplies, particu- 
larly of beef cattle, must be speedily and regularly provided, 
or our posts cannot be maintained, nor the army kept in the 
field much longer." And this time the Commander-in-chief 
sent on General Heath to explain and enforce his dispatch. 

Here is the old picture of suffering in the army repro- 
duced — in colors almost as dark as ever — and reproduced 
too, as it happened, just upon the heel of the alarming revolt 
of the Pennsylvania Line, and at a time when in the coun- 
try generally there was an extraordinary dearth of money, 
and great and almost universal discontent among the people 
at the new system of public contributions — impressments, 
alas, having been but too frequently rendered necessary. 
How now in this new, yet too painfully familiar exigency, 
did Trumbull conduct? A letter, February seventh, from 
General Knox to General Washington, describing his inter- 
view with the Governor at Hartford,* upon the mission to 
which we have referred, will explain it in part. 

* 1781. " Jan. Slst. Set from liome— Gen. Knox overtook me at Whites [Bol- 
ton] — came together into Hartford. 



1781. CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL. 519 

" The Legislatures of Connecticut and Rhode Island," proceeds Knox, 
after stating that he had visited all the New England States with his dis- 
patches — " unfortunately, were not sitting. The Governor of the former 
State, by having the powers of the Assembly in the recess, respecting 
the exigencies of the war, delegated to him, jointly with a certain Coun- 
cil, supposed that it would be unnecessary to call the Legislature on the 
matter of my mission, and that his Council would be competent to do 
everything necessary on the occasion ; for which purpose he proposed to 
call them together the next day after I had the honor of conversing with 
him, which was on the 11th ultimo. Governor Trumbull fully coincided 
in sentiment with me, in respect to the gratuity of three half Johannes, 
in preference to any pay in paper money, as a matter that would be more 
efficacious to quiet the minds of the troops, and render them happy ; 
and also as a measure which the New England States could execute with 
as much ease, under present circumstances, as the three months' real pay 
in paper. He was clearly of opinion, that to attempt to obtain both the 
gratuity and the three months' pay, would be to attempt more than could 
be performed consistently with their present exertions in order to put 
their finances on a tolerable footing. The Oovernor pledged Jiimself to 
exert his utmost interest to have the gratuity and deficiency of clothing 
given to the troops immediately ; and requested me to impress on the 
Governors and official gentlemen in the other States, the necessity and 
propriety of New England adopting similar measures. I believe the 
Governor religiously performed his part, and I am happy to believe I 
did not fail in mine. * * The Council of Connecticut determined 
upon nothing final, but appeared to intend to follow the example of Massa- 
chusetts. They were to meet at Hartford the 5th instant, on this busi- 
ness. The Governor informed me he had but little doubt that they 
would adopt similar measures to Massachusetts. But, if they should de- 
cline, he would immediately call the Legislature, when he presumed the 
matter would be made certain. 

" I have the pleasure to assure your Excellency, that all ranks of peo- 
ple, as well unofficial as official, from the private farmer up to the Gov- 
ernor, in the four States through which I passed, appear perfectly 
well-principled in the contest, and fully determined to make every sacri- 
fice of property and personal ease to insure the happy termination of the 
war. The universal sentiment was, that the army ought to be supported, 
and should be supported, at every reasonable expense." 

Thus far Knox. Trumbull — redeeming tlie pledge of ef- 
fort which Knox represents him as having made — convened 

" Feb. Ist. Entered on business with the Treasurer and Pay Table. Gen. 
Knox latty—TrumbulVs Diary. 

This Diary — exceedingly succinct — extends over a few months only. We shall 
have occasion to recur to it again — for some important facts. It is in the posses- 
sion of the Connecticut Historical Society. 



520 CHAP. XLIII. — TEUMBULL. 1781. 

his Council the very next day after his interview with the 
American General — and Knox was present, and fully ex- 
plained the object of his visit. An order was given there- 
upon, the succeeding day, for the sale of a large number of 
the confiscated estates of tories, for the purpose of procuring 
specie for the Connecticut Line of the army. These estates 
were actually sold for this purpose. Twenty-one thousand 
pounds, in State bills, were assigned to Colonel Champion for 
the purchase of cattle. Ealph Pomeroy was appointed a 
Deputy Quarter Master General for Connecticut, under Colo- 
nel Pickering, and there was renewed activity in forwarding 
supplies of every kind to the North Eiver. The General 
Assembly was specially convoked by the Governor to meet 
in January — speedily — and it met and passed an Act for col- 
lecting a tax of two pence half-penny on the Grand List in 
gold and silver. These facts — and an advance by the Gov- 
ernor, in April, on his own responsibility, of seven hundred 
and seventy-three pounds, twelve shillings, in hard money, 
to those of the Connecticut officers who were then going 
southward — prove that Trumbull — as General Knox says he 
believed he would do in the crisis upon which he visited 
him — "religiously performed his part" towards effectually 
conciliating the minds of the soldiers, and making them quiet 
and happy. 

But look at him again in May, on the same matter when 
visited as we have stated by General Heath. 

"I arrived here yesterday afternoon,"* writes the General at this time, 
in a letter from Hartford to General Washington, May fifteenth, and also 
in his Memoirs — " found the General Assembly sitting, and presented 
your letter to Governor Trumbull, together with a representation con- 
taining the spirit of my instructions. * * This venerable patriot gave 
assurance of his immediate attention and exertions, and accordingly laid 
the dispatches from General Washington before the Legislature, who also 
discovered the same noble patriotism. They inquired into the state of 
the Treasury, and finding it was destitute of money, except a sum ap- 
propriated to another purpose, they ordered this money to be taken, and 
directed to Colonel Champion, one of their number, immediately to pur- 
chase and forward on to the army 160 head of cattle, and 1000 barrels 

* May 14. M. Gen. Heath— brmgs Gen. Wash's letters de distress for provis- 
ions." — Tj^umbuW s Diary. 



1781. CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL. 521 

of salted provisions from their stores, and resolved to make every other 
exertion in their power to comply with the requisitions of the Command- 
er-in-chief, as thej' respected both fresh and salted provisions, by ap- 
pointing a Committee for a general arrangement of supplies." 

The exertions made by Trumbull and the Legislature for 
meeting the wants of the army, it is thus plain from the testi- 
mony of General Heath, were zealous and unremitted. Yet 
about this time there were ojBficers in the Connecticut Line, 
who — discontented, and even embittered by the fact that 
full provision was not at once made for their own arrearages 
of pay — gave the Governor on this point much anxiety, and 
subjected him to the necessity of replying to their claims and 
remonstrances in a manner which deserves particular men- 
tion here. 

They had sent on a Committee of their number to settle 
with the Legislature its accounts with the Connecticut Line. 
Before, however, this settlement could be completed as re- 
gards the detained rations of the officers — but yet not until 
their accounts for pay and wages, and for those also of the 
soldiers, were adjusted — the Committee returned to their duty 
in the army — whither they went — themselves somewhat 
soured by disappointment — to sour also, by their news of a 
mission not all quite fulfilled, the minds of others. Many 
officers now complained in bitter terms of the negligence and 
wrong, as they charged, of the Connecticut Assembly. "We 
have no justice to hoj^e for from the State, they said, unless 
our accounts are at once closed, and our wages and subsist- 
ence secured before the period arrives when the country shall 
have no farther occasion for the services of the army. Some 
of them appealed to General Washington on the subject, and 
so aroused his sympathies in their own behalf, as that — to- 
wards the close of June — the Commander-in-chief himself 
wrote Governor Trumbull on the grievance — urged him to 
remedy it — and, if necessary, to call the Legislature together 
to effect it. To this letter, Trumbull, July ninth, made re- 
ply — one full of heartfelt sympathy for the sufferers — and 
yet vindicatory of Connecticut. 

" Your feelings of distress," he said to Washington — " excite a sympa- 
44* 



622 CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL. 1781. 

thy in my breast, and a readiness to do all in my power to remove the 
occasion. That the Committee from the Connecticut line of the army 
did not accomplish a full settlement, was to me a matter of sorrow, and 
fear for its consequences. The veteran troops who faithfully served, and 
bravely endured so many distresses in defence of their own and their 
country's righteous cause, in the unhappj' contest with the British King 
and Ministry, and continue therein to the end, will be rewarded, ac- 
knowledged, and remembered with love and gratitude by this and future 
generations. Surely, nonte will forsake it, or cause disturbances at this 
time, when in near view of a happy home. Those who do, will meet 
with reproach and regret. 

" The country, universally," Trumbull goes on to say — extenuating 
any apparent tardiness or negligence in satisfying any arrearages of pay 
to the complainants — " has had many, very many embarrassments, and 
great difficulties to encounter and struggle through ; enemies secret as 
well as open ; no permanent army raised ; soldiers to be hired into the 
service for short periods, at extravagantly high prices ; no magazines of 
provisions ; an army to be fed from hand to mouth ; finances deranged ; 
public credit abused and ruined ; a rapid depreciation of the currency ; 
the army not paid or clothed ; the force and pernicious policy of a cruel 
and inveterate enemy to be met and avoided ; heavy taxes ; unreason- 
able jealousies ; with a train of other grievances more easily conceived 
than expressed. 

" I do sincerely wish," he concludes — referring to that happy time 
when America would have no farther need of an army — I do sincerely 
wish for that period, and will then, and ever, exert myself to obtain jus- 
tice for the otficers and soldiers of our line, as freely as I have done so to 
bring the war to a happy close. A full settlement was agreed on for the 
pay and wages of our line. The subsistence of the otficers was the only 
matter unsettled. It was proposed to give them eight pence half-penny 
per ration, not from the first of April last, as mentioned in the letter, but 
from the first of April 1780, the residue to lie open for the determination 
of Congress. 

" The Legislature of this State is not setting. To call it to meet at 
this season, when every other business, public and domestic, calls for the 
attention of the members, will cause discontent and uneasiness. You 
may depend on my giving the sul ject as early a consideration as may be 
found convenient, and consistent with other circumstances. A sum of 
money for our line of the army, as much as can be collected, will be 
forwarded soon." 

This soothing letter of explanation must, we think, have 
fully satisfied the mind of Washington on the subject to 
which it refers. Everything in fact had been done by Con- 
necticut, and was still doing, towards paying its own Line in 



nsi. CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL. 523 

the army, which under the circumstances was possible. Kot 
only had its Assembly made the settlement to which Trum- 
bull refers — not only assigned the eight pence halfpenny per 
ration to the officers — but to meet the emergency, and for 
procuring supplies generally, had laid a farther tax of two 
pence on the Grand List of the State — had ordered the sale 
of confiscated estates to the amount of no less than one 
hundred thousand pounds — had kept Committees everywhere 
incessantly active, Trumbull at their head, to gather up all 
the gold and silver that could be found — had even once form- 
ally entertained the project of recommending Congress to 
require the coinage of family plate, through the country at 
large, in order to satisfy the arrearages of army pay — and, 
through its Chief Magistrate, to whom specially it confided 
the important task, had laboriously striven to procure from 
Holland a loan of no less than two hundred thousand 
pounds. 

Notwithstanding all this, some of the Connecticut officers 
remained still discontented, and both to Washington and to 
Trumbull renewed their complaints. To the latter, once in 
July, they renewed them in a letter "filled," he says, "with 
severe remarks and reflections." To their complaints, there- 
fore, Trumbull again gave heed, in a letter to Washington, 
July seventeenth. And in this letter he again explains the 
action of Connecticut, and to the discontented officers admin- 
isters such reproof as shows that he knew how — well and 
pointedly — to vindicate his own and the honor of the State 
over which he presided. 

" I wish," he proceeds — " to do the things that make for peace with 
both officers and men of the Connecticut line of the army, consisting of 
our own people, raised for defending and securing the rights and liber- 
ties of the whole, embarked in the same common cause, and to return to 
citizens again when the contest with the British King and Ministry is 
ended ; to prevent, if possible, discord and division, so very dangerous in 
our situation, and hazardous to our present operations. Surely the offi- 
cers do not desire to inflame the soldiery with apprehensions that the 
Assembly deny them that justice which was done them the last year, 
with which they were satisfied, when the Committee from the line know 
the whole accounts of pay and wages were gone through, and ready to 
be closed on the same principles, and that nothing remained in question 



524 CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL. 



1781. 



but only the detained rations of the officers. This was not agitated, till 
it became time for the Committee to return to their duty ; when there 
was scarcely time for the members of so numerous a body to deliberate 
on the subject. Eight pence half-penny per ration was offered from the 
first of April, 1780. Many were of opinion, that by the time of pay- 
ment that rate would be more than sufficient for the same. Others pro- 
posed to secure a specific payment. As to what was done before that 
1st of April, 1780, it naturally lay open for the direction of the Honor- 
able Congress. 

" In the midst of these deliberations, the Committee left us unexpect- 
edly. I observed no design to deny justice to the officers ; to the sol- 
diery there could be none. The accounts were fully agreed, prepared, 
and read J' to be closed. I choose to forbear any recrimination. Yet 
suffer me to inquire, why the Committee from the line did not bring on 
the settlement for detained rations earlier. They knew it must require 
time for deliberation, when they well knew the principles for settlement 
of pay and wages were agreed on the last year. Do they mean to press 
for more than justice, from the necessity of their present services, and 
the fears of fatal consequences if denied ? The whole line know and 
ought to consider their pay and wages are secured in full value, while 
the depreciation operates as a heavy tax upon the rest of the people. 
The officers may likewise consider, that their pay was raised by Con- 
gress, fifty per cent, above what the State agreed with them for. The 
maxim adopted by the enemy is that old one of divide et impera. Shall 
we suffer avarice to divide and ruin us and our cause, and give them op- 
portunity to exalt and triumph over us? 

" Providence hath and doth smile propitiously upon us and our cause, 
and calls aloud for union, vigorous exertions, patience, and perseverance, 
and to endure hardship as good soldiers, that the end may be peace. 
Justice and peace ride together in the same chariot. It will be my con- 
stant endeavour that peace may be obtained on just and honorable terms, 
and that justice be done to them that jeopard their lives in the high pla- 
ces of the field, in defence of, and to secure the blessings of freedom for 
ourselves and posterity. 

" I wrote yesterday to the Treasurer, to inform me this week, what 
sum of hard money is and can be immediately collected for the army, 
which shall be sent forward without delay. The measures directed, and 
orders given for raising and marching our troops to the army, are now 
diligently carrying into execution." 

Thus at a critical period — -just after revolt liad actually and 
most dangerously disorganized two Lines of the American 
Army — and when its sjiirit, subjugated but yet not extirpa- 
ted, was still silently and almost imperceptibly working, to 
some extent, in the heart of other Lines — did Trumbull labor 



1781. CHAP. XLIII.— TEUMBULL. 525 

to soothe, subdue, and sever this spirit from the bosoms of 
that soldiery with which he was himself most closely con- 
nected — the soldiery from Connecticut. What a hardship 
that he had to contend at such a time against such a dearth 
of money I What a pity that loan from Holland, to which 
we have referred, was not then in his hands ! It had been 
ordered by the General Assembly at the close of the pre- 
ceding year — to be negotiated by himself in Holland, or else- 
where — and he had at once sent on proper instructions to 
effect it to his son Colonel John Trumbull. He had enclosed 
these instructions under cover to his correspondents De Neuf- 
ville and son at Amsterdam — gentlemen who, "from their 
knowledge, connections, and real attachment" to America, 
were "unquestionably" and peculiarly "worthy the confi- 
dence of the State" — whose "assistance and counsel" in the 
matter, as well as the aid also of Dr. Franklin in Paris, he 
had earnestly solicited — and solicited too in a noble tone of 
confidence both in the ability of Connecticut to redeem her 
pecuniary obligations, and in the success of that great cause 
for which the succor was sought. 

*' As our prospects [for a loan,] " he wrote his son upon the occasion — 
" principally centre in Holland, I can wish this letter may find you there, 
and that you will pay your first and most assiduous attention to that 
quarter. Give me the earliest information of the way and probable ex- 
pense of getting the money in specie here, and of whatever else you 
may judge needful for me to be advised. This loan is not sought on the 
principles of despair, but to put our finances on a better footing. The 
spirit of the country remains firm and steady ; men for three years or 
during the war, will fill and complete the army. I hope to get the finan- 
ces of the State upon a sure and good footing." 

But Trumbull's hopes of a loan abroad were destined to 
disappointment. The public credit of the United States had 
been injured in every part of Europe. It was indeed sadly 
low. St. Eustatia had been lately captured, and the loss to 
America was supposed to be very great. Capitalists, there- 
fore, were "slow and fearful of advancing" funds to her aid.* 

* "The public credit of the United States," wrote Col. John Trumbull to his 
father, July 20th, 1781, " has been injured in every part of Europe by the misman- 
agement of her afi'airs iu that department ; in so much that it is at this day very 



526 CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL. 1781. 

The loan consequently failed. And it failed too — be it 
marked — at a period, for Trumbull, truly most inauspicious. 
For just then — in addition to taxes for ordinary State pur- 
poses — lie had the weight upon his shoulders of one quota 
for the army of no less than three hundred and fifty-one 
thousand and twenty-two dollars, which Congress had de- 
manded from Connecticut within the first three months of the 
present year — and of still another quota of nine thousand 
eight hundred and fifty-five dollars, which the State was to 
furnish, either in specie or in bills of exchange* on New York, 
for the use of American prisoners in that city, and upon 
Long Island. Yet with all this depressing weight upon his 
shoulders — and spite of the failure of the loan — still Trum- 
bull — more hopeful even than Washington himself at this 
time, who deemed the United States incapable of extricating 
themselves "by any interior exertions" from their then exist- 
ing difiiculties* — persevered in his task of collecting funds, 
until, as regards specie for the troops, success at last, beyond 
expectation, crowned his efforts. "A sum of money for our 
line in the army will be forwarded soon" — we have just 
found him writing to Washington, July ninth. Hard money, 

low even in France ; and consequently the people of this country, judging from 
what they see there, are slow and fearful of advancing to our aid. The loan on 
account of the United States, opened by Mr. Adams, at first promised great suc- 
cess, and nearly the whole sum was subscribed for, when the news of the cap- 
ture of St. Eustatia, partly by the alarm which it occasioned here, partly by the 
prevailing idea that the loss to America was very great, but more by the increased 
demand for money to repair the losses sustained there, produced quite a stagna- 
tion, and put an entire stop to its success. It still rests in that state, and until 
some change in the political system of this country, or the arrival of news of 
great success on the part of America, it will rem.ain impossible to succeed. So 
long as the United States find so great difficulty in procuring credit, there is no 
probability that any individual State can have better success. To make the at- 
tempt might prove injurious to the general interest, and by its failure, for it would 
almost inevitably fail, would add to the difficulties in future." 

* "The efforts," said Washington, in January, 1781, in his letter to Col. Lau- 
rens, when the latter was about starting on his mission to Europe to proci;re a 
foreign loan for the United States — "the elForts imavoidably made in the prose- 
cution of the war had greatly exceeded the natural ability of the country, and it 
had now become impossible for the United States, by any interior exertions, to 
extricate themselves from their present difficulties, by restoring public credit, and 
furnishing the funds required for the support of the war. According to the best 
estimates, any revenue which the States were capable of raising, would be found 
inadequate to the expenses of the war, and would leave a large surplus to be 
supplied by credit." 



1781. CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL. 627 

we find him again writing, July seventeenth, "shall be for- 
warded without delay." — "Three thousand five hundred 
pounds collected" — he enters in his Diary, August sixth. 
"Norton and Brown prepared to carry the deficiency of the 
month's pay to the army" — ^he enters August twenty-ninth. 
So that light now broke from the clouds. That justice to 
which, as regards military compensation at the period now un- 
der consideration, Trumbull had pledged himself — "freely," 
he said, as to everything which tended "to bring the war to 
a happy close" — was at last obtained for the officers and sol- 
diers of the Connecticut Line. 



C HAP T E R XLIV. 
1781. 

Ghn. Washington, on his way to Newport, to meet Count Hochambeau, 
stops at Hartford, and consults with Gov. Trumbull. In Hartford he or- 
ders a Court Martial for the trial of Alexander Mc Dowell, a deserter — 
■who is hanged. A report that Washington, on his -way to Newport, would 
"be intercepted and seized hy the enemy. Trumbull's precautions in 
consequence. Another meeting between Washington and Rocham- 
beau, Trumbull, and others, in regard to a plan for combined military 
operations — held at the house of Joseph Webb, in Wethersfield. Ex 
tracts from Trumbull's Diary illustrative of the event. A dinner given 
the Generals at the public expense. The plan of that canapaign which 
terminated in the surrender of Cornwallis at Torktown, and the final 
triumph of the American arms, was concerted at this interview in Con- 
necticut. This plan. Washington, to execute it, calls for more troops. 
Trumbull responds to the call. He sends a pressing Message on the 
subject to the General Assembly. Its favorable results. The French 
army marches through Connecticut to join Washington on the banka 
of the Hudson. The attention and entertainment it received on its 
way. Lauzun'a Legion of Hussars leaves Lebanon, highly delighted 
with the hospitality they had received. Trumbull's humane feelings 
illustrated by the case of a deserter, who, at Lebanon, was condemned 
to be shot. A French officer's reminiscence of Trumbull. 

We turn now to Trumbull's other connections with the 
War during the present year. 

It was the middle of summer ere at the North any active 
military operations commenced. But early in March, Wash- 
ington began to plan them — chiefly against New York — and 
for this purpose, in company with his aids and Major Gen- 
eral Howe, left his Head Quarters at Windsor to visit Count 
Eochambeau at Newport, Rhode Island. On his way he met 
and consulted closely with Governor Trumbull, at Hartford, 
where the latter was sitting with his Council, and contriving 
for the public exigencies. 

" March third — Saturday," says the Governor in his Diary — " Warm. 
Maj. Gen, Howe dined with me, Col. Wyllys, Col. Dyer, Col. Trumbull 
[Jonathan Jr.] &c. 

" March fourth. D. Dora. General Washington came with his aids 
Col. , Col. Tilgham. The Gen' left an order for a General Court 



1781. CHAP. XLIV. — TKUMBULL. 529 

Martial for the trial of Alexander Mc Dowell for desertion — set out for 
Newport — M. Gen. Howe with him. Col. Trumbull accompanied them 
to Lebanon. 

" March seventeenth. Saturday — [at Hartford.] Dined at Mr. Piatt's 
with Gen. Washington, and spent the afternoon — he came to my lodg- 
ings — communicated Mr. Southwick and Com, General's letters — con- 
versed on various subjects. 

" Lord's Day — March eighteenth. General "Washington came on Fri- 
day night [from Newport] — went out this morning. 

"March twenty-first — Wednesday. Alexander Mc Dowell hanged. 
Mr. Eels pr. a sermon in pres. of condemned and a large assembly. 
Rom. 2 : 2. But we are sure that the judgment of God is according to 
truth against them who commit such things." 

An execution at Hartford — under the eye of Governor 
Trumbull and of an immense crowd — on the top of Rocky 
Hill, probably, just where the Farmington road winds over 
its brow — made the visit of Washington to which Trumbull 
refers, long memorable in Connecticut. But it was even 
more memorable for a peril which, it was feared, would beset 
the Commander-in-chief on his journey at this time, and 
which gave to Trumbull himself no little anxiety. 

"Intelligence had come from New York," says Sparks, 
"that three hundred horsemen had crossed over to Long Is- 
land and proceeded eastward, and that boats at the same 
time had been sent up the Sound. It was inferred, that the 
party would pass from Long Island to Connecticut, and at- 
tempt to intercept General Washington on his way to New- 
port, as it was supposed his intended journey was known to 
the enemy. La Fayette suggested that the Duke de Lau- 
zun should be informed of this movement as soon as possi- 
ble, that he might be prepared with his cavalry, then sta- 
tioned at Lebanon, to repel the invaders." The information, 
as suggested by La Fayette, was transmitted, not only to the 
Duke de Lauzun, but to Trumbull also, and every suitable 
preparation was made by each to ward off the catastrophe 
supposed to be impending. Fortunately it did not occur. 
And Washington — instead of finding himself in any melee 
of danger, surrounded and protected by brave French Hus- 
sars and Connecticut militia — passed through the country in 

perfect security — stopping on his way, March fifth, time 
45 



530 CHAP. XLIV. — TRUMBULL. 1781. 

enough — on the village green at Lebanon — with great satis- 
faction alike to himself, the French, and crowds of specta- 
tors — to bestow on Lauzun's imposing legion the compliment 
of a stately review.* 

At Newport, the Commander-in-chief made such arrange- 
ments with Rochambeau for the operations of the campaign 
as the existing state of affairs would warrant. They resulted 
in the departure of the French fleet, under Chevalier Des- 
touches, with eleven hundred French troops, grenadiers, and 
chasseurs, for the Chesapeake — there to cooperate with the 
Marquis La Fayette for the dislodgment of the enemy from 
Virginia. But this expedition — though it was marked by a 
formidable naval combat, which was highly creditable to the 
French Commander for " the gallantry and good conduct dis- 
played through the whole course of the engagement" — yet 
failed in its principal object. Other operations, therefore, had 
to be concerted. Another meeting between Washington and 
Eochambeau became necessary. And this took place on the 
twenty-first and twenty-second days of May, at the house of 
Joseph Webb, Esquire, at Wethersfield, Connecticut — Wash- 
ington upon this occasion being attended by General Knox 
and General Duportail, and Eochambeau by the Marquis de 
Chastellux — De Barras, the French Admiral, on account of 
the appearance of the British fleet, under Arbuthnot, off 
Block Island, not being able to be present. 

For this conference, as for that held the preceding year at 
Hartford, Trumbull made every suitable provision. The 
Commanders, with their respective suites, became as before 
the guests of the State. Five hundred pounds were appro- 
priated by the General Assembly for their entertainment. 
The Quarter Master General of Connecticut — Ealph Pome- 
roy — was appointed to superintend the disbursement of this 
hospitable reception-fund. Governor Trumbull welcomed 
the illustrious guests with every mark of distinction — and 

* Washington seems to have felt no alarm for himself upon the occasion to 
which reference is made in the text. " I do not think it very probable," he wrote 
to La Fayette at this time — " that three hundred dragoons will trust themselves 
in the heart of Connecticut, with a superior regular corps and the force of the 
covmtry to oppose them, but I have nevertheless given the intelligence to the 
Duke de Lauzun." 



1781. CHAP. XLIV. — TRUMBULL. 531 

as on a former occasion, so now, was at once admitted, as of 
course, into their confidence, and leaned upon for advice — 
as the following interesting extracts from his own and the 
Diary of General Washington at the time, show : — 

"Had a good deal of private conversation with Governor Trumbull," 
writes Washington, May twentieth — " who gave it to me as his opinion, 
that, if any important offensive operation should be undertaken, he had 
little doubt of obtaining men and provision adequate to our wants. In 
this opinion Colonel Wadsworth and others concurred." 

"Lord's Day, May twentieth," writes Trumbull — "Went with Capt. 
Fred. Bull in a carriage to Wcthersfleld — attended divine service with 
General Washington per tot diem. Mr. Marsh preached. Mat. 7 : 3 — 
blessed are the poor of spirit, for their's is the Kingdom of Heaven. 

"Monday, twenty-first. Fair — invited to Col. Chester's. 

"Tuesday, twenty-second. Fair — dined with General Washington, 
Rochambeau &c, at Stillmans. 

" Wednesday, twenty-third. Fair — dined at Colyer's with the Gener- 
als — supra public expense. Guards. Artillery." 

Accurate observance, in each other's company, on a New 
England Sabbath Day — "/^er tot diem'''' — of religious service, 
on the part of two of the noblest of Eevolutionary patriots — 
abundant and gracious hospitality from a sweet village on 
the Connecticut Eiver — State entertainment at the Capital 
City of the State — amid the parade of Governor Trumbull's 
own Guards, and with the voice of artillery to speak the 
toasts that at the entertainment may have been consecrated, 
in the sentiments of those who uttered them, to Freedom — 
such are the circumstances which — socially and ceremoni- 
ally — mark, in the extracts now given, Washington's visit in 
May 1781 to Connecticut, and the handsome reception, by 
Trumbull and the State, of the Father of his Country. 

In a military view, however, this reception is marked by 
other and grander results. It is marked by that plan of the 
Southern Campaign, which, before the bastions of Yorktown, 
crowned America with immortal honor, and with liberty. 
This plan, there is every reason to believe, was first concerted 
in that mansion — the Webb House in Wethersfield — a pic- 
ture of which the Eeader here can see — Trumbull present 
and rendering zealous aid — Trumbull, as Washington testi- 



532 



CHAP. XLIV. — TRUMBULL. 



1781. 



fies, firm in confidence tliat all "adequate provision" could 
be made for "any important offensive operation" which su- 
perior generalship could devise. The web, in fact, which at 
last caught and held inextricably that proudest and most dar- 
ing of British Generals in the field — Lord Comwallis — and 
which put an end to the American Eevolutionary War — was 
here projected. 




The Webb House m Wethersfield. 

The French Army was to march soon as possible, and join 
the American forces on the North Kiver. In order to divert 
the enemy from the South — to force them to recall large de- 
tachments from that quarter — and thus afford immediate and 
important aid to Virginia and the Carolinas — the City of 
New York, in the first place, was to be seriously menaced, 
and if circumstances should justify it, attacked. Should it 
not be recovered — soon as the hot season, then coming on, 
should have passed away, and the existing difficulty in trans- 
porting troops, artillery, and stores, for a southern operation 
have ceased — the combined armies were to march upon 
Comwallis, and make a grand effort for his entire overthrow. 

In pursuance of this plan, Washington, at Wethersfield, 
at once prepared and forwarded dispatches to the Govern- 
ors of the four New England States— calling on them to 



1781. 



CHAP. XLIV. — TRUMBULL. 533 



complete their battalions, and provide means of transportation, 
and full and prompt supplies — and on Connecticut and Mas- 
sachusetts particularly, he called for a fresh loan of powder.* 
In Connecticut three regiments for the Continental Army 
had already been ordered in March. Now fifteen hundred 
men, for three months' service with Washington, were spe- 
cially demanded — while Sheldon's Regiment of Dragoons, by 
particular request of Congress, was to be remounted, and a 
portion of the militia of the State was to be kept in constant 
readiness to aid, if necessary, in the defence of Rhode Island 
upon the departure of Rochambeau; 

To these calls Trumbull, as usual, gave immediate atten- 
tion — as the following Special Message to the Legislature of 
Connecticut, June eleventh — a good specimen alike of his 
promptness, anxiety, ardor, and hope in the great cause in 
which he was engaged — abundantly shows. 

"The Governor," he proceeds, "presents his most respectful compli- 
ments, and takes leave to ask, that, considering this session is drawn 
already to a great length, and the business of the public as vrell as the 
particular concerns of gentlemen who constitute this Assembly require a 
speedy close, and a return to our respective homes, that therefore your 
attention be given to the great and important matters which respect our 
preparations for the campaign now opening. It is necessary that our 
troops to fill the army should be immediately forwarded — that clothing, 
tents, &c., be provided and sent on — that money should be sent, so far as 
is possible, to pay our soldiers, and prevent difficulties and murmuring 
among them — as I perceive the Army Committee are generally without a 
settlement of their accounts with the State, which may occasion uneasi- 
ness in our line. Every exertion in our great important cause is now of 
the utmost necessity, and what remains for this Assembly to do lies be- 
fore you. I wish those things which promote such exertions as are pro- 
portionate to the truly critical situation of the affairs of the United States, 
may be thoroughly pursued by this State. 

" The plan of operations for the present campaign was concerted on 
the principle of obliging the enemy to abandon their possessions in every 
part of these States. The demand of Congress for provisions, men, and 
money, is what at present we have to attend to. Every State's punctual 
compliance gives a pleasing prospect of putting a speedy and happy issue 

* Washington set out from Wethersfield on the 24th of May for his Head 
Quarters at New Windsor — which he reached on the 25th, " about sunset." Eo- 
chambeau started for Newport on the 23d of this month. 
45* 



534 CHAP. XLIV. — TRUMBULL. 1781. 

to the War, by driving the enemy from their present possessions in every 
part of these States — but at all events to confine them to the sea-coasts. 
Let us not be negligent or behind our sister States in making the most 
vigorous exertions on our part, that so we may not hereafter blame our- 
selves, or be chargeable by them for any neglect. Let us, therefore, lay- 
ing aside all other business of lesser concern, apply ourselves to make 
the most strenuous exertions to accomplish the great object before us — 
the independence of these United States in all its parts — that in case a 
negotiation for peace should be offered, we shall be found, by great and 
timely exertion, to have sufficiently reduced the power of the enemy now 
operating in our country. Should languor and inactivity, on the other 
hand, subject us to the contempt of the Negotiators, all the consequences 
will be chargeable on ourselves." 

This appeal was not without its immediate fruit in in- 
creased vigor of preparation for the Campaign, throughout 
Connecticut. " The measures directed, and orders given for 
raising and marching our troops to the army, are now dili- 
gently carrying into execution," wrote Trumbull to Wash- 
ington, July seventeenth. 

Meanwhile, in June, Eochambeau marched to join Wash- 
ington on the banks of the Hudson. His troops came, in 
four divisions, from Providence to Connecticut — magnificent 
in appearance — superb in discipline — 

" A brave choice of fiery voluntaries, 

Bearing their birthrights proudly on their backs, 

To make a hazard of new fortunes here." 

Eochambeau himself, with the sparkling regiment of Bour- 
bonnois, into which he had recently incorporated four hun- 
dred fresh recruits from France, brought up their rear. On 
they came, through Plainfield, Windham, and Bolton, to 
Hartford — from whence — after having stopped awhile to re- 
pair broken wagons, and refresh artillery horses and oxen — 
they started again in four divisions — a part by the way of 
Newtown and Woodbury, and a part by the way of Middle- 
town, Wallingford, and North Stratford — to unite, July sixth, 
with the American Army, to the left of Dobb's Ferry, on 
the hills reaching to the Brunx Eiver — there to receive for 
the " unremitting zeal " with which they had prosecuted their 
march, the public thanks of the Commander-in-chief, and 



1781. CHAP. XLIV. — TRUMBULL. 635 

his own grateful acknowledgment of "the long- wished for 
junction," as an event which afforded " the highest degree 
of pleasure to every friend of his country," and from which 
" the happiest consequences " were to be expected. 

During the whole of their march through Connecticut, 
these troops, through the provident care of Trumbull, re- 
ceived every attention which their wants required, and more- 
over were warmly welcomed by the inhabitants generally. 
Barrack-masters, appointed by the Governor and Council, 
waited upon them at every important station. Some of these 
masters, by especial direction of Trumbull, accompanied 
them on their march — as did, particularly, Dr. Joshua Elder- 
kin of Windham, with great satisfaction to Eochambeau, all 
the way from the point where the troops first touched Con- 
necticut on the east to their encampment on the green mead- 
ows at Hartford. Eefreshments both for man and beast were 
added, at frequent intervals, to the stores which they brought 
along witli them from Khode Island. Eipe fruit from many 
orchards and gardens often regaled their taste. The apple- 
presses of the farmers yielded them hearty quaffs of cider — 
the brown jugs and oaken casks of the farmers' wives, fre- 
quent libations of excellent home-brewed beer. 

Were their slow ox-teams, as once or twice happened, late 
in bringing to their encamping ground their tents and bag- 
gage — or at times, when wearied with a long day's march be- 
neath the broiling sun, or with severe labor in cutting away 
trees, or removing stones for the passage through some def]le 
of their heavy trains, did the troops court repose? Fresh 
horses and oxen from neighboring farms, freely loaned, hur- 
ried up their missing equipage — while many a comfortable 
bed in private dwellings was hospitably offered to those offi- 
cers — of whom there were many — who, thoughtful of the 
spirits of their companies, encouragingly marched with 
them on foot, sharing with them in all hardships by the 
way — hardships, we are well assured, such as by the whole 
army, alike men and officers, were "borne patiently, and 
with perfect good humor." 

Or, unwearied by the exertions of the day's march, and 
witched with the beauty of damsels whom on the road they 



536 CHAP. XLIV. — TRUMBULL. 1781. 

saw either pressing around tteir tents on some village green, 
or clustered near some mansion where they had their tempo- 
rary quarters — did some officers of the strange army — follow- 
ing the impulse of natures proverbially and irresistibly gay — 
seek to wake each active power to the brisk measures of the 
dance? "Fair, charming Connecticut girls," as de "Warville 
describes them about this time — girls "adorned with com- 
plexions " whose brilliancy mocked those of the sunny 
South — who were " dressed in elegant simplicity " — who 
were safe under the protection of their own conscious inno- 
cence, and of high-toned public morals — who were " so com- 
plaisant and so good," as the French traveller expresses him- 
self* — tripped with them " the light fantastic toe." 

" The Frenchman, easy, debonair, and brisk, 
Found quick his lass, his fiddle, and his frisk " — 

while many a hearty Connecticut lad, of strength sinewy 
enough to handle a firelock — " fired with martial courage " 
by the imposing Gallic display — volunteered at once for the 

* De Warville travelled through the United States in 1788, and the following 
passages taken from a maiuiscript translation of his work, by Joel Barlow, which 
is now in the possession of the Connecticut Historical Society, fully justify the 
text above, and will be found interesting to our Headers — the fair ones particu- 
larly. 

" Newhaven yields not to Wethersfield for the beauty of the fair sex. At their 
balls during the winter it is not rare to see a hundred charming girls, adorned 
with those brilliant complexions seldom met with in journeying to the South, 
and dressed in elegant simplicity. The beauty of complexion is as striking in 
Connecticut as its numerous population. You will not go into a tavern without 
meeting with neatness, decency, and dignity. The tables are served by a young 
girl, decent and pretty ; by an amiable mother, whose age has not effaced the 
agreeableness of her features ; by men who have that air of dignity which the 
idea of equality inspires, and who are not ignoble and base, like the greatest part 
of our tavern keepers. 

" On the road you often meet those fair Connecticut girls, either driving a car- 
riage, or alone on horseback, galloping boldly, with an elegant hat on the head, a 
white apron, and a calico gown — usages which prove at once the early cultiva- 
tion of their reason, since they are trusted so young by themselves, the safety 
of the roads, and the general innocence of manners. You will see them hazard- 
ing themselves alone, without protectors, in the public stages— I am wrong to say 
Jiazardiiig ; who can offend them ? They are here under the protection of public 
morals, and of their own innocence ; it is the consciousness of this innocence 
which makes them so complaisant and so good, for a stranger takes them by the 
hand, and laughs with them, and they are not otlended at it." — Letter V., dth 



1781. CHAP. XLIV. — TRUMBULL. 537 

wars — and, his steps right onward — erect his form and move- 
ment — thinking to wear the plumed helmet with a grace — 
accompanied the regiments of Eochambeau on their march 
to the grand American camp,* 

Conspicuous in the French Army, as we have already had 
occasion to state, was the Duke de Lauzun's Legion of Hus- 
sars, which now for seven months had been quartered in 
Trumbull's native town — directly beneath his own provident 
eye, and in the enjoyment, therefore, of comforts such as 
rarely fell to the lot of the soldiers of the day. Their con- 
duct, during their stay in Lebanon, had in the main been 
very exemplary. Save in the loss, now and then, of a few 
trees, and a little fallen wood, and occasionally of a sheep, or 
a goose, which some of their number — more careful than the 
rest for their own warmth of body, and more disposed to the 
luxury of an extra ration — took by stealth from Dr. Williams, 
and from a few other inhabitantsf — the town was remark- 
ably free from those depredations in which troops at winter 
quarters are apt to indulge — for Lauzun himself was ever 
active to preserve the strictest discipline and good order in 
his corps. 

He had occasion, however, once during his stay in Leb- 

* Cothren, in his History of Woodbury, page 213, speaking of the French 
Army in that town on their journey to join General Washington, says their en- 
campment there " extended all the way from Middle Quarter to White Oak, a dis- 
tance of nearly three miles." That part, he adds, which encamped "near the 
house then occupied by David Sherman, and since by the late Gideon Sherman, 
eat for him, with his consent, twelve bushels of apples, as is related, and drank 
seven or eight barrels of new cider at his mill. During the evenuig they had a 
dance, in which some of the Woodbury damsels joined with the polite French 
oflBcers, in their gay uniforms, while others looked on. Multitudes of the inhab- 
itants pressed about the tents of those patriotic foreigners, who had come so far 
to fight the battle of freedom for a suffering people, and destined to act so dis- 
tingnished a part in bringing the long and bloody contest to a close. * * Fired 
anew with martial courage by the fine display of the French troops, a considera- 
ble number of soldiers volunteered on the spot, and marched with them on the 
following morning." An illustration— these fiicts — of the statements in the text. 

t A letter, March 13th, 17S1, from Wm. Williams to the Duke de Lauzun, com- 
plains that some of his Hussars stole "thirty or more trees," besides "fallen 
wood," from Dr. T. Williams, and from some other inhabitants " fences, sheep, 
and geese." "One sheep," says the letter, "they killed yesterday," in the lot 
of Dr. Williams, " and skinned in his lot, and carried away the meat." Against 
such maraudings the active interjriosition of the Duke was invoked— and it was 
readily granted. 



538 CHAP. XLIV. — TRUMBULL. 178L 

anon, to punish one of his soldiers for desertion. This pun- 
ishment was that sternest one known to military law — death 
b}'' the murderous bullet. It is a striking illustration both of 
Trumbull's well-known humanity, and of his influence, that 
the facts in this case were sedulously concealed from his 
knowledge, until all was over. The Court Martial which 
tried the deserter, was held in the guard room after nine 
o'clock at nighty and the poor victim was executed before the 
morning light — such was the apprehension that the Governor, 
if aware of his condemnation, would interfere to save his life. 

Lauzun left him, with his Legion, on the twenty-third of 
June* — highly gratified with the never-failing hospitality he 
had received at his hands — and looking forward with hope 
to some propitious moment in the campaign now about to 
open, when the Hussars who at Lebanon had so long been 
happy guests, might win laurels that would allure the bless- 
ing of the venerable patriot of the "Charter Oak State" — 
a moment which in due time arrived, when, with Sheldon's 
Regiment of Connecticut Dragoons — at the siege and sur- 
render of Yorktown — Lauzun triumphantly restrained the 
enemy, and guarded the important passes around Gloucester 
Pointf 

The provident courtesy with which Trumbull treated — not 
only Lauzun and his Legion at Lebanon — but the officers of 
the French Army generally, wherever he was thrown into 
their society, or called upon to supply their wants — and his 
intelligence, and patriotism — left an indelible impression on 
their minds. They carried his name and his fame back with 
them when they returned to Europe, and did not forget long 
to sound his praises. A remarkable instance of this is re- 
lated by his son Colonel John Trumbull — who, late as 1794, 
during the French Revolution, when at Mulhausen on the 

*"June 23d. Duke de Lauzun marched early — went to Pine Swamp — near 
Col. Champion's." — TriimhdPs Biavy. 

+ The career of this distinguished nobleman, after ho returned to Europe, was 
stormy. He quarreled with the French Court — became a partisan of the Duke 
of Orleans — was accused of favoring the Vendeans, and for tliis reason was con- 
demned and executed on the last day of the year 1793. Two brothers in his 
corps of Hussars at Lebanon, the Dillons, one a major, the other a captain, and 
both distinguished for their fine personal appearance, suffered death afterwards, 
it is said, by the guillotine. 



1781. CHAP. XLIV. — TRUMBULL. 539 

Ehine, found this village, near sunset, full of French troops, 
and the yard and entrance of its inn crowded with French 
officers. Fearing that he should be obliged to pass the night 
in his carriage, outside the walls, he appealed to the inn- 
keeper for a bed, and thus describes the result : — 

" ' I am afraid that will be impossible,' replied the innkeeper. ' Hos- 
tilities are about to be renewed ; the head quarters of the commanding 
general are established at my house, and it is entirely occupied by him 
and his suite; but come with me, and I will do as well as I can.' I fol- 
lowed through a crowd of young officers, and at the door met the old 
general coming out. The veteran looked at me keenly, and asked blunt- 
ly — ' who are you — an Englishman ? ' — ' No, general, I am an American 
of the United States.' — 'Ah! do you know Connecticut? ' — 'Yes, Sir, 
it is my native State.' — 'You know then the good governor Trum- 
Ijullf — 'Yes, general, he is my father.' — '• Oh, Mon Dieu, Que je suis 
charmee; I am delighted to see a son of Governor Trumbull ; entrez, en- 
trez ; you shall have supper, bed, everything in the house.' I soon 
learned that the old man had been in America, an officer in the legion 
of the Duke de Lauzun, who had been quartered in my native village, 
during the winter which I passed in the prison in London, and had heard 
me much spoken of there. Of course, I found myself in excellent 
quarters. The old general kept me up almost all night, inquiring of 
everybody, and everything in America, especially of the people in Leba- 
non, and above all the family of Huntington, with whom he had been 
quartered." 



C HAPT E R XL V. 
1781. 

Trumbull spends several days, with his Council, at Dantury. Hints 
from his Diary of his journey and occupation there. At Hartford he 
hears of Arnold's memorable attack on New London. This attack. He 
sends for careful statements of all its material circumstances. His let- 
ter communicating the event to Gen. Washington. He at once restores 
the defences of New London — sends thither an additional force — writea 
for a part of the French fleet to be stationed there for the winter — and 
communicates with Gov. Greene of Rhode Island, and with Washing- 
ton again, for the purpose of putting Connecticut, and the Northern 
States generally, in a reliable posture of defence. 

The main American and Frencli armies — now in July of 
the year on which we dwell — have effected their combination, 
and lie stretched along the North Kiver. For the purpose at 
this time of being near the Grand Encampment, at the event- 
ful opening of a campaign which was destined to be the 
most decisive of the- American War — and for the purpose 
also, particularly, of consulting more conveniently with the 
officers of the American Line in regard to their own and the 
comforts of their troops — Trumbull in August determined to 
spend several days with his Council at Danbury. Previous 
to his departure, however, for this quarter, he collected at 
Hartford quite a sum of hard money for the soldiers. He 
took fresh measures to expedite its farther collection, and the 
collection generally of State taxes. He wrote also to Dr. 
Franklin at Paris, to his own son, and other correspondents 
at Amsterdam, urging again the supply of means from 
abroad. Having done this, he started, attended by his body- 
guard, and by several members of his family, for the western 
frontier. 

Of his journey, of a dangerous exposure by the way, and 
of his occupations at Danbury, he gives us some hints in the 
following passages in his Diary : — 

"Thursday, 9th. Set out for Danbury — Mrs. Trumbull and Faith 



1781. 



CHAP. XLV. — TKUMBULL. 541 



with me. Step" Brown to wait on us — Capt. Norton, with TVilcl, two 
Ohnsteads, and Goodwin, Guards. Lodged at Escf Hopkins at Waterbury. 

"Friday 10th. Way bad. Dined at Col' Mosely's, Southbury. Thence 
P. M. to Col' Chandlers — tarried there. The Guards at Baldwins. 

"Saturday, 11th. Came to Danbury. Lodgings provided for me 
at Rev. Dr. Rodgers'. Daugh"" and Grand Daugh"^ lodge at Deac" 
Knaps — Mrs. Ann Dibble there. Went to Col' Cooks. Observed the ru- 
ins occasioned by Tryon's incursion there. At Newtown one said he 
would kill me as quich as he icoidd a Rattle Snake. 

"Dies Dom., 12th. Rev. Dr. Rodgers, Gal. 4: 4 & 5. Near Even^ 
Col' Sheldon, Col' Trumbull, Capt. Watson, came from Head Quarters. 
Began to rain at even^, and continued a heavy rain in the night. 

"Monday, 13th. Above Gentle" visit at the Doctors. Dined at 
Deac" Knaps. Col' Davenport came in. 

"Tuesday, 14th. Fair — cool — Guards set at night. 

"Wednesday, Aug. 15th. Fair pleasant weather. Col' Chandler, Mr. 
Strong came in — no council. 

"Thursday, 16th. No Council. Col' dined at Dr. Rodgers'. 

"Friday, 17th. Capt. Hillhouse came— P. M. Council— orders given, 
for Gov' Guards &c. Capt. Cook came in. 

"Saturday, 18th. A. M. Council. Col' Trumbull returned. Mr. 
Cook went with Orders, to officers of Gov' Guards, Hartford. 

"Dies Dom, 19th. Dr. Rodgers. Ephe. 5 : 1, 2, 3. On duties of 
Parents to Children, and of Children to Parents. P. M., eodem textu — 
subject continued — reproof to Sunday whispering. In the evening much 
rain — Countersign, Hartford. 

"Monday, 20th. Mrs. Trumbull and daughter set out for Fairfield — 
Brown accompanied theTTt — to go to Hartford. No quorum. Col' Cook, 
Col' Chandler, and Capt. Hillhouse, present. Judges of the Superior 
Court did not come in till the Evening. Countersign, Cambridge. 

"Tuesday, 21st. Fair, pleasant. Judges of the Superior Court came 
into Danbury — held a Council. 

" Wednesday, 22nd. Held Council. Mr. Hopkins came to us — Col' 
St. John, Col' Fitch, Capt. Job Bartram. 

"Thursday, 23rd. Morning concluded to return. P. M. 3 o'clock, 
left Dr. Rodgers' — came to Col' Mosely's at Southbury. Gave Mrs. Rod- 
gers a dollar to give the servant. 

" Friday, 24th. Dined at Esq' Hopkins — came to Farmington — lodged 
at Capt. Cowles. Called on Mr. Robinson on my Return. 

" Saturday, 25th. Set out at 8 o'clo. — came into Hartford at 10 o'clock 
from Farmington, L' Bull of Gov' Guards and Brown came with me. 
Capt. Jon' "^ Bull met us on the way. — Capt. Norton escorted me out and 

back. 

****** 

"Thursday, 6th. Council intent on defence of N. Lon" & Sea 

Coasts — orders given «fec. 

^ 46 



542 CHAP, XLV. — TKUMBULL. 1781. 

"Friday, 7th. At sunrise Mr. Gay came express from Col' Williams — 
That N. London attacked by 2000 men, 3 ships, and in the whole 30 sail. 
Mr. Mumford left us. M. Gen. Spencer sent. Orders given for one 
Troop — Capt. Selah Norton &.c., & Col' Chapman & Terry to send 2 Go's 
each &c. Lodged at Wethersfield. No farther intelligence. 

"Saturday, 8th. Came from Wethersfield. Col' Rodgers' letter re- 
ceived — the enem}^ withdrawn. At attack of Fort Griswold, 73 killed — 
Col' Ledyard murdered, and other Officers — 20 or 30 wounded — The in- 
famous Arnold commanded. N. Lond" burnt, and on Groton the build- 
ings by the water. Letters from Gen. Spencer. A letter wrote to Mr. 
Mumford— and Gen. Spencer. A letter from B. Gen. Ward — in the 
Evens from M. Gen. Heath — point from N. York. The French Fleet at 
Chesapeake." 

Here tlien — in tlie passages last given from his Diary — we 
strike tlie first intelligence which Trumbull received of the 
memorable attack on New London in 1781, and the first 
movements which, in consequence, he made. He was in 
Hartford at the time — only a few days returned from his trip 
to Danbury. But to make sure that the news should reach 
him, the Commander at New London, early in the morning 
of the fatal sixth of September, sent expresses also to Leb- 
anon* — and again in the evening of the same day the Gov- 
ernor received the news from Colchester. " This minute" — 
wrote Levi Wells to him, from this last-mentioned town — at 
just "six o'clock, P.M." — "I am informed that the Enemy, 
with five hundred Lighthorse, are two and a half miles this 
side of New London, and that the Town is in flames — which 
is plain to be seen here by Large Quantities of Smoke. The cause 
of our Country calls aloud for all Possible Exertions to op- 
pose the Enemy ! " 

Startling news indeed — and from a quarter which proved 
to be, alas, an aceldama — one of the most horrible of the 
American Revolution ! New London — in whose harbor the 
navies of the world might securely ride — that from the out- 
break of the war, more than any other port in the Union, 
had been menaced with destruction — and which more con- 

* The Governor's son-in-law, upon tlie receipt of the intelligence — Wm. Wil- 
liams — " rode from Lebanon to New London in three hours, (twenty-three miles,) 
on horseback," says Miss Caulkin.'i. " The enemy were just preparing to em- 
bark when he arrived." 



1-781. CHAP. XLV. — TRUMBULL. 543 

stantly than any otlier had strained the anxiety, and tasked 
the care of the Governor of Connecticut — now met the fate 
so long dreaded by its inhabitants, and by the country at 
large. 

It was in the very gray of the morning that the apostate 
Arnold, from his lurking-place on the Long Island shore — 
with an armament of thirty-two sail and seventeen hundred 
troops — appeared off the mouth of the harbor, prepared for 
his work of blood and fire. His debarkation in two divis. 
ions, one upon the New London, and one on the Groton 
side — the advance of each upon a people wholly unprepared 
for so formidable an invasion, yet in little groups, half-armed, 
from behind fences and small redoubts, resisting as best they 
could — the flight of inhabitants, of women and children 
roused suddenly from their beds, and rushing, with such val- 
uables as they could snatch up, affrighted to the woods — the 
imperilled escape of shipping up the Thames — the torch first 
lighted at the printing office and mill of the town — applied 
next to the Plumb House, and to every species of combusti- 
ble property on Winthrop's Neck — and then, on Main Street, 
Water Street, Bank Street, and the Parade, to shops, stores, 
warehouses, and dwellings, to the Court House and jail, to 
the Episcopal Church, to the Custom House, and to piles of 
lumber, wharves, vessels, boats, and rigging — these transac- 
tions are but too painfully familiar to the reader of History. 
They made the noblest harbor of the Atlantic coast, and the 
whole surrounding country, lurid with conflagration. One 
hundred and forty-three buildings were consumed. Half a 
million of dollars' worth of property was destroyed. New 
London, in large part, was left a desolation. 

And so too at the same time, on the opposite shore, Gro- 
ton was left — but in desolation of far more fearful aspect than 
that which its neighbor wore — for human life here was the 
chief sacrifice. Who, in this connection, does not at once 
recall the furious advance of Major Montgomery upon that 
immortal band of one hundred and fifty farmers and artisans, 
who, sending to the British summons the reply that they 
would not surrender, let the consequences be what they 
might, defended Fort Griswold ? Who does not recall that 



644 CHAP. XLV. — TRUMBULL. ITSI. 

final overpowering of the garrison, when the enemy, swing- 
ing their caps, and yelling like madmen, rushed within the 
fort — that ceaseless bayoneting of the defenceless bodies of 
the brave American yeomen, as they retreated for shelter to 
the magazine and barrack-rooms, or crept beneath the para- 
pets, or attempted to leap the walls — that ferocious, dastard 
plunging of the surrendered sword through the body of the 
heroic, fallen Ledyard — that murderous rolling of the wound- 
ed in an ammunition wagon which was sent headlong to dash 
upon a tree at the brink of the river — and that plundering 
and burning of Groton which then ensued^ while a ship on 
fire, floating over from the New London side, bridged the two 
towns with a mass of flame ! Who does not recall that rush 
of citizens now from the surrounding country to the scene 
of danger, armed with whatever they could seize, " from a 
club and pitchfork to a musket and spontoon " — that hurried 
embarkation then, at sunset, of the foe, while blood, the 
blood of those they had foully slain, aided to quench that 
train, which, for the purpose of signalizing their departure 
by a grand explosion, they had lighted to the magazine of 
the fort — and then at last, that wailing, torch-light march, by 
widows and orphans, within the garrison, for the dead of 
their families — who does not recall all these terrible features 
of the Groton Massacre ! 

Immediately on hearing of the event Governor Trumbull 
sent to New London for a careful, duly authenticated state- 
ment of all its material circumstances, in order that he might 
adopt measures suited in every respect to the emergency.* 

While thus taking measures to procure full and accurate 
information of the attack, Trumbull hastened to communi- 

*" Having," he wrote, September eighth, to Thomas Mumford, who was on 
the spot — "having this morning received by express from Col. Rogers a general 
narrative of the proceedings of the enemy in their late wanton and barbarous 
attack upon N. London and Groton, and of the unhappy fate of that gallant offi- 
cer Col. Ledyard, and other brave men who fell a sacrifice to more than savage 
cruelty after their surrender to a superior force, as you are iipon the ground where 
the tragical scene happened, I desire you will carefully collect and state those 
transactions and all material circumstances, more especially respecting the treat- 
ment of Col. Ledyard and of the unfortunate garrison, and procure the same to 
be properly authenticated, and forwarded to me for such improvement as may 
hereafter be thought proper." 



1781. CHAP. XLV. — TRUMBULL. 545 

cate what he had already received to General Washington at 
Head Quarters — as the following letter, bearing date at Hart- 
ford, September fifteenth, shows : — 

"Your letter of the 21st ultimo," he proceeds — "arrived on the 5th in- 
stant, whereupon my Council being convened, amidst various accounts 
of the movements and designs of the enemy in New York, and some ap- 
prehensions of their hostile attack upon or invasion of this State, every 
exertion was made and making for its defence, by ordering the militia to 
be reviewed, and detachments to be sent to the sea-coasts, and valuable 
effects there deposited to be removed to interior parts, &c. 

"But unfortunately before these preparations could be completed, 
namely, on the 6th instant, a party under the command of the infamous 
Arnold, made wanton destruction both of lives and property in New 
London and Groton near the harbour. Though many material circum- 
stances, relative to the tragical scene, are not yet obtainable with such a 
degree of precision and certainty as might be wished, yet, according to 
the best intelligence I have been able to collect, it seems a number ex- 
ceeding one and perhaps two thousand, chiefly of chosen British and 
foreign troops, landed in the morning on both sides of the harbour's 
mouth, whereof one division immediately marched up to, and soon took 
possession of the town and fortifications of New London, which were 
evacuated on their approach, as being indefensible, whilst, on the oppo- 
site shore, the fort on Groton bank, being attacked by six or eight hund- 
red men, was nobly defended for a considerable time by about one hund- 
red and fifty men, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel William 
Ledj-ard, who bravely repulsed the assailants until they sufiered about 
one-fourth part in killed and wounded. But, being overpowered by su- 
perior numbers. Colonel Ledyard, perceiving the enemy had gained pos- 
session of some part of the fort, and opened the gate, although he had 
only three of his men killed, thought proper to surrender himself with 
the garrison prisoners, and accordingly presented his sword to a British 
officer on the parade, who received the same, and immediately thrust it 
through that brave but unfortunate Commander ; whereupon the soldiery 
also pierced his body in many places with bayonets, and proceeded to 
massacre upwards of seventy of the ofiBcers and garrison, till, by the in- 
terposition of a British officer, who entered the fort too late to rescue the 
gallant officers, &c., about forty of the defenceless survivors were made 
prisoners, and carried off, exclusive of about the like number who were 
wounded, and many of them dangerously. 

" This heroic opposition on the part of the garrison, however, together 
with the increasing appearance of the militia, and small skirmishes be- 
tween some scattering parties and advanced guards, prevented the enemy 
from fully executing their savage plan, and occasioned them to retreat on 
board in the evening with precipitation, after having knocked off the 
46* 



546 CHAP. XLV. — TRUMBULL. 1781. 

trunnions of seven guns, and consumed by fire about seventy-one dwell- 
ing houses, sixty-five stores, twenty-two barns, a church, court-house, 
and jail, together with a number of vessels, lying unrigged, by the 
wharves. The rest of the shipping in the harbour was saved by running 
up Norwich River, and several valuable buildings, on each shore, pre- 
served by quenching the flames. 

"The loss of /property by the conflagration was, however, very great, 
and ruinous to many individuals, as also a sensible damage to the public. 
Yet, what is more to be regretted, is the unhappy fate of that worthy 
ofiicer, Colonel Ledyard, and those brave men (many of whom sustained 
respectable characters, and were esteemed the flower of that town,) who 
so gallantly fought and unfortunately fell with him, victims to British 
cruelty. I have given directions for procuring authenticated information 
of those transactions, as soon as the situation of the wounded and pris- 
oners (some of whom are parolled,) will admit ; which will be forwarded 
as soon as obtained. 

" I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of esteem and con- 
sideration, your Excellency's most obedient and very humble servant, 

Jonathan Trumbull." 

Not a moment was lost by Trumbull in restoring to a 
proper state of defence that quarter of Connecticut wliose de- 
vastation, in this letter to Washington, he so feelingly de- 
scribes. To the three companies which he sent to New Lon- 
don instantly on hearing of the attack, he added five hund- 
red men more, and reordered the militia of the neighbor- 
hood to hold themselves constantly ready to serve. He pro- 
ceeded to repair the injury done to the fortifications in the 
harbor. He sent to General Washington, and procured seven 
hundred excellent French arms for use in case of any new 
alarm — and warmly urged that a part of the French naval 
force should be stationed for the winter in the port of New 
London — to aid in its security — to protect the adjacent coasts 
against armed vessels of the enemy — and to convey some 
supplies of fresh beef which he was then about to send to 
the General of Martinico, for the use of the garrisons and 
hospitals upon that island. 

" While the spirits of the people are agitated and exas- 
perated," he wrote to Mumford at this time — "will not the 
Commanders of the three brigantines, and other vessels in 
port at New London, attempt enterprises against the enemy? " 

To Governor Greene, of Ehode Island, he wrote, urging 



nSl. CHAP, XLV. — TRUMBULL. 547 

active cooperation in scliemes for defending the Northern 
States, now that, by the march of General Washington to 
the southward, these States were pecuharly exposed to inva- 
sion by the enemy. 

"As we cannot, I think, suppose that they M-ill be idle in New York," 
he said, "while the General is carrying on operations of such vast im- 
portance in Virginia, your Excellency will therefore, I think, be with me 
in opinion that we ought not only to exert every nerve to furnish for the 
general defence all the regular and militia aid required, with the great- 
est possible dispatch, but that these Northern States ought to afford all 
the mutual aid to each other which shall be in their power, in case any 
of them are attacked. You may. Sir, in such circumstances, expect the 
friendly aid of this State, and I doubt not but that it will be reciprocal, 
if it shall be necessary — for which purpose I have conversed with my 
Council of Safety, and am taking the necessary measures for putting this 
State into a posture of defence." 

"Your Excellency," he wrote to General Washington again, from Leba- 
non, November sixth — "has been made acquainted with the destruction 
lately committed upon New London and Groton, by a considerable force 
of the enemy under the infamous traitor, whose name and memory 
should rot. A force much more considerable has been kept there since. 
They have done much to repair the injury done to the fortifications; and 
particularly that on Groton side, which entirely commands the town and 
harbour, is already in much better condition than before, and the work 
is still going on. And, as I take it for granted that part of the naval 
force of his most Christian Majesty will remain on the station dur- 
ing the winter, I would take leave to offer to the consideration of your 
Excellency, that they may be stationed at the port of New London, 
•which I conceive would be attended with advantages superior, with re- 
spect to themselves and the country, to any place they could choose. 
The harbour is very sufficient to contain any number and size of ships ; 
is peculiarly safe from the injuries of winds or storms. Its immediate 
connection with the main renders it accessible by the militia in case of 
need ; and, adjoining to a country, through the favor of Providence, at 
present abounding with every kind of provision they can want, will 
render their supplies much more easy and safe than at the Island where 
they last wintered, and where they received great part of their supplies 
by water from New London, exposed to loss and capture, and which act- 
ually did, and must always, happen in some instances. 

" I have very lately received a pressing request from his Excellency, 
the General of Martinico, for large supplies of fresh beef from this State, 
for the use of the garrisons and hospitals there. I purpose to permit and 
encourage private adventurers to furnish it, which must be shipped from 
that port. The lying of a fleet there would greatly secure and protect 



548 CHAP. XLV. — TRUMBULL. ifSL 

the coasts, for a considerable distance, against the armed vessels of the 
enemy, who will doubtless get knowledge of the design, and be engaged 
to intercept vessels with such cargoes. And, for their more effectual 
protection, I must also request a convoy of a frigate, armed sloop, or 
something adequate for any number of vessels which may be ready to 
sail, and ask your Excellency's direction in that respect also ; and on the 
assurance of which, I doubt not, a full and speedy supply might and 
would be afforded ; and without it I fear it will fall short. 

" Permit me to add, in favor of the town which has so severely suf- 
fered, that a fleet stationed there would also afford relief and help to 
many of the distressed inhabitants, who have lost their all ; and would 
be a protection to as much property, taken from the enemy, as perhaps is 
brought into any port standing in need of such protection. 

'* On the whole I submit these, and other reasons which will readily 
occur to your Excellency's wisdom and candor." 

Washington, in response to this letter,* assured Trumbull 
that he should be happy to promote his scheme of stationing 
some of the allied ships at New London, if circumstances 
would have permitted — but that Admiral De Grasse had 
taken almost all his vessels of war with him, and "except a 
frigate or two left in York River, for the security and aid of 
the French troops," not a ship of force was left upon the 
American station. The provident plan of Trumbull, there- 
fore, for the protection of the New England coast, could not 
be carried into effect. 

* From PhiladelpMa, November 28. 



C HAPTE R XLVI. 
1781. 

FoRATs upon Connecticut. Hostile ships in the Sound. Trumhull's con- 
tinued vigilance. An attack upon tories at Lloyd's Neck — and apon 
other points of Long Island. Loss of the frigate Trumbull — and of the 
Confederacy. Another crisis of want among the troops on the North 
River — and relief afforded "by Trumbull. He hears of the triumph at 
Torktown. The joy it gives him. His letter to Washington on the 
victory. Extract from "Washington's reply. Trumbull, however, still 
continues his preparations for another campaign. He proclaims a 
Thanksgiving. 

On the last day of August the enemy made a marauding 
expedition to Newhaven, West Side — and carried oflf sixteen 
prisoners, besides a number of cattle and horses. In July, a 
gang of refugees came over from Lloyd's Neck in se"ven 
boats, and surprised and captured, at Darien, the Eeverend 
Moses Mather, together "with forty of his congregation, -while 
they were in the very act of "worshiping within the Meet- 
ing House.* But save these attacks, and the memorable one 

*" They took also about forty horses belonging to the congregation," says 
Barber — "mounted them, and marched their prisoners to the shore, and thence 
conveyed them to Lloyd's Neck on Long Island. From this place they were 
soon after conveyed to New York, and confined in prison. Some of them never 
returned ; tliese probably perished in prison ; others were parolled, and some re- 
turned after having suffered severely by the small pox." In prison they were 
treated most severely. Dr. Mather, particularly, was insulted almost daily by 
the Provost Marshal, that execrated Cunningham, who "took a particular satis- 
faction in announcing to him, from time to time, that on that day, the morrow, 
or some other period at a little distance, he was to be executed." The mother 
of Washington Irving is said to have kindly ministered to his wants while he 
was in prison. "Full forty of us were confined"— writes Peter St. John, one of 
the prisoners, who has given us a poetic version of the affair : — 

" So cruelly they were inclined. 

In a small room, six days complete, 

With very little food to eat, 

Full eighteen days, or something more, 

We fairly were exchanged, before 

Of the exchange they let us know, 

Or from that place of bondage go, 

That of the number twenty-five 

But just nineteen were left alive. 

Four days before December's gone. 

In seventeen hundred eighty-one." 



550 CHAP. XLVI. — TRUMBULL. 1781. 

on New London already described, Connecticut remained 
quite free from hostile ravages during the present year. 
Trumbull, however, kept up carefully its defence. Besides 
strengthening the New London quarter, after the assault there, 
he also again strengthened the western frontier — sending 
General Parsons there to take command, with directions to 
call out the militia of the second, fourth, and fifth brigades, 
or such part thereof as he should judge necessary, and em- 
ploy them both to repel invasion, and for enterprises against 
the enemy either by sea or land. 

Though, in the first part of the year, the British squadron, 
which was employed in blockading the French fleet at New- 
port, lay near Connecticut — one ship of ninety guns, four of 
seventy-four, three of sixty-four, one of fifty, and two or 
three frigates, anchored along in a formidable line between 
Gardiner's Island and Plum Island — ^yet this squadron ven- 
tured upon no enterprises against the Connecticut Main. 
Trumbull, in February, had the satisfaction of hearing that 
one of the ships composing it — the Culloden, a seventy- 
four — was driven by a violent storm on a reef near Gardi- 
ner's Island, and lost — and at the same time that another sev- 
enty-four — the Bedford — her masts having been carried 
away, and her whole upper tier of guns thrown overboard — 
floated almost a wreck ofi" New London. 

He was not the man, of course, to have mourned had the 
whole armament been swamped. As usual, however, he 
kept close watch upon its movements — and the armed vessels 
of the State, by his orders, continued busy cruising — busy 
in checking illegal trade, and all unlawful correspondence 
with the enemy. As usual, he commissioned privateers, and 
some whaleboats* — and had the pleasure, during the year, 

* " 1781. Jan'y 25th. A whaleboat Commission, &c., dd' Capt. Joshua Grif- 
fiths. 

"Feb. 26th. Commissions granted for schooner Weasel, and Capt. Hale's 
Whale Boats, to cruise ags' the Enemy and Illicit trade, under direction of Capt. 
Wm. Ledyard. 

" March 24th. Granted liberty of Commission for Whale Boat to Abner Ely. 

" April 4th. Common Commission for Whale Boat — given John Waterman — 
sent by Mr. Torrey — p'd £3. 

"May 10th. Gave commission to Capt, Elisha Hart — sloop Restoration — 10 
guns." — TrumbulVs Diary. 



1781. 



CHAP. XLVI. — TRUMBULL. 551 



of finding quite a number of valuable prizes brought into 
New London — particularly, among others, about September, 
two large victualing ships, taken by the Young Cromwell — 
and the Hannah, an exceedingly rich merchant ship from 
London bound to New York, which was captured a little 
south of Long Island by Captain Dudley Saltonstall of the 
Minerva privateer. It was the loss of this ship, which, 
" more than any other single circumstance exasperating the 
British, is thought to have led to the expedition against New 
London." 

In June, the Governor planned an attack upon the tories on 
Lloyd's Neck — a scheme which, in April, Major Tallmadge, of 
Connecticut, had contemplated, but had not been able to accom- 
plish. For this purpose he wrote, by the Duke de Lauzun, to 
Count de Barras, the Admiral of the French fleet, soliciting 
the use of some armed frigates — which, aided by a force fi'om 
Connecticut, were to make the attack.* The frigates were 
sent, together with two hundred and fifty land troops. They 
were joined by several boats from Fairfield with American 
volunteers and pilots — and the attack was made — but, from 
ignorance, on the part of those engaged, of the true point to 
be assailed, and the M^ant of cannon, it was unsuccessful. 
Fort Franklin, which was supposed to be without any heavy 
guns, in fact had them, and with its grape shot from two 
twelve pounders, compelled the French to retire. 

A descent also on Long Island, in May, by several whale- 
boats from Horseneck, was likewise unsuccessful. It was 
intercepted by the British, and thirty-nine of the party were 
made prisoners. So, unsuccessful also, was another descent 
upon the same island, in September, by Captain Hart of the 
sloop Kestoration. Driven on shore on a point of land near 
Hempstead by a hostile frigate, and there attacked by five 
companies of soldiers, he was compelled to come to terms, 
after a brave defence, and return home parolled. To the 
losses now stated, is to be added, this year, that also of the 
beautiful frigate named after the Governor himself, whose 

*" June 6th. Wednesday, 12 o'clock, Duke de Lauzun at my lodgings [at 
Hartford.] Wrote by him to La Compte de Barras de sends a frigate to Lloyd's 
Neck." — TrumbuWs Diary. 



552 CHAP. XLVI. — TRUMBULL. 



1T81. 



construction, at Chatham on the Connecticut Elver, it will be 
remembered, he had with peculiar interest superintended. 
The Trumbull — after having been placed by Congress under 
the direction of the United States Superintendent of Fi- 
nance — Mr. Morris — for such service as he might judge neces- 
sary — August eleventh was " carried into New York by one 
of the King's ships " — on the very same day that three thou- 
sand of the King's mercenary German troops arrived in that 
city.* 

But the disappointments upon Long Island were more than 
compensated by numerous successful descents upon that quar- 
ter. There was one in November, for example, by Lieuten- 
ant Hull, who boarded nine vessels which lay in Musquito 
Cove, near Hempstead, and made prisoners of sixteen men. 
There was another in December, when some Connecticut 
whaleboats seized some valuable craft in Oyster Bay, and 
running a vessel of the enemy on shore at Oak Neck, set her 
on fire. There were many made at different times by Cap- 
tain John Fitch, who, in June, was specially commissioned by 
the Governor to go over to Long Island, and " break up the 
barbarous tory nests there." 

* Off the capes of the Dehiware — -"in the midst of rain and squalls, in a tem- 
pestuous night, with most of the forward hamper of the ship over her bows, or 
lying in the forecastle, with one of the arms of the foretopsail yard run through 
her foresail, and the other jammed on deck, and with a disorganized crew," her 
commander, Capt. Nicholson, was compelled to strike to two British cruisers of 
superior force — the Iris, and the General Monk. In this action, remarks Cooper 
in his Naval History — " none but a man of the highest notions of military honor 
would have thought resistance necessary. To say nothing of the ship, the Iris 
[Hancock,] was one of the largest ships built by the Americans in the Eevoln- 
tion, and the Trumbull was one of the smallest. The Monk was a heavy sloop- 
of-war for that day." The Iris, when known as the United States ship Hancock, 
had been captured by Sir George Collier in the Eainbow of forty-four guns. In 
the end she fell into the hands of the French in the West Indies. The Monk, 
formerly the American privateer General Washington, having fallen into the 
power of General Arbuthnot, had been taken into the King's service. It is a 
pleasing fact that the Monk was recaptured, and restored to the American Ma- 
rine. Capt. Barney, in a brilliant action at the mouth of the Delaware, retook 
her. 

Trumbull had also to regret, in 1781, the loss of another ship belonging to the 
Continental Marine. It was the Confederacy , whose construction at Norwich, 
Conn., he had himself overlooked. While on her return from Cape Francois, in 
June, with clothing, and other supplies on board, and a convoy in charge, she 
was compelled to strike to a superior force of the enemy, consisting of a large 
ship and frigate. 



1781. CHAP. XLVI. — TRUMBULL. 553 

The interval from the attack of New London down nearly 
to the close of October, was passed by Trumbull in sessions 
with his Council, or with the General Assembly — and, so far 
as the war is concerned, in providing supplies for the army. 
One more crisis of want occurred about this time, which, as 
usual, called for his special exertions, and was promptly met. 
It was upon the North River. They had not cattle enough 
there. General Heath wrote him, to serve the troops more 
than two days — and one of the large contractors for that 
quarter — Mr. Phelps — on account of an alarm at the North- 
ward, was unable to furnish the troops on the Hudson with 
his customary number. " Upon a punctual supply of beef 
cattle," urged Governor Trumbull immediately in a Message 
to the Legislature — " not only the army on the North River, 
but that under the immediate command of General Washing- 
ton, to whom General Heath forwards one hundred head per 
week, depends." The four pence tax for providing live cat- 
tle, he informed them, was now nearly exhausted, and it 
would be necessary to provide them on a two and sixpenny 
tax which had been laid for furnishing barrelled beef. The 
matter should be taken into consideration, he said, "soon 
as possible." The cattle should be "most punctually sent 
on." And so they were, under the stimulus thus given to 
effort. 

On the very day on which this Message was sent to the 
General Assembly — in a coincidence that is somewhat re- 
markable — in a contrast between past and present army sup- 
port, and that which would be required in the future, which 
was most heart-cheering — on this day — October nineteenth — 
Lord Cornwallis — his works in every quarter sunken under 
the fire of the besiegers — the guns of his batteries, nearly 
every one, silenced — his shells expended — the second parallel 
of the assailants about to open again, from an immense artil- 
lery, a resistless weight of fire — in this situation — his catas- 
trophe inevitable — Cornwallis "submitted to a necessity no 
longer to be avoided, and surrendered the posts of Yorktown 
and Gloucester Point, with the garrisons which had defended 
them, and the shipping in the harbor with their seamen, to 

the land and naval officers of America and France." 
■ 47 



554 CHAP. XLVI. — TRUMBULL. 1781. 

"Friday, October 26th," entered Trumbull in his Diary, commemora- 
ting his first reception of the news — " about 7 o'clo. in the evens reC* 
the hand Bill from D. Gov Bower, of the surrender of L"^ Cornwallis & 
his Army — 9000 men, seamen included — quantity of Warlike Stores — 
one 40 gun ship — 1 frigate — about 100 Transports. Praised be the 
Lord of Hosts ! 

" Saturday, 27th," he adds — " sent Torrey* to Hartford with the news. 

"Monday, 29th," he continues — "the surrender of L"^ Cornwallis 17th 
or 18th instant confirmed. 

"Wednesday, 31st," he concludes — "night follow^^ came Letters with 
the Articles of Capitulation with L'' Cornwallis." 

"With what unbounded satisfaction — with what patriotic 
exultation — must Trumbull have received this glorious news ! 
" Praised be the Lord of Hosts " — he exclaimed, in a thanks- 
giving to God that was doubtless spontaneous, exuberant, and 
profound. 

His son, Colonel Jonathan — who was then at Yorktown, 
as private Secretary to General Washingtonf — wrote him at 
once confirming the accounts, and describing fully the con- 
cluding scenes of this eventful siege. He told him, particu- 
larly, of the completion, with indefatigable toil — in the face 
of a tremendous fire from the beleaguered garrison — through 
embrasures which the enemy constantly opened out — of the 
famous Second Parallel. He told him of that impetuous, 
irresistible rush of parties under Baron Yiomenil and Colo- 
nel Hamilton, upon the two British redoubts which flanked 
this parallel — of the noble refusal by Hamilton upon the oc- 
casion — under all the deeply-seated irritation engendered by 
tbe then recent carnage at Fort Griswold in Connecticut — to 
retaliate this example of barbarity, and, as had been sug- 

* Torrey was a farmer and a tavemer in Lebanon, and lived at a place called 
Liberty Hill, in the northern part of the town — on the road from Lebanon to 
Hartford. 

tHe was appointed by Washington, April 16th, 1781, as the successor to Col. 
Hamilton. "The circle of my acquaintance," says Washington, writing him on 
the subject — " does not furnish a character that would be more pleasing to me as 
a successor to him than yourself. 1 make you the first offer, therefore, of the 
vacant office, and should be happy in your acceptance of it. The pay is one 
hundred dollars a month ; the rations those of a Lieutenant-Colonel in the army, 
which in fact are additional, as the value thereof is received in money. No per- 
quisites appertain to the office. The secretary lives as I do, is at little expense 
while he is in my family, or when absent on my business, and is in the highest 
confidence and estimation from the nature of his office.'' 



1781. CHAP XLVI. — TRUMBULL. 555 

gested, put every man in the redoubt which he had won, to 
the sword. He told him of the repulse of Abercrombie in 
his brave, yet forlorn sortie upon two American batteries — 
and of the attempt of Cornwallis to retreat by the Gloucester 
shore, which Lauzun and Sheldon guarded against, and 
which the wind and the rain stormed upon in fury, and 
thwarted. He delineated the preparation then which was 
made to open, within three hundred yards of the Brit- 
ish foe, the whole terrific fire of a line of batteries that 
must inevitably, if employed, have within but a few hours, 
leveled Yorktown with the dust. He described that 
parley then which the British Commander was compelled to 
beat — his proposition next for a cessation of hostilities — his 
terms for capitulation — their modification by Washington to 
suit the patriot triumph — the surrender — that marching out 
at last by the enemy from their once stronghold, with their 
colors cased — and that grounding of their arms, while Gener- 
al Lincoln received the sword of their commander, upon the 
field in front of their own outworks, and near the quarters 
of those French and American regiments of artillery that 
had battered those outworks down. All these stirring facts 
of the closing contest of the American Revolution, his son 
described to the Governor of Connecticut — as did also his son- 
in-law General Huntington and others — with graphic partic- 
ularity, from the very spot in which they transpired. 

" The very interesting and important news of the surrender of General 
Lord Cornwallis," wrote Trumbull then from Lebanon, November sixth, 
to the Commander-in-chief of the American Armies — and he expressed 
similar sentiments in a letter also to Rochambeau — "with the British 
army, shipping, &c., &c., under his command, reached me on the 26th 
ultimo by a vessel from the Chesapeake to Rhode Island ; and the full 
confirmation a few days since by a letter from my son. My warmest and 
most sincere congratulations await your Excellency on an event so hon- 
orable and glorious to yourself, so interesting and happy to the United 
States; — an event, which cannot fail to strengthen the impressions of the 
European powers in favor of the great and good cause, in which you 
have so long and so successfully contended, and go far to convince the 
haughty King of Great Britain, that it is in vain to persevere in his cruel 
and infamous purpose of enslaving a people, who can boast of Generals 
and armies that neither fear to meet his veterans in the high places of 
the field, or pursue them to their strongholds of security, and for whose 



556 CHAP. XLVI. — TRUMBULL. 178L 

help the arm of the Almighty has been made bare, and his salvation ren- 
dered gloriously conspicuous ; — an event, which will hasten the wished- 
for happy period, when your Excellency may retire to and securely pos- 
sess the sweets of domestic felicity and glorious rest from the toils of 
war, surrounded by the universal applauses of a free, grateful, and happy 
people. 

*' The very important assistance and powerful cooperation afforded by 
the fleet and army of our illustrious ally, the King of France, demand 
the most grateful acknowledgments. The gallant and intrepid conduct 
of the Commander and Officers of both has acquired them great glory, 
and entitles them and their army to the warmest thanks of America." 

" I have the honor to acknowledge your favor of the 6th instant," 
wrote Washington to Trumbull in reply, November twenty-eighth — " and 
to thank your Excellency with great sincerity for the very cordial and 
affectionate congratulations, which you are pleased to express on our late 
success in Virginia. I most earnestly hope that this event may be pro- 
ductive of the happy consequences you mention." 

And the Commander-in-chief proceeded to express the 
conviction, that its good effects could not fail to be very ex- 
tensive, unless, under a hope that the contest was now really 
brought to a close, "a spirit of remissness should seize the 
minds of the States." This hope, he thought, might, after 
all, prove delusive. European negotiations — ^however to be 
brightened in favor of America by the late victory — were 
yet a precarious dependence. Still therefore, in his judg- 
ment, vigorous preparations were to be made for "another 
active, glorious, and decisive campaign." Wisdom dictated 
them. They would render the country "secure against any 
event." 

So reasoned, and in conformity with such views so acted 
Trumbull during the last two months of the year whose term"- 
ination we now closely approach. To the future possible 
demand for more men and stores he looked with prudent 
forecast. He ordered new detachments of troops for the de- 
fence of New London and Groton. He sent for some Conti- 
nental companies to be stationed for the winter at Horseneck, 
or near, for defence in that direction — and thoughtful of 
those under his government who had sustained losses by the 
wanton incursions, in past days, of the now humbled foe, he 
superintended carefully the execution of estimates of dam- 
ages done at New London and Groton, at Newhaven, at Fair- 



1781. CHAP. XLVI. — TRUMBULL. 557 

field, at Norwalk, at Horseneck, and at Danbury. He caused 
them to be duly authenticated* — that so the sufferers, all, 
might be remunerated — as they in fact were — from time to 
time in part, as funds could be improved for the purpose — 
and finally in full, in 1792, by a magnificent grant from the 
State of five hundred tlwusand acres of land in Ohio, on the 
then untouched and fertile border of Lake Erie. 

It must have been with a heart full of happiness, that — in 
conformity with a recommendation from Congress — the ven- 
erable Governor of Connecticut rounded off his labors for 
the year 1781 with a Proclamation for a Thanksgivingf — that 
Almighty God might be acknowledged and worshiped for 
the many signal interpositions of his Providence, the twelve- 
month past, in behalf of those engaged in the important 
struggle for liberty — interpositions clearly perceived in his 
preserving and securing the union of the States — in his keep- 
ing a powerful and generous European ally firm to their 
side — ^in his causing an abundance of the fruits of the earth, 
to supply their armies, and give comfort to their people — and 
finally, and conspicuously, in his causing the counsels of the 
great foes of freedom to be confounded, and a British gen- 
eral of the first rank, with his whole army, to be captured 
by the Allied Forces under the direction of the American 
Commander-in-chief 

* "Enclosed," he wrote to Secretary George Wyllys, Nov. llth — "are a num- 
ber of depositions relative to the behavioiir and barbarities of the enemy at New- 
haven, Fairfield, and Norwalk, with an abstract of the buildings burnt in said 
towns, and Sir George Collyer and General Tryon's declarations. You have in 
your custody estimates of the damages done in each of the said towns. I have to 
desire you to make out copies of such damages and of the enclosed affidavits, 
abstract of buildings burnt, and the declarations, and fix the public seal of the 
State, with your attestation, to which also I will set my hand. Wish you to have 
it done soon as convenient. The Committee appointed to estimate the damages 
at New London and Groton, and the affidavits relative to the cruelties and bar- 
barities there, are to be made up hereafter distinct. You will please to add the 
estimate of the damages at Danbury and Horseneck — which you have in 
custody." 

+ On the thirteenth of December. 

47* 



C HAPTE R XL VII. 

■ ' 1782. 

Military events cf the year. England inclined to peace. The United 
States, however, continue their military preparations. Trumbull in 
this connection again — and in connection with war dehts, con^scated 
estates, refugees, and deserters. He superintends a new census of the 
State — prepares the Susquehannah Case for trial — and arranges a cele- 
hration in honor of the birth of a Dauphin of France. Prisoners, and 
his negotiations fo^ their exchange. He remonstrates against the 
course taken by the enemy in this matter, and counsels retaliation. 
Naval matters and illicit trade. He is still active in Home Defence, 
although this year there are no naaterial depredations. His naeasures 
for suppressing illicit trade bring upon him the slanderous charge, frona 
a few worthless traders and tories, of being himself engaged in it. 
His Memorial to the General Assembly on the subject. He is thor- 
oughly vindicated. Maritime prizes and losses this year. Not de- 
luded by any prospects of peace, he maintains the little navy of Con- 
necticut with unabated interest. 

The Battle of Yorktown closed in fact tlie American "War. 
The period of 1782 carries with it hardly a trace of blood. 
A few skirmishes around Savannah — a few with British for- 
aging parties in South Carolina — and that little, gallant fight 
in New Jersey between Captain Huddy and a party of Brit- 
ish refugees, constitute the chief and almost the only armed 
struggles of the year. The signal success of the American 
troops at Yorktown satisfied Great Britain that the United 
States could not be subdued by force of arms. Negotiations 
for peace commenced. They were protracted through the 
year. And they terminated in a Provisional Treaty, No- 
vember thirtieth. 

But though hostilities, in consequence of the victory in 
Virginia, were suspended, preparation as usual was made by 
the United States for another campaign. Men and money, 
in the judgment of those at the head of American affairs, 
were still to be raised. 

To all appearance at the beginning of the year, Great 
Britain would persist in the war. The Speech from the 



1782. CHAP. XLVII. — TRUMBULL. 559 

Throne, in November, following the surrender of Cornwallis, 
breathed hostility, and the answer of both Houses of Parlia- 
ment was in accord. True — soon after — the Commons re- 
solved that the contest ought no longer to be pursued for the 
"impracticable purpose," they said, of reducing America to 
obedience by force — and yet again they resolved — in terms 
now more decided than before — that all who should advise, 
or by an}^ means attempt its continuation, should "be con- 
sidered as enemies to their king and country." But all 
this was short of that vital concession without which it was 
certain that Amei'ica would fight to the last gasp. It did not 
yield independence — nor had the King or Shelburne a 
thought of yielding this. 

" The point next my heart," said the former most earnest- 
ly — "and which I am determined, be the consequences what 
they may, never to relinquish but with my crown and with 
my life, is to prevent a total, unequivocal recognition of the 
independence of America." Make such recognition, re- 
sponded Lord Shelburne, and "the sun of England's glory is 
set forever." Let us have peace — if peace we must have — 
said other leading British statesmen — but not on the footing 
of equality. Let us profess pacific intentions, and if we can, 
carry them out. And so the English Cabinet did. But were 
these intentions sincere ? Even though they were, thought 
and reasoned the United States, with Washington, and as 
Washington expressed it at the time — "it will undoubtedly 
be wisdom in us to meet them with great caution and circum- 
spection, and by all means to keep our arms firm in our 
hands, and, instead of relaxing one iota in our exertions, 
rather to spring forward with redoubled vigor, that we may 
take the advantages of every favorable opportunity, until 
our wishes are fully obtained. No nation ever yet suffered 
in treaty by preparing, even in the moment of negotiation, 
most vigorously for the field," 

These were the sentiments also of Governor Trumbull. 
So again, for another year, he moved on in a round of war 
measures — raising troops, raising supplies, paying troops, 
quickening taxes, guarding Connecticut, and laboriously aid- 
ing to guard the Continent. 



660 CHAP. XLVII. — TRUMBULL. 1782. 

A new act for filling up the quota of Connecticut m the 
Continental Army, passed the General Assembly early in 
January, and large Committees were appointed in each 
County to aid in carrying it into effect. A new regiment of 
foot was ordered for the defence of Horseneck, and the whole 
western frontier of the State. The Governor was to see it 
raised, and to send three hundred men to Stamford. Nine 
thousand one hundred and ninety pounds were appropriated 
for the service of the several towns upon the Sound, to ena- 
ble them to support coast-guards for the year. The Govern- 
or was to look to the proper distribution of this fund.* In 
May again, eighteen hundred and thirty-six men were to be 
specially raised for the Continental Army. The Governor 
labored to collect them. In the same month a new act was 
passed for regulating and conducting the whole military force 
of the State. It was crowded with directions, and required 
careful superintendence. The Governor was to see this act 
also executed, and accordingly he addressed every Brigadier 
General of the State on the matter. Let each one, he said, 
in his own command, enforce the new arrangements — that 
the militia of Connecticut "may be in readiness to act on 
every necessary occasion."f 

To support all these military measures, fresh taxes, of 
course, were necessary. The United States Superintendent 
of Finance wrote Trumbull for money — Congress wrote for 
it — Washington sent repeated circulars for it. A quota from 
the State of eight millions of dollars for the current year was 
wanted. The Governor, therefore, by direction of his Coun- 
cil, was charged with the duty of stating the several taxes 
that remained unpaid — particularly those for specific articles, 

* Exhausted as Connecticut had been by the war, it was more diiBcult for her 
now than formerly to support hoth her troops in the Continental line, and those 
employed for home defence. Her expenses had been, she said, " an insupport- 
able burden." The Governor was therefore directed by the General Assembly 
to ask Congress for payment often of the companies raised for the State, and "to 
inforce his request with such furtlier reasons and observations as his Excellency 
should think proper." The application was made, but did not aviiil. 

+ " You will hear," he added in his instructions to the generals — "and grant 
liberty to such officers whose circumstances may require a dismission from serv- 
ice, for reasons to be assigned in tlie orders for a new choice, in which the Gen- 
eral will be careful not to dismiss on slight grounds." 



1782. CHAP. XLVII. — TRUMBULL. 561 

and a three pence tax, and a twelve pence tax that had been 
laid for the national service — the collection of which he was 
to "invigorate," as the record expresses it, and the money, 
when collected, to transmit to the Treasury of the Nation. 
The gathering of these and other taxes — orders on towns for 
their respective quotas of provisions — the making up, in nu- 
merous private instances, the depreciation in the wages of offi- 
cers and soldiers — the adjustment of old debts and of arrears 
of debts — and measures with regard to refugees, confiscated es- 
tates, and to the apprehension of deserters from the army — fig- 
ure at this time in the Records of the Council of Safety, as the 
matters which chiefly and constantly occupied his attention. 

" "Wednesday 9 Jan' y 1782," he wrote in his Diary — making a few- 
succinct entries which will give the Reader some idea of his employment 
at three important periods of the year — " set from home with Col. Wil- 
liams. At Alvords* met President Wheelock and Mr. Pomeroy — signed 
the recommendation of Dartmouth College. Passed the ferry — got to 
Mr. Caldwell's at 8 o'clock in the evening — exceedingly hard riding — 
much worried. 

" 11th. Opened the Assembly. Speech & Letters before dinner. 

"12th. Attended Assembly. 

" From Tuesday to Saturday had public hearings, Benjamin Payn, 
Esq., at meeting last Sunday, died Wednesday 23rd about 9 o'clock in 
the Evening. Funeral attended on Friday, 3 o'clock P. M. Rev. Mr. 
Perry made a very pertinent prayer in the Meeting House, when the 
Corpse was brought, on this Solemn and Melancholy Occasion. 

" Friday, 10th. Dr. Stiles opened the Assembly by prayer. 

" Tuesday, [June] 4th. Enemies fleet of 20 sail, including two Frig- 
ates, passed Fairfield — off N. Lond" Harbour — 6th joined by 4 Frigates — 
7th went to the Eastward — from Block Island steered S. E, This occa- 
sioned an Alarm — Tyler's & Douglass's Brigade. 

"Saturday, June 15th, 1782—6 o'clock P. M. The General Assembly 
finished the Sessions. 

" Monday, June 17th — 8 o'clock A. M. — came from Hartford. 

"Wednesday, 26th. Sent Mr. W" Lisk Express from hence to Stam- 
ford, to carry Proclamations and Letters, and gave an Order to Pay Table 
to settle his ace", and draw on the Treasurer for payment. 

'•Saturday, July 13th. Mr. Jesse Brown went for Philadelphia. Sent 
by him Letter to Office of Foreign Affairs — acc° of Losses — to Office of 
Finance sundry inclosures — Delegates — Secret^ Thompson, Bonds, and 
for Blank Commissions &c. 

* Bolton HiU. 



562 CHAP. XLVII. — TRUMBULL. 1782. 

" Oct. 9th. Came with Col. Williams to Hartford. 
" 10th. Assembly opened. 10th & 12th appointed Committees &c. 
"Thursday 17th, and Friday 18th. Reports of Comm'««' de Taxes — 
both negatived in 1. h. — approved in up. h. Mr. Law Com'«» on diflf. 
"Friday & Saturday 19th. Col. Canfield here — finished for him, 
"Friday, Oct. 25th. The Session of Assembly finished." 

To tlie business to wbicli reference lias now been made as 
occupying Governor Trumbull the present year, is to be 
added that of superintending a new census of the State, 
which he was to transmit to Congress. He had also to regu- 
late the export of surplus provisions, particularly to the Ha- 
vanna. He had to prepare the Susquehannah Case for trial 
before a Committee of Congress, and upon this he now cor- 
responded much both with National Delegates, with the 
Counsel for the State,* and with gentlemen in England. He 
had to adjust proceedings upon occasion of the birth of a 
Dauphin of France. He had still to look after the exchange 
of prisoners — regulate cruisers in the Sound — and prevent 
illicit trade. 

As regards the Dauphin — that son of whom " the queen, 
our most dear spouse, is just now happily delivered," as Louis 
of France, October twenty-second, wrote to Congress — that 
child, as the Honorable the French Minister announced to 
the same Body, who " will one day be the friend and ally of 
the United States, and the guarantee of their freedom " — 
Trumbull received notice of his birth in May, from Eobert 
E. Livingston, Secretary of Foreign Affairs at Philadelphia — 
with a request that the event should be duly celebrated in 
Connecticut as elsewhere. By direction of the General As- 
sembly, therefore, he ordered his own Guards, and the Ma- 
tross Company at Hartford, to parade on a stated day — which 
was accordingly done — and, at five o'clock in the afternoon, 
amid crowds of spectators, a rousing feu de joie emphasized 
the annunciation that a Dauphin was born — while " the good 
people of this State," says a record of the event, "partook 
in the general joy which was diffused on receiving the happy 
intelligence." France had not then become that whirlpool 

* The Counsel for the State were Eliphalet Dyer, Wm S. Johnson, and Jesse 
Boot — whom his Excellency duly commissioned for the purpose. 



1782. CHAP. XLVII. — TRUMBULL. 563 

of revolution — tliat arena for bloody civil convulsions — - 
which soon afterwards she did become. Generosity towards 
America, even though selfish, was in her disposition. She 
had already given us blood and treasure. By all the ties of 
consistency, as well as by her own mortal hate of England, 
she was bound, if necessary, to give more. Courtesy, if not 
gratitude, was her due. Well then might Trumbull — as did 
the Congress of America — put up the prayer that the newly- 
born son might, with the throne, " inherit the virtues " which 
had acquired to his Majesty the father " so much glory, and 
to his dominions so much prosperity " — and which would be 
" the means of cementing and strengthening the union so 
happily established between the two nations." The demon- 
stration of joy which he ordered was well-timed. 

As regards prisoners the present year, there were no 
additions to their number in Connecticut, for there were 
no contests to win them — but Trumbull, from time to time, 
happily negotiated important exchanges with the British 
at New York, and released many of his suffering country- 
men, to his own and their great joy, from cruel confinement. 
The long negotiations at this period respecting captives, be- 
tween British and American Commissioners, attracted his 
cloSe attention, and when they failed, drew from him warm 
remonstrances. That the enemy should deny, as they did, 
that upon a general settlement of accounts for the mainte- 
nance of prisoners, in past times, any large balance was due 
from themselves to America — or that they should strive, as 
they did, in their plan of exchanging land prisoners for sea- 
men, to provide a constant source of reinforcement to their 
own ranks — did not surprise or disturb the Governor of Con- 
necticut. But he felt pained particularly, that they refused 
to comprehend the American captives in England within the 
terms of a general cartel — and that the meeting of the Com- 
missioners, for this reason, more than for any other, should 
have been dissolved, and thus one of the most benevolent of 
purposes frustrated. 

When Captain Huddy, therefore, of New Jersey — whose 
case attracted universal attention — was summarily hung by 
the enemy from a tree, he gave vent to his feelings in no 



56i CHAP. XLVII. — TRUMBULL. 1782. 

measured terms. The blood of that captive, he thought — 
barbarously murdered — called aloud for atonement. The 
sorrowful case too of other Americans, who, refused a pas- 
sage home, were drearily wasting away their lives in a for- 
eign land, demanded requital. Trumbull, consequently, 
wrote to Washington, and wrote to Congress, counselling re- 
taliation — that the enemy who to all appearance would not 
be persuaded, might be forced into the practice of humanity. 
" I had the honor," wrote Washington in reply. May eighth — 
" to receive your Excellency's letter of the 24th of April, 
enclosing a copy of your letter to Congress on the subject of 
American prisoners confined in England, with your senti- 
ments on the necessity of retaliation. I have the honor to 
concur in sentiment with your Excellency on the subject." 
And the Commander-in-chief proceeded to inform the Gov- 
ernor that Captain Huddy's case would "bring that matter 
to a point " — and that nothing but the surrender of the prin- 
cipal perpetrators of his horrid murder, would stay his own 
resolution of carrying the retaliatory principle into full effect. 
As regards naval matters and illicit trade, the present year, 
Trumbull — relieved somewhat from that round of anxious 
duty which he had traveled in former years — had yet some- 
thing to do. That hostile fleet — to which in ■ his Diary he 
refers as off the Connecticut coast in June — passed by, it will 
have been observed, without attempting to land, or in any 
way annoy the Main. And so did all the British cruisers 
this year, though occasionally they were very alert and 
threatening. Connecticut, fortunately, was free from any 
material depredations — ^but yet, at all times, from her prox- 
imity to New York, was greatly exposed to them, and in 
consequence, as has been suggested, was compelled to main- 
tain carefully her coast defence. The system too of predatory 
descents from Long Island was less active the present than in 
any year before during the war, and by October — on the evac- 
uation at this time by the enemy of their frowning post on 
Lloyd's Neck — was entirely abandoned. Intercourse be- 
tween the two shores in fact — soon after peace began to be 
seriously contemplated, and Carlton and Digby, the British 
Commissioners, commenced promulgating overtures for rec- 



1782. CHAP. XLVII. — TRUMBULL. 565 

onciliation — became so pacific, as to induce many persons in 
Connecticut — contrary to law — to renew traffic with the Brit- 
ish and tories upon Long Island — and consequently exacted 
at the hands of Governor Trumbull even more than ordinary 
pains to check the unlawful intercourse. 

His efforts in this particular direction — interfering as they 
did with the private interests of gain-loving traders — brought 
upon him the particular aversion of this class of persons — 
some of whom — together with certain emissaries of the ene- 
my who availed themselves of the public odium in which 
traders of this description stood — circulated against Trum- 
bull himself the slanderous charge, that he too was engaged 
in the illicit traffic. The British foe, it was believed at the 
time — failing to subjugate this country by force — resorted to 
every species of artifice to effi3ct their purpose, and particu- 
larly to the scheme of traducing — through secret incendia- 
ries, tories, and apostates — those Americans whose patriotism 
and distinguished services have rendered their names im- 
mortal. Among these, especially, was the " Rebel Governor" 
of Connecticut. 

" They all know him," said a writer of the day* — "to be a fast friend 
to the Liberties and Independence of these States. They consider him 
as one of the Pillars of our new Constitution. They are well acquainted 
with the peculiar enmity he bears the Illicit Trade — with his spirited and 
unremitted exertions to prevent it. Their plan has evidently been to 
ruin the character of so formidable an enemy, in order to promote the 
interest of their unjust cause. To effect this they have been attempt- 
ing to convince his countrymen, that he himself is concerned and bene- 
fits by the same Illicit Trade ; and with this view they have exposed 
large trunks and packages of goods, in New York, addressed to him in 
fair and legible characters — [with not the least design, however, that 
they should ever reach him] — and they have been frequently seen to send 
them publicly on board vessels bound eastward, in so much that our offi- 
cers in captivity among them have been induced to believe his Excellen- 
cy was actually concerned, and many were not undeceived, till they were 
exchanged, and came out, and enquired into the truth of the matter. "t 

* In the Hartford Courant of April 2nd, 1783. He signs himself " A Bepublic- 
an Whig." 

+ " If facts are as they insinixate," continues the writer quoted in the text — 
"why has there never a single instance been found out? Could these people 
prove what they affirm, instead of sneaking privately about incog., and telling it 
48 



566 CHAP. XLVII. — TRUMBULL. 1782. 

In pursuance of the scheme unfolded by the writer now 
quoted — at Enfield once, in Connecticut — one day in Janu- 
ary — a stranger from Middletown, as he represented himself 
to be, but whose name does not appear — while passing 
through the town, reported to quite a large assemblage of 
persons at a tavern there, that " a vessel which belonged to 
his Excellency the Governor, and which was employed in 
carrying on the illicit trade, had been lately taken coming 
from the enemy loaded with goods, and that she was brought 
into one of the ports of Connecticut for condemnation." 
This account, added the stranger, " may be depended on as 
undoubted truth " — and he passed on his way, journeying up 
the Connecticut Eiver. 

The story which he told, becoming at once the general 
topic of conversation among the people of Enfield, was list- 
ened to with amazement. The governor was soon informed 
of it by letter — and nothing could have startled and pained 
him more. It was a galling wound indeed to one to whom 
his own character, his good name, and his country, in truth 
were dearer than all the " wealth of Ormus or of Ind " — one 
who, far more intensely than most men, felt that 

" The purest treasure mortal times afford, 

Is — spotless reputation — that away, 

Men are but gilded loam, or painted clay." 

And he felt also that the attack was not altogether aimed at 
himself as an individual, but was "an intended injury to the 
State, and indeed to all the United States through one of 
their confidential servants." He immediately, therefore, 
transmitted the letter containing the charge to the General 
Assembly, accompanied by the following painfully eloquent 
Address — and left it with this Body to take such action as it 
might itself choose in vindication of the honor of the Chief 
Magistrate of Connecticut, and of their own. 

in small circles, they would publish it on the house-top, and thunder it through 
the State in exultation. Only tell them that Burgoyne and Comwallis are made 
prisoners, and they will hang down their heads like the bulrush. There are a 
set of people, whose mouths would not be stopped, should Gabriel himself de- 
scend to administer the government among us." 



1782. CHAP. XLVII. — TRUMBULL. 667 

"To the Honorable General Assembly now sitting. 

" A member of the honorable House of Representatives handed to me a 
letter of the 21st instant, which is herewith offered for your Observation, 
and opens the occasion of this address. 

" Perhaps no person in the United States was earlier apprised than 
myself of the origin and insidious design of our enemies to set on foot, 
and carry on a trade and commerce with this and the other States for the 
manufactures and merchandise of their country, or more deeply sensible 
of its dangerous and pernicious effects — and I am persuaded no one has 
been or could be more active and vigilant to prevent the execution of 
that ensnaring and ruinous project ; and during my administration my 
whole time has been devoted to and intent upon the Salvation of my 
Country, and the defence of its inestimable rights against the open force 
and more dangerous secret fraud of our restless and implacable enemy. 
My character and conduct in these respects, I am happy to believe, meets 
the approbation of all the true Friends in this State in proportion to their 
knowledge and acquaintance with them, and are not unknown through 
all these States, and in Europe. Pardon me, Gentlemen, I am far from 
boasting ; I have not done more, but less than my duty, and it is my 
highest temporal wish to do much more good to my State and Country, 
and to see its Liberty and Independence established on a firm and immov- 
able basis. 

" But who can stand against the secret and malignant whispers of envy 
and falsehood, which like the pestilence walk in darkness. My Character 
is dearer to me than all worldly instruments, or the remains of a life so 
far spent and exhausted in the service of my country. For several years 
past, accumulated and increasing slanders, similar to the present, have 
been whispered and directly spread and propagated concerning mc by 
the radical Enemies of our Country's cause, by deceived or malicious 
people, or all, as I must believe. Conscious innocence and integrity have 
enabled me calmly to bear them ; — and in my circumstances I have not 
thought it prudent to seek a legal redress, although in some instances, I 
could easily have traced the Slanders to their Authors — and my neglect- 
ing to seek such redress has to my knowledge been construed as an ac- 
knowledgment of Guilt. If indeed I am guilty, or have any connections 
with a conduct so contrary to the Laws and interests of my Country, and 
■which I profess from my heart to detest and abhor, is it not high time it 
was known, and for me to be spurned from your confidence and trust ? 
The author of the present report may be brought to your View — the 
way is open for it. 

"Permit me to ask, if I am and have been thus guilty, whether your 
honor, wisdom, and integrity, or all are not also affected, while by your 
suffrages I hold a station too important for even a suspected person to 
fill — whether under all the circumstances, it may not become the Honor 
and dignity of this Virtuous assembly to inquire into and investigate the 
truth or falsehood of the facts alledged, and let my guilt, if it appears, 



568 CHAP. XLVII. — TRUMBULL. 1782. 

be fully exposed? It is my wish — but is cheerfully submitted to the 
Wisdom and justice of the Honorable Assembly by their faithful, obedi- 
ent, humble servant, 

"Jonathan Trumbull." 
" Hartford, January 29th, 1782." 

The desired investigation was immediately made. A Com- 
mittee was appointed for the purpose. General Silliman, Mr. 
CanjEield, Mr. Southworth, and Colonel Talcott, from the 
House of Representatives, with Oliver "Wolcott as Chairman 
from the Upper House, formed it. They found the facts with 
regard to the origin and circulation of the charge as already 
narrated, and reported that they could not discover the least 
reason even to suspect " that ever his Excellency the Gov- 
ernor gave the least countenance whatever to illicit trade with 
the Enemy, much less that he ever had any concern with it 
himself Your Committee are of opinion," they added, 
"that all Reports of that kind respecting his Excellency are 
false, slanderous, and altogether groundless; and that they 
most probably originate from the Partisans and Emissaries 
of the Enemy that are secretly among the people, and that 
those kind of Reports, tho' intended to injure his Excellen- 
cy's private character, are designed principally to embarrass 
Government, and sow the seeds of Jealousy and Distress in 
the minds of the People, with a View to remove out of the 
Way a Character so firmly opposed to every Measure that is 
favorable to the enemy. And tho' we have not been able to 
discover the author of this slanderous Report, we are inclined 
to believe him to be an Emissary of the Enemy." 

This Report — thus triumphantly vindicating Trumbull, 
and placing him in the clear sunlight of innocence — was at 
once accepted and approved by both branches of the Legis- 
lature, and ordered to be lodged on file in the ofi&ce of the 
Secretary of State. It was balm to his wounded heart. Not 
the faintest stain of an attaint longer touched him. The con- 
temptible detraction had no effect but to rally friends enthu- 
siastically to his defence, and to make him in the general bo- 
som reign more loftily than ever. And he went on with his 
labors in the naval department, heart-whole, and with in- 
creased ef&ciency — commissioning whaleboats, still to check 



1782. CHAP. XLVII. — TRUMBULL. 569 

the unlawful trade — giving to tlie captors of craft engaged in 
such trade all the booty they should take — as was at this 
time allowed — and continuing privateers and other armed 
vessels in service, to attack the enemy, and make what prizes 
they could.^ 

And he had the satisfaction of finding the naval affairs of 
Connecticut, at the end of the year, relatively on as good a 
footing as ever before. Quite a number of prizes rewarded 
tlie seamen of the State — though not so numerous or so val- 
uable, of course, as in former years — for there was the calm, 
most of the time, of an expected peace — while, on the other 
hand, one brig from Norwich, f another small brig from New 
London,:}: and the privateer sloop Eandolph, Captain Peck, 
also from New London — which was captured and carried into 
New York — were the only losses of much account which 
Connecticut suflfered in her Marine during the entire period 
upon which we now dwell. 

Trumbull, as ever before — deluded by no prospects of 
peace, however flattering they seemed — anxious, up to the 
moment until a treaty for this great object should seriously 
commence, to present a bold aggressive front to the foe — and 
win advantages, if he could, that might give a favorable 
color to the position of his own beloved country — maintained 
his little navy with unabated interest — until, in August, offi- 
cial assurances came that Mr. Grenville was at Paris, fully 
empowered by Great Britain to confer with all the parties at 
war, and that negotiations for a general peace had already 

* When will talkers refrain from evil speaking? "Calumny will sear virtue 
itself" — no greatness escapes it. It attacked Trumbull in 1783 again — in a man- 
ner somewhat similar to that described in the text, and by the General Assembly 
was as promptly met. One Seymour, alledged that the Governor took a bribe of 
one hundred guineas from one Richard Smith, a petitioner for a confiscated es- 
tate — on condition that he the Governor should give his influence and his vote in 
favor of the said Smith. Whereupon Seymour was arrested, by order of the As- 
sembly, for "his false and contemptuous conduct." He at once prayed forgive- 
ness both of the Governor and the Assembly, most sincerely — stated that he was 
old, infirm in memory, and that in his "cooler moments," he felt "fully con- 
vinced" that he "had not sufficient ground" for the declaration he had made. 
So he was pardoned. 

t She was commanded by Capt. Elisha Lathrop, and when captured was carried 
into Bermuda. 

J She was commanded by Capt. Latham, and was laid up by the enemy at St. 
Thomas. ^^ 



670 CHAP. XLVII. — TRUMBULL. 1782. 

commenced. The Britisli commander in America — Sir Guy 
Carlton — confirmed tlie news — formally declared that he 
could no longer discover any object of contest between Eng- 
land and America — and openly disapproved of any farther 
hostilities either by land or sea. The curtain, therefore, fell 
upon the Revolutionary naval warfare of Connecticut 



C HAP TE R XLVI II. 

1782. 

NaQOTiATiONS for peace. Trumtull's views of their tasis. These views 
shown particularly hy a letter which he addressed to Silas Deane. 
Explanation of the circumstances under which this letter was written. 
Deane in Europe at the time — and has heard of nothing but disasters, 
severely fatal to the American cause. He therefore sends over propo- 
sitions for a reconciliation with Great Britain. His letter falls into the 
hands of foes to America, and is materially altered from its original 
shape. The alterations. As changed, Trumbull receives the com- 
munication, with a request that the plan it contained should be laid 
before the General Assembly of Connecticut. Trumbull replies, as if 
to propositions from an alien enemy, in a firm, patriotic, and indignant 
strain. The sentiments he expresses are inwrought into all the nego- 
tiations for closing the war. The French Army marches from Virginia 
for Boston, to embark for the West Indies. Trumbull provides again 
for their passage through Connecticut. The American Army goes into 
winter quarters. Everything indicates a speedy end to the war. 
Trumbull proclaims a Thanksgiving. 

The intelligence that negotiations for a general peace had 
commenced, was indeed welcome to Trumbull. He had 
watched all the preparations for putting an end to the war, 
with intensest interest. No negotiations, with a tithe of his 
approbation, could have taken place short of those which 
were to recognize, as their unalterable basis, the entire free- 
dom and independence of the United States. And of this 
he gave signal proof at this time, in a letter which he wrote 
to Silas Deane at Grhent, in the spring of the year with which 
we are now concerned — in reply to propositions from the lat- 
ter for a reconciliation with Great Britain. It is a letter, 
which, under all the circumstances, is one of the most strik- 
ing memorials on record of a great and patriotic man.* 

Eightly to understand it, these circumstances must be ex- 
plained. They will reward the Header's attention. 

At the time when Deane made his propositions — which. 

* The author is indebted for the letter to J. Deane Alden, Esq., of Hartford, 
Connecticut — himself a descendant of the distinguished gentleman to whom it 
was addressed. 



572 CHAP. XLVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1782, 

was in 1781 — tlie aspect of American affairs, both at home 
and abroad, was most unpropitious. The whole State of 
South Carolina had been overrun by the British, and in effect 
conquered. Charleston, its capital city, had fallen. Three 
out of four hundred American troops under the brave 
Colonel Buford, had been hewn in pieces at the battle of the 
Waxhaws. General Gates, with his four thousand troops, had 
been overpowered near Camden by a force of but two thou- 
sand under Lord Cornwallis — and seven hundred and thirty- 
two Americans killed or captured in this eventful struggle — 
against only half that number lost by the British — told fear- 
fully in favor of the enemy — while Tarleton's surprise and 
complete rout of Colonel Sumpter, which soon succeeded, 
served vastly to deepen the gloom which events threw over 
the American cause. 

Nor were there any American victories at the North, at 
this period, of force enough to lift and counterbalance this 
gloom. On the other hand, Arnold's devastating expedition 
to Virginia — his horrible successes at New London — and the 
plundering and burning of many villages in New Jersey, by 
Knyphausen — these and other instances of British venge- 
ance — magnified a thousand-fold by British newspapers, and 
British emissaries — reached the ears of Deane in his seclusion 
at Ghent. With them came overwrought pictures of the 
feebleness of the Americans, and false allegations of a pre- 
vailing disposition among them to accommodate their differ- 
ences with the Mother-Country — allegations which were 
trumpeted far and wide, and were very widely credited. 

Deane, from his residence abroad, knew well the deep dis- 
credit into which the American cause, and American credit, 
had fallen on the continent of Europe, and sincerely believed 
the majority of his countrymen no longer desired to continue 
the war. The opinion which he entertained at its outbreak, 
that England could not long maintain it, had been changed. 
*' Six years' experience," as he wrote Trumbull — " in three of 
which France and Spain had been engaged with us against 
Great Britain — had convinced him of his mistake." He be- 
lieved too, as he adds — that "independence in the three great 
articles of Legislation, Taxation, and Commerce, contained 



1782. CHAP. XLVIII. — TRUMBULL. 573 

all the essentials of liberty, and that the title and honors of 
sovereignty can by no means balance the losses and the ex- 
penses of blood and treasure unavoidable in the acquisition 
and support of them." He was satisfied too in his own mind 
that self-interest was the ruling motive both of France and 
Spain in their adoption of the American cause — and that by 
binding this cause irrevocably, as the Treaty with France 
was supposed to do, to this Power, we virtually became "the 
military slaves and vassals of France and her allies." Under 
all these circumstances — not having heard either of the battle 
of Yorktown, or of the then recent brilliant achievements, in 
the West Indies, of the French arms — Deane ventured to 
recommend to Trumbull — and through him to the General 
Assembly of Connecticut — a plan for reconciliation with the 
Motherland. Let Great Britain, he proposed, "renounce all 
claim or pretence to legislate for or to tax America, in any 
case, or in any shape whatever." Let this power to legislate 
and tax, " forever, and in the utmost extent of it, remain in 
our own hands, and we still continue united to and a part of 
the empire of Great Britain, under one common sovereign, 
and let our commerce be placed on the same equal and free 
regulations as the commerce of the other parts of the Em- 
pire, and under the common protection of the whole." 

L^nfortunately for Deane, his letter containing these prop- 
ositions fell into the hands of foes to America — probably 
British foes — and was substantially and sadly changed from 
its original shape. He was made to propose — in the letter as 
received by Trumbull — a return on the part of America to 
her allegiance upon the basis of the state of things as they 
existed at the time of the Pacification of Paris in 1763 — a 
basis which, however acceptable it might have been, and was 
to the Colonics, almost if not quite down to the day when, 
at Lexington, the first blood of the Eevolution was shed, yet at 
the period when Deane wrote was utterly out of question — - 
for it sacrificed everything for which the States, for six long 
and distressing years, had struggled tirelessly and gloriously.* 

* Of the alteration made in his letter, Deane subsequently wrote to Governor 
Trumbull, and in the following terms : — 
" You say that my sentiments appeared to you so very singular as to merit your 



574 CHAP. XLVIII. — TRUMBULL. l'?82. 

Deane did not, in fact, offer this basis for consideration at 
all. The enemy offered it for him. His letter, therefore, 
having been materially altered by inimical hands — ^having 
been made to express sentiments and opinions which he 
never entertained — which he disavows — which by no impli- 
cation from his life can be made to appear as ever having 
been his own* — so far as an entire return of America to her 
old colonial state is concerned — is to be considered, in great 
part, as the letter of an alien enemy to the American cause — 
just as much so as the Proclamation from Howe, and the 
Communication from Tryon, to which we have already given 
Trumbull's replies. The reply we are now about to give — 
longer than either of the preceding — the Eeader will find 
calm, 3^et firm in all its reasonings — inflexible and exalted in 
its expression of love for country — and determined, and even 
indignant in its defence of plighted faith, and plighted hopes. 
It is as follows : — 

"Hartford, 16*'' May, 1782. 

" Sir : I duly received your letter dated at Ghent the 21st of Oct"' last, 
by Capt. Trowbridge, and have paid that attention to your sentiments 
therein expressed, which their singularity appeared to me to merit. 

" At the time when you wrote, the Decisive Event of the last campaign 
in this country was not known to you. You was unacquainted with the 
noble part which France acted on this occasion, and you could not foresee 
that this blow would reduce the British Parliament to confess themselves 

attention. Permit me to say that yours appeared no less singular to me, nor can 
I account for many of the expressions contained in your letter, but by presuming 
that mine must have undergone some material alterations, in the hands of those 
who took tlie liberty of opening and of copying it before they permitted it to be 
sent on. I am the more induced to think that this must have been the case, as 
several of my letters have suffered in the same manner in Philadelphia, and still 
tlie mOre so, as the substance of yours is in reply to positions and principles 
which I never either entertained or expressed in my letter to you, or in my letters 
to any of my correspondents, nor even in conversation with my most intimate 
friends. I know not indeed what Eivington may have published, but I know to 
my cost that he is not the only printer on the Continent M'ho is alwaj's ready to 
publish everything which will serve his own, or the purposes of his party ; but 
such have been the retirement and obscurity in which I have lived for the last 
twelve months, that I have seen none of his publications. I never proposed we 
should return to the state in which we were in 1763, but to one every way 
preferable." 

* Deane, though in exile, and under a cloud, felt for his country still. Her 
interest, he wrote at this time to Trumbull — "is, and ever will be my sole and 
first object." 



1782. CHAP. XLVIII. — TRUMBULL. 575 

unable to prosecute a future offensive war in this country. You could not 
foresee that the trifling and indecisive campaigns in Europe were to be 
soon followed by the most important successes in other quarters of the 
world — that St. Eustatia, St. Martins, St. Kitts, Penobscot, Nevis, and 
Minorca, were destined to crown the glories of Yorktown. Great Britain 
is declining fast towards the evening of her glory, yet I view her decline 
without feeling any fears of France or Spain. It should be the first ar- 
ticle of every man's political creed, that no Nation will ever assist an- 
other, but with a view of advancing her own interest. I am sensible 
how important the humiliation of their ancient enemy is to France and 
Spain, and I would not that any country should have received their fa- 
vors, unless she could propose to them at the same time an adequate re- 
ward. I am sensible that France will ever have just demands upon our 
gratitude, and Heaven forbid we should ever so far forget the principles 
of virtue and honor as to withhold our acknowledgments. Yet Fi-ance, 
if not too generous, is at least too politic to follow in those steps which 
have led her rival to ruin. She knows our rapidly increasing importance 
too well not to wish to cement our present friendship by a series of noble 
and spirited actions. 

" You observe that we shall be too deeply in debt to her for monies 
actually borrowed, and supplies of different kinds — but shall we repay 
those debts with perfidy and ingratitude ? Shall we basely desert her, 
shall we unite with her enemies, and turn against her the resources 
which we derive from her, in the very War which she has undertaken 
for our service? Fiance has a body of troops in our country — very 
true — they have served us faithfully and effectually, but I extremely 
doubt their having any idea of augmenting their number to thirty or 
even twenty thousand men. The debility of our enemy does not leave 
her a pretext for such an augmentation, even if she wished it ; and I 
trust we have too much wisdom to admit the proposal, were one made 
even in an hour of distress, to that purpose. 

" As to the Treaty which guarantees our Independence, I do not sup- 
pose it will exist longer than it shall mutually appear to be the interest 
of the parties that it should exist; and I rely with more confidence on 
the good sense, the bravery, and virtue of my countrymen for the pres- 
ervation of our liberties, than upon any foreign aid. It is we ourselves 
who are interested in their preservation, and as long as we shall possess 
virtue to merit, so long we shall undoubtedly enjoy the invaluable bless- 
ing. And whether Spain, Holland, or any other Power upon earth 
formally acknowledge the Independence of the United States of America, 
or not, is in my politics, a matter of indifference. They are independent 
in fact, and the name is a bauble. 

" Sir Guy Carleton, who arrived a few days ago at New York, has 
made similar propositions for Peace, in the name of the King of Great 
Britain, with those which you pointed out as attainable. 

" You have painted the consequences of a continuation of the war — 



576 CHAP. XLVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1782. 

liermit me to view the consequences of such a Peace. The object pro- 
posed by the Treaty subsisting between France and America, is declared 
to be the acknowledgment of the independence of the latter by Great 
Britain, and in a subsequent resolution of Congress it is declared that 
even this object being gained, neither Party is at liberty to conclude a 
separate peace, without the express consent of the other in accepting the 
terms now proposed by the King of Great Britain to his " revolted Colo- 
nies in North America." We must therefore break through every obli- 
gation of National Honor to dissolve this Treaty. If the offer were of 
Independence, the words of the Treaty might furnish us with a slender 
pretext for accepting it, though even then our own explanatory declara- 
tion would forbid the step. But should we basely stoop to return to the 
state in which we were in the year 1763, which is the proposal of the 
enemy, we have not even words to shelter us from the contempt of man- 
kind — and surely nothing but madness can lead us to a breach of faith 
as consummately infamous as it is important. 

" Yet let us suppose that America possesses fortitude sufficient to brave 
the insults of the world — in that moment the object of Great Britain is 
accomplished. The present war will soon be terminated, and she will 
then be at leisure to renew her oppressions in this country, without a 
fear of the interposition of any foreign power — there is not a nation upon 
the earth that would not exult in seeing a race of such perfidious, ungrate- 
ful, dastardly wretches, oppressed, harassed, extirpated. France would 
for once forget her national enmity to Great Britain, and rejoice heartily 
in the acceleration of our ruin. 

" And let no one object to these ideas the generosity of the British na- 
tion. This war has given us full experience of what we are to expect 
from their generosity. Grant that the continuance of the war for a few 
years will add to our public debts and taxes ; but tell me what ease we 
are to gain by a reunion with a People who are sinking under the press- 
ure of their own debts — and whose necessities will join with their re- 
sentments in the resolution to load us, not only with our own, but a 
large share of their burdens. 

" No. I will sooner consent to load myself, my constituents, my pos- 
terity, with a debt equal to the whole property of the country, than con- 
sent to a measure so detestably infamous, and I doubt not but my coun- 
trymen in general will choose with me to preserve their liberties, with 
the reputation and the consciousness of preserving virtue, even though 
poverty be the consequence. 

"That there have been injudicious expenditures of the public monies, 
and that the same may happen again, is to be expected in this country, 
as it has been evidenced in every other — for we are not perfect more than 
all those who have gone before us ; but extravagance is not the predom- 
inant vice of republics, and we shall endeavour to guard against it. 

" That our public officers, at home and abroad, have in some instances 
deviated from their duty, and while they have been expensive, proved 



1782. CHAP. XLVIII. — TRUMBULL. 577 

also useless or unfaithful servants, cannot be denied ; and yet we have 
seen as little of treason and corruption as times of public convulsion 
have commonly exhibited. 

"From the information which I have of the politics of Europe, I ap- 
prehend nothing hostile at present from Russia. Letters from Peters- 
burgh of as late date as November last, declare that "the temper of that 
Court is not unfriendly to America," and Holland, if not our friend, will 
at least not be our enemy. 

" I shall lay your letter, together with the answer, before a General 
Assembly of this State. You will therefore regard these sentiments on 
the subject of Peace, not only as mine individually, but the general voice 
of the Representatives of the People. They will afterwards remain in 
my public files, as you request. I am Sir, 

" Your most obedient servant, 

"JoNTH Trumbull." 

The sentiments on the subject of peace which Trumbull so 
warmly expresses in the letter just quoted, he had the satis- 
faction of seeing inwrought, indissolubly, into all the nego- 
tiations for putting an end to the war which now soon fol- 
lowed at Paris. In vain every attempt of Great Britain to 
thrust America from the position and claims which he so 
eloquently advances and defends. In vain her efforts to 
treat with the American Negotiators under the title of "Com- 
missioners of Colonies or Plantations," instead of "Commis- 
sioners of Thirteen Independent States." Useless the labor 
of Sir William Jones, with his celebrated "Fragment from 
Polybius," to convince Dr. Franklin that the States of 
America, like the Colonies of Athens, should treat their 
Motherland — if not "as a parent whom they must obey" — 
yet "as an elder sister whom they could not help but love, 
and to whom they should give 'pre-eminence of honor and 
equality of power^ Vain the attempt, with the aid too both 
of France and Spain, to bereave our own cis- Atlantic Eepub- 
lic of the country west of the ridges of the Alleghany, the 
home for future millions of her population — or to deprive 
her of her fisheries, as the price of peace — or to make her 
pledge herself for the restoration of the confiscated estates of 
American refugees. 

With a perseverance that knew no check — with a courage 
of purpose that was ready to brave another Seven- Years 
49- 



578 CHAP. XLVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1782. 

War rather than make a single unworthy concession — the 
American Commissioners stood their ground — and Peace — a 
Provisional Peace, soon to be made definitive — spread light 
and sunshine over the closing year. The tide of British op- 
pression was stayed by the iron barrier of American Inde- 
pendence—and King George the Third — forced at last to 
put off the trappings of pride for the winding-sheet of hu- 
miliation — was, "with all convenient speed," to withdraw his 
armies, his garrisons, his fleets, from every portion of that 
magnificent domain which he had so long, with a death-clasp, 
struggled to retain, and had so fearfully dyed with blood. 

In anticipation of this result, the French Army, early as 
July, had marched from their station as a Corps de reserve in 
Virginia, to join General Washington on the banks of the 
Hudson. From hence, in October, after having aided awhile 
to watch against the British forces in New York, they pro- 
ceeded on to Boston, thence to embark for the West Indies — 
the American Army meanwhile retiring to winter quarters at 
New Windsor — Charleston and the whole South being evac- 
uated by the foe — and everything, the country through, 
wearing the air of military repose, and indicating a speedy 
end to the great War of the American Revolution. 

Trumbull, therefore, with the closing months of the year, 
had no armed struggles longer to exact his attention, and 
vex his repose. It was a much more gj'ateful duty for him 
at this time to hail — as he had occasion to do, during the last 
week of October — the returning corps of Eochambeau, as, on 
its way to temporary barracks at Providence, it marched 
again through the whole of Connecticut. By a public Proc- 
lamation then to his fellow-citizens — the injunction of which, 
according to the testimony of the French Commander him- 
self, was "generously obeyed"* — he provided for "the cheap 

*"The French corps passed through the whole of Connecticut. Governor 
Trumbull and his Council issued a proclamation, urging their fellow citizens not 
to raise a single cent the price of provisions during the passage of the French 
troops. The inhabitants obeyed this injunction so generously, that each mesa 
were able to add, every evening, to the common allowances, every kind of provis- 
ion at a very low price." — Memoirs of Eochambeau. 

October twenty-ninth, the first division of tlie French Army arrived at Hart- 
ford — November fifth, the second. They encamped at East Hartford. Eocham- 
beau, writing to Washington from Hartford, Oct. 30th, says : " I have resolved to 



1782. CHAP. XLVIII. — TRUMBULL. 579 

and comfortable passage" througli tbe State of the veteran 
French Grenadiers, and the Chasseurs of Saintioge — again of 
the regiments of Bourbonnois, Soissonnais, and Eoyal Deux 
Fonts* — and to Eochambeau in person, doubtless, communi- 
cated the sense of Connecticut, then lately expressed by her 
General Assembly, in favor of a strict adherence on the part 
of the United States to all the obligations of their Treaty 
with France. 

Grateful also the duty to Trumbull at this time — in con- 
formity with another periodical recommendation from the 
American Congress — to proclaim, as he did, to the inhabit- 
ants of Connecticut another Thursdayf for solemn Thanks- 
giving to God, because of the existing "happy and promising 
state of public affairs" — because of "the signal interposi- 
tions of his Providence " in behalf of the United States dur- 
ing the year that had passed — because of " the perfect union 
and good understanding " which continued to exist with our 
powerful allies, the French — and because of the acknowledg- 
ment of American Independence by another European Pow- 
er, whose friendship and correspondence would redound, it 
was believed, to " the great and lasting advantage " of that 
new Kepublic, upon which the westward-turning Star of Em- 
pire now for the first time began to shed a steady, though as 
yet but an infant illumination. 

stay here four days longer — then to go as far as Providence by very short jour- 
neys, where I shall stay until the fleet be ready." 

*Lauzun'8 Legion, which had been so hospitably entertained at Lebanon, had 
remained at Baltimore, and finally embarked from the Capes of Delaware on the 
twelfth of May. 

+ November thirtieth. 



CHAPTER XLIX. 
1783. 

Arrival of the Preliminary Articles of Peace, and Proclamation for a Ces- 
sation of Hostilities. Trumbull receives the Proclamation from Con- 
gress. Accompanying testimony of Eliphalet Dyer to his services. 
Testimony also to the same point of President Stiles of Tale College, 
in his Anniversary Discourse before the General Assembly of Connec- 
ticut. Trumbull directs the due publishment of the Proclamation. 
The ceremonies at Hartford upon the occasion. Celebrations else- 
where in Connecticut. Trumbull relieved from further military prep- 
arations. He secures the arms and military stores of the State, and 
protects the public property generally. He attends to the liquidation 
of war accounts. He receives intelligence of the Ratifications of a Gen- 
eral Peace, and of the contemplated discharge, in November, of the 
Army of the United States. His letter to Henry Laurens on the event 
of peace. He w^rites letters congratulatory on the event to Ednaund 
Burke, Dr. Price, David Hartley, Richard Jackson, Baron Capellan, and 
others. The tone of these communications. Extract from Jiis letter 
to Dr. Price Now that the war is over, he advocates solid harmony 
with Great Britain. A remarkable letter from his pen to the Earl of 
Dartmouth, in this connection — in which, particularly, he introduces 
and pleads the case of the Hon. John Temple. 

The Provisional Treaty of Peace between Great Britain 
and the United States — that welcome harbinger of repose from 
the storms of war which beautified the going down of the 
year we have just left — was followed, in January of the new 
year upon which we now enter, by those Preliminary Articles 
of Peace — concluded and signed between England, France, 
and Spain — without which its own vitality, as its consti- 
tution required, was to remain suspended for an unknown 
time. 

Twelfth of March, in the morning, and Captain Barney, in 
the Washington — packet of happy name — brought this news 
to Philadelphia from L'Orient. Twenty-third of March, in 
the afternoon, and the Chevalier de Quesne, in the Triumph, 
another vessel happily baptized — a French armed corvette 
that had been selected by the chivalric La Fayette himself 



1783. CHAP. XLIX. — TRUMBULL. 581 

"by way of compliment on the occasion" — brought the same 
news up the Delaware from Cadiz. Official confirmation soon 
followed. Congress at once recalled their armed cruisers from 
the ocean — and prepared their Proclamation for a Cessation of 
Hostilities, both by sea and land. And Ajoril NineteeMth — 
just eight years from the day when the green sod at Lexing- 
ton drank the first blood of American martyrs to the Eevolu- 
tion — with the consecration of prayer* — with the outpouring 
from multitudes of voices, and from instruments of music, of 
the magnificent anthem of '■'■Independence^''''^ and with rending 
huzzas — the Proclamation was announced by the Father of 
his Country to the American Armies on the banks of the 
Hudson, as "the morning-star, which promised the approacb 
of a brighter day than had ever hitherto illuminated the 
western hemisphere.:}: 

April twentieth, and Jonathan Trumbull — in common with 
the Governors of all the States — received this important docu- 
ment, in a letter from the national Secretary of Foreign Af- 
fairs — Eobert R. Livingston — with a request that he should 
make it known. Within a few hours of the same time, he 
also received it in another letter, long and admirable, from 
the Honorable Eliphalet Dyer, then in Congress — who spe- 
cially congratulated the veteran Chief Executive of Connec- 
ticut on the grand result, and made noble mention of his past 
services. 

"I heartily rejoice, Sir," wrote Dyer upon this occasion — "that in the 
laborious part you have taken in your advanced years, in the important 
station which Providence has assigned you — in which, with unwearied 
application, you have exerted your utmost abilities, with patience, hope, 
and perseverance, in the cause and service of your country, and in the 
greatest trials and darkest hours of our conflict, with a firm and unshak- 
en reliance on Divine Providence — that God has supported and continued 
your valuable life at length to see the joyful day of her Deliverance. 

" Rewards you will not too much expect here, except in conscious rec- 
titude, but wait with patience for those superior, with which God will 
abundantly reward his faithful servants. I know your Country owe you 
their esteem, their respect, and their gratitude — whether they make you 
that remittance, or forbear the just tribute which is your due." 

* By Kev. Mr. Ganno. t From Billings. 

X See his General Orders on the occasion. 
49* 



582 CHAP. XLIX. — TRUMBULL. 1783, 

" Yours of the 3rd instant," wrote Trumbull in reply, April twenty- 
first, from Lebanon — "is received — and yesterday morning I received 
from R. R. Livingston, Esq., a letter of the 12th, inclosing a Proclama- 
tion for the cessation of hostilities, which I have this morning sent to 
Hartford for publication. 

" This event of divine Providence is truly marvelous in our eyes, and 
demands our highest gratitude and praise to Almighty God. It relieves 
us from the distresses of war, and affords the fairest prospect of the 
future happiness and prosperity of the United States of America. I do 
most sincerely congratulate you on this great event. 

"I have the peculiar satisfaction to see the cessation of hostilities, and 
to enjoy pleasing hopes of a good national character. May the supreme 
Director of all Events give wisdom and prudence to all concerned in es- 
tablishing and building up this rising Nation. Union, and Harmony, 
Justice to creditors, and the security of Public Credit, are objects worthy 
the attention of all concerned in government." 

" We account ourselves happy, most illustrious Sire " — said President 
Stiles about this time, May eighth, in the usual Anniversary Discourse 
before the Legislature — also congratulating his Excellency on the term- 
ination of the war, and commemorating his services — " we account our- 
selves happy that, by the free election and annual voice of citizens, God 
hath for so many years past called you up to the supreme Magistracy in 
this commonwealth. * * 

" Endowed with a singular strength of the mental powers, with a vivid 
and clear perception, with a penetrating and comprehensive judgment, 
embellished with the acquisition of academical, theological, and political 
erudition, your Excellency became qualified for a very singular variety of 
usefulness in life. * * 

" An early entrance into civil improvement, and fifty years' service of 
our country, with an uncommon activity and dispatch in business, had 
familiarized the whole rota of duty in every oflBce and department, ante- 
cedent and preparatory to the great glory of your Excellency's life, the 
last eight years' administration at the head of this commonwealth : an 
administration which has rendered you the Pater PatrlcB, the Father of 
your Country, and our dulce decus atque tutamen. 

" We adore the God of our Fathers, the God and father of the spirits of 
all flesh, that he hath raised you up for such a time as this ; and that he 
hath put into your breast a wisdom which I cannot describe without 
adulation — a patriotism and intrepid resolution, a noble and independent 
spirit, an unconquerable love of Liberty, Religion, and our Country, 
and that grace by which you have been carried through the arduous 
labors of an high office, with a dignity and glory never before acquired 
by an American Governor. Our enemies revere the names of Trumbull 
and Washington. In honoring the State and councils of Connecticut, 
you, illustrious Sire, have honored yourself to all the confederate Sister 



1783. CHAP. XLIX. — TRUMBULL. 583 

States, to the Congress, to the Gallic Empire, to Europe, and to the world, 
to the present and distant ages. And should you now lay down your 
office, and retire from public life, we trust you may take this people to 
record, in the language in which that holy patriot, the pious Samuel^ ad- 
dressed Israel, and say unto us — / am old, and gray-headed — and I have 
walled before you from my childhood unto this day. Behold here I am, 
witness against me before the Lord : — whose ox hare I taken ? or ichose 
ass have I taken f or whom have I defrauded f whom have I oppressed ? 
or of ichose hand have 1 received any briie, to blind mine eyes theretcith? 
and I will restore it to you again. And they said thou hast not de- 
frauded nor oppressed us, neither hast thou taken aught of any man's 
hand. And he said unto them, the Lord is witness against you, and his 
anointed is witness this day, that ye have not found ought in my hand. 
And they answered, he is witness.''''* 

The Proclamation for the Cessation of Hostilities to which 
allusion has been made — according to one of its provisions, 
and as requested by Secretary Livingston — was to be made 
public by " all Governors and others, the Executive Powers 
of these United States respectively, to the end that the same 
might be duly observed within the respective jurisdictions." 
Trumbull, therefore, early in May transmitted the document 
to the Secretary of Connecticut, with directions to the Sheriff 
of Hartford County duly to publish the same, with appropri- 
ate ceremonies, in the metropolis of the State — which accord- 
ingly was done. 

On a Memorable Wednesday — at ten o'clock in the morn- 
ing — his own Guards, and the Artillery Company of Hart- 
ford, fully armed and equipped — in uniform rendered spe- 
cially neat and glittering for the occasion — ^paraded in front 
of the Capitol — and from the summit of a high platform 
erected for the purpose — before a large crowd of spectators — 
the Secretary of State, venerable George Wyllys, the Author- 

* " May you receive a reward," he concludes, " from the supreme Governor of 
the Universe ; which will be a reward of grace. For although your Excellency 
might adopt the words of that illustrious governor, Nehemiah, and say, tliink 
upon m«, my God, for good, according to all that I have done for this people, yet 
your ultimate hope for immortality will be founded in a more glorious merit than 
that achieved by mortals, in the most illustrious scenes of public usefulness. 
May the momentary remnant of your days be crowned with a placid tranquillity. 
And, when you shall have finished your work on earth, may you be received to 
the rewards of the just, and shine in the general assembly of the first bom, 
through eternal ages. Amen." 



584 CHAP. XLIX. — TRUMBULL. 1183. 

ities of Hartford, and very many of the clergy, figuring 
among tliem — the Sheriff proclaimed the welcome tidings — 
while '* every bosom," says a cotemporaneous account, 
"glowed with joy, and uttered their expressive plaudit in 
loud huzzas." The troops present then formed into pla- 
toons, and from the midst of their hollow squares poured out 
upon the whole surrounding region the voice of their cannon 
and their musketry. 

" May God Almighty," pronounced the Sheriff — " ever be 
the guardian and protector of the just rights and liberties of 
the United States of America ! " 

" May good order and government," he pronounced again, 
after an interval allowed for another discharge of guns and 
field-pieces — " useful learning and true piety, by divine favor 
be maintained and flourish throughout the United States of 
America, until time shall be no more ! " 

"May the great blessing of health," he pronounced in con- 
clusion, after another discharge from the troops — "plenty, 
and peace, from the Father of mercies, be the happy portion 
of the United States to the latest generation 1 " 

Again guns shook the air. Huzzas were repeated. And 
then the whole assemblage, formed into an imposing proces- 
sion, marched to the Meeting House of the town — from 
whence — after an appropriate Psalm and Anthem had been 
sung, and an Oration, adapted to the occasion, had been 
delivered by the Honorable Chauncey Goodrich — it filed off 
to participate in a bounteous dinner — which, says the Hart- 
ford Courant of the day, " was served at two o'clock, and 
the afternoon was spent with every demonstration of sociabil- 
ity, and a grateful remembrance of those who had, under the 
divine auspices, wrought the happy deliverance of America." 
An illumination of the public buildings, and of many houses 
in town, in the evening, and a display of fireworks, round- 
ed off the proceedings of the day " to the perfect satisfaction of 
all."* Celebrations in numerous other towns and villages in 

* After the celebration at night, an accident, of some importance, occurred, 
which is thus narrated by the Hartford Courant : — 

"At about half after eleven the same night, the town was alarmed by the dis- 
covery of fire on the top of the State House near the Lanthorn, but by the favor 



1783. CHAP. XLIX.— TRUMBULL. 585 

Connecticut, similar in most respects to this in the metropo- 
lis, marked the general joy of the people upon the cessation 
of arms. The charge in the Proclamation "to forbear all 
acts of hostility, either by sea or land, against his Britannic 
Majesty or his subjects," was nowhere received with greater 
thankfulness, and nowhere better observed, than here in a 
State whose blood and whose treasure — more it is believed, 
in proportion to its population and its means, than those of 
any other State in the Union — had been drained and expend- 
ed in the great American Battle for Freedom. 

Trumbull, therefore, it is manifest from the state of things 
now described, had nothing to do, the present period, which 
wore the aspect of preparation for another military campaign. 
Possibly, as it seemed at the beginning of the year — from the 
extravagant demands of France and Spain — from a hope in 
the one Power of securing greater acquisitions in the East, 
and in the other of adding to her territorial strength in the 
West Indies, and upon the Mediterranean — or from the insin- 
cerity, perhaps, of the English Cabinet — obstacles might 
arise to a general peace. But the appearance of these soon 
vanished. The Provisional Treaty of November did not 
dazzle to lead astray, but proved itself a pi-elude to general 
repose — and soon — early in January even — such was the uni- 
versal confidence that peace would be re-established between 
all the belligerent Powers, that Congress resolved it would 
be inexpedient to determine upon any plan, or to make any 
expensive preparations, for another campaign. The federal 
troops then in service, without any further additions from 

of heaven, and the manly exertions of the inhabitants, aided by gentlemen from 
a distance, to whom many thanks are due, it was finally extinguished. The next 
morning many public spirited gentlemen generously contributed, and by the ad- 
vice of the Honorable County Court convened, directed an immediate repair of 
the building for the accommodation of the Honorable Assembly, soon to be con- 
vened, until their further direction may be had. Upon the strictest enquiry 
made of this unhappy event, it appears that great care was taken to prevent it — 
that more than an hour after every exhibition had ceased and all had retired, Capt. 
George Smith, the overseer, carefully examined every part of the house and se- 
cured the same. After all, every candid mind will admit that demonstrations of 
joy and gratitude upon such great occasions, are practiced and approved by all 
Christian people, though at the same time Providence may direct unforeseen 
events contrary to human expectation and the most careful attempts to avoid 
them." 



586 CHAP. XLIX. — TRUMBULL. 1783. 

the States, were, in their opinion, ample for all existing pur- 
poses. 

So Trumbull had no more soldiers to bring into the field — 
no fresh guards and garrisons to establish upon the sea-coast 
of the State — no more of the material of war to provide. 
Just at the opening of the year, it is true — to guard the 
western frontier of Connecticut against any possible incur- 
sions from little wandering British parties from New York — 
it was ordered that a new blockhouse, " if expedient," should 
be erected on Byram Eiver. But no occasion seems to have 
arisen which required its construction. 

And at the beginning of the year too, trade with the ene- 
my, still declared to be illicit, continued to call for Trum- 
bull's circumspection. But the zeal and activity of Major 
Tallmadge of Connecticut — whom General Washington had 
placed, with the infantry of Sheldon's legion, on the south- 
ern borders of Connecticut, " for the purpose of interrupting 
on that side the trade with New York " — soon relieved the 
Governor almost entirely of responsibility in this direc- 
tion — a responsibility which, so far as he was himself con- 
cerned, was still farther relieved by a Proclamation from his 
pen, late in April, which terminated the restraints, between 
Connecticut and the enemy, as regards the passing of neat 
cattle, and the transportation of beef and provisions of every 
kind.* The acts of the General Assembly, and the proceed- 
ings of the Council of Safety, down to their close in the 
month of October, no longer in fact breathe the notes of mili- 
tar}^ preparation at all. On the other hand, they embrace 
transactions, which, so far as the war with England is con- 
cerned, look exclusively to the termination of that contest. 

These transactions, soon as the spring opened, gave Trum- 
bull occupation quite the reverse of that which in preced- 
ing years had monopolized his attention, and which was far 
more grateful. In preparation to retread the flowery paths 

* " The enemy's armed vessels in the Sound were carrying on and protect- 
ing an illicit trade with the inhabitants along the coast. A privateer of this 
description, mounting eleven large carriage-guns and four swivels, was boarded 
by a party sent by Major Tallmadge in a fast sailing vessel, and after a short but 
sliarp conflict was captured. Major Tallmadge represented the enterprise as con- 
ducted with great courage and gallantry on the part of the assailants." — Sparks. 



1783. CHAP. XLIX. — TRUMBULL. 587 

of peace, lie had now to take off from Connecticut the hehn- 
et, and unbend the bow of war. Through various agents, 
appointed either bj the State, or by himself and his Council, 
he had to secure her remaining military stores, her arms, her 
ordnance, her camp equipage, her camp utensils, her cloth- 
ing, her beef, pork, salt, flour, and other provisions, scattered 
as they lay in the hands of numerous receivers in different 
garrisons and towns. These he had to see stored at particu- 
lar points. For the disposition of many of them at private 
sale, or at public vendue, he had also to provide. 

Accordingly we find him — now in April preparing for the 
evacuation and dismantling of the posts at and about Stam- 
ford, and appointing Lieutenant Colonel Canfield, with ten or 
twelve men, to secure and guard the public property there 
"until the confirmation of peace should arrive" — now order- 
ing the sale of broken cannon at New London — and now as- 
signing persons to protect from embezzlement the ordnance 
and munitions of war at Stonington. Now, in June, we find 
him commissioning Ebenezer Ledyard "to take care of the 
Guard House at Groton," with liberty to the supervisor — 
strange dissimilitude of use indeed, in contrast with that 
which but two years before had spattered and grained its 
floor and walls with blood — to employ it '''•for a scJwol-house^^ — 
and " to hire out the Barracks on the Hill " for such rents as 
could be obtained. In similar employment at other points — 
in that also, almost constantly, of settling the thousand ac- 
counts of the war, upon memorials, and otherwise — in urg- 
ing national measures for paying the national debt, and for 
the restoration of public credit — and in quieting the popular 
discontent which these measures occasioned — the Governor 
of Connecticut spent his time until, in September, news of 
the Ratifications at last of a General Peace reached our land — 
and Congress — announcing by a formal Proclamation that 
this Peace would be "permanent and honorable," and that 
"the glorious period" had indeed arrived, when "our national 
sovereignty and independence were established " — gave to the 
Army of the United States, which had been by furlough grad- 
ually disbanding through the summer, a final and absolute 
discharge "from and after the third of November next I " 



CHAP. XLIX. — TRUMBULL. 1783. 

"That superintending Wisdom, Sir," wrote Governor Trumbull at 
this period from Lebanon, October fifth, to Henry Laurens — "which gov- 
erns human affairs, has brought to a happy termination our arduous con- 
test. It has brought these United States to be named among the nations 
of the earth, as a free, independent, and sovereign people. The same in- 
dulgent Providence has given you and me the privilege of citizenship in 
this newly rising empire. Suffer me to congratulate you on this great 
event — an event which, at the same time that it astonishes almost the 
world, has been accomplished even beyond our own expectations. So 
great a Revolution undoubtedly is the work of Heaven, and as such, 
claims our utmost gratitude and love to the Supreme Disposer of all 
events. 

"The conspicuous part you, Sir, have acted in this great Drama, with 
the peculiar sufferings you have experienced through the course of vari- 
ous scenes — the imprisonment of your person — and what in your situa- 
tion as a parent, is infinitely more trying, the loss of an invaluable son — 
have justly drawn upon you the patriotic attention of your fellow citi- 
zens, and demand their deepest veneration and acknowledgments. I 
offer you my thanks and condolence, Sir, with the warmth of a grateful 
and tender heart, which has experienced feelings not very dissimilar to 
yours — a heart big with gratitude and love for the glorious prospects now 
before us. 

" May the same kind hand which has been hitherto so propitious to our 
country, establish her in the full enjoyment of that Peace, Independence, 
and National Glory, the foundations of which have been so happily and 
nobly laid ! " 

" It is with heartfelt pleasure and satisfaction," wrote the Governor to 
John Adams, on the same day with this letter to Laurens — " that I im- 
prove so good an opportunity as that of my son's going to London, to 
congratulate you on the happy return of Peace, and the glorious estab- 
lishment of the Independence and Sovereignty of the United States of 
America. The conspicuous part which you have acted in the procure- 
ment of this great event, justly endears you to all the virtuous citizens 
of our rising empire, and demands the warmest acknowledgments of 
every American. I offer you from the bottom of my heart. Sir, my best 
thanks, and wish you to accept them with all that cordiality with which 
my sincerest gratitude dictates them. 

" So great a Revolution as ours, doubtless ranks high in the scale of 
human events, and when we view it effected in so short a period com- 
pared with its magnitude, and consider the apparent incompetency of 
American power to the great undertaking, and reflect on the many, very 
many embarrassments and peculiarity of circumstances under which we 
have struggled, it must be acknowledged the work of superior Agency, 
and claims our utmost gratitude and love to the Supreme Disposer of all 
events. May the same Almighty Wisdom which has hitherto so con- 
spicuously directed our councils, still continue its gracious superintend- 



1783. CHAP. XLIX. — TRUMBULL. 589 

ence, that we may be led to make a happy use of the precious opportu- 
nity committed to our improvement — that the superstructure committed 
to our building, may be reared with the same glory and splendor in 
which its foundations have been laid. Some unhappy ruffles in the 
minds of the people, with some other disagreeable circumstances, for the 
present moment cast a shade on the bright aspect before us — but the 
same confident faith which has supported me through various tryirig 
scenes in the course of the War, still supports my mind, and gives me an 
unfailing hope that we shall yet surmount the present unfiivorable 
prospects." 

Sentiments congratulatory on the Peace, similar to those 
which he expresses to Laurens and to Adams, were addressed 
by Trumbull to numerous other correspondents both at home 
and abroad — and abroad particularly to Edmund Burke,* 
and Dr. Price, David Hartley, Richard Jackson, and Baron 
Capellan. Few of his letters, however, on this subject, are 
in our hands — but we have no doubt that they all breathed 
the same spirit of patriotic joy with those from which we 
have already quoted — the same calm, yet profound sense of 
deliverance from danger — the same grateful ascription of the 
American triumph to the special guiding hand of Provi- 
dence — the same heartfelt yet anxious hope for the future 
exalted welfare of his country, and the same unfaltering reli- 
ance on the gracious interposition of the Almighty hand to 
mould its destinies for the best. 

One trait of the Governor of Connecticut at the period 
now under consideration, deserves special mention here — for 
it was one truly noble. We refer to the fact, that, though 
America had every reason to indulge in the language of tri- 
umph — though, as a victor in the grand Olympic game for 
Independence — her glory having taken root, and unfolded 
itself — she would have been justified in putting on the trap- 
pings of pride — yet not an ostentatious word escaped the 
lips of Trumbull, or betrayed itself in his correspondence. 
While — more profoundly than most men did, or could — he 
felt the success of that cause to which he had so long and so 
untiringly devoted himself, and justly gloried in the realiza- 
tion of his past prophecies with regard to the event of the 

* "I had the honor to congratulate you upon the termination of the late war in 
May last,"— Trumbull to Btvrke, Oct. 1, 1783. 
50 



590 CHAP. XLIX. — TRUMBULL. 1783. 

contest — yet no impassioned exultation marred the wise com- 
posure of his spirits — ^beaming though his country stood in 
the full radiance of victory. Not a feeling of gratified re- 
venge, not one spark of malice, had a place in his bosom. 

On the other hand, his was the exalted wish and effort to 
smother the angry passions which War had engendered — to 
pour the oil of peace into all the wounds of the past — and 
make the relations between the two long contesting coun- 
tries — though no longer united under a common sovereign — 
amicable, intimate, and cordial. He no longer now knew 

" that Englishman aUve, 
With whom his soul was any jot at odds." 

And so he strove earnestly for reciprocal conciliation and 
harmony — labored to reconstitute, and draw now more 
closely than ever — on the footing of a mutual and manly in- 
dependence — the bands of social, literary, and commercial 
intercourse. 

"That superintending Providence," he wrote to Dr. Price, December 
first — "which influences the affairs of men, has severed that intimate tie 
which once, so happily for both, connected the people of this country 
with those of your Island, under one common sovereign, and has given 
to these United States an independent rank among the nations of the 
earth. Shall this event produce a total disunion between us? I trust 
not. Forbid it policy ! Forbid it wisdom ! Although the relation of 
fellow subjects is dissolved, other bonds will unite us. Similarity of 
manners, character, and disposition, natural consanguinity, mutual inter- 
ests and wants, supported and interchanged by commerce, must yet con- 
nect us. Resentments, however, and a sense of injuries, must have time 
to subside — and the most conciliatory policy must be applied to heal the 
wounds which have been too liberally given." 

" The unhappy contest between your nation and the United States 
being terminated," wrote Trumbull again to David Hartley, the same day 
with his letter to Dr. Price — " and the die of separation being cast, it re- 
mains for both to study an accommodating spirit of conciliation ; that 
the mutual affection and interests of the two people, cemented by other 
ties than those which heretofore cemented us, may be secured on a hap- 
py and lasting foundation." 

In such manner, now that war was over, did Trumbull 
plead for solid harmony with Great Britain — and in no letter 



1783. CHAP. 5LIX. — TRUMBULL. 591 

more strikingly than in one we are now about to introduce. 
It is a letter which, October first, he addressed to his old cor- 
respondent and friend the Earl of Dartmouth, to whom, at 
the outset of the Revolution, as the Reader has seen* — and 
particularly in reply to Dartmouth's official admonition to 
the Governors of America against sending deputies to a Gen- 
eral Congress — Trumbull had often written, pleading for his 
country, and warning against the consequences of ministerial 
measures. To this correspondence Trumbull refers in what 
follows, and keenly yet courteously claims, that, had the 
truths which he " frankly made known " at the beginning of 
the contest been regarded, England and America would still 
have remained "in a mutual happy connection." But the 
die of separation being cast, there ought now to be, he urges, 
a return of cordial intercourse between the two countries — 
and particularly on the part of England, honorable repara- 
tion for injuries, especially those which she has inflicted upon 
any of her former officers in America, whom she dismissed 
from lucrative employments because of their honest attach- 
ment to the American cause. 

In this connection he dwells on the case of the Honorable 
John Temple — a gentleman of high ability and reputation — 
who to the posts of Lieutenant-Governor in one of the form- 
er Provinces of America, and of a Councillor at the Board 
of five other Provinces, had added the office of Surveyor 
General of the Royal Revenue in America, and afterwards 
of Surveyor General of the Customs in England — and who, 
on account of his attachment to the United States, had been 
thrown out from all employment under the Crown. For his 
reinstatement in office, and compensation, Trumbull pleads 
with all the warmth of private friendship, and with the sin- 
cerity of one who fully believes that his restoration to royal 
favor would powerfully tend towards renewing that " good 
humour " between the two countries, for which he expresses 
himself so cordially solicitous. 

*' It may somewhat surprise your Lordship," he proceeds — " to receive 
a letter from a Governor of one of the United States of America, and at 

* See page 170. 



592 CHAP. XLIX. — TRUMBULL. 1783. 

a time too when your Lordship has ceased to hold a ministerial oflBce, 
which formerly gave me occasion to write officially to you. I however 
flatter myself that you will not take it amiss, my thus trespassing a few 
minutes on your time. 

"Your Lordship will recollect that I had the honor of writing fre- 
quently to you at the beginning of those troubles which brought on a 
war between Great Britain and this country ; and that I took the liberty, 
as I thought it my duty, to offer my sentiments with freedom upon the 
occasion. 

"The letter of in particular, I had great faith would have done 

some good in setting aside the false representations which had from time 
to time been made against this country. That letter, my Lord, was dic- 
tated by a faithful, honest heart, unless I am deceived in it. How far I 
foretold what would be the event of Britain's persevering in her plan, 
your Lordship is as well able to judge as any other person. Had the 
truths I then frankly made known to your Lordship for the mutual good 
of both countries, been attended to, what blood and treasure might have 
been saved on both sides ! What friendship and affection have been 
preserved ! — and the two countries have remained long in a mutual hap- 
py connection ! But the die is cast. It is therefore of no purpose to 
look back further than to make past errors subservient, as they some- 
times may be made, to wiser and better conduct in the future. 

" As it appears to be now the sincere wish and desire of the Ministry 
and People of England to recover as far as may be the friendship and 
commerce of this country, may I suggest to your Lordship, that every 
act of justice and reparation for injuries, where they shall evidently ap- 
pear to have been done, will tend not a little to further those wishes ; and 
in particular, suffer me to mention the singular case of Mr. Temple. He 
and Dr. Franklin are the only Crown Officers of Rank who were dis- 
missed from any lucrative and honorable employment for their attach- 
ment to this their native country, or rather for their firmness in not fall- 
ing in with all the other Crown Officers in the misrepresentations which 
so fatally deceived your nation. Dr. Franklin has been employed, and 
amply honored and rewarded by his country, and would not accept, if 
offered, any reparation. Mr. Temple is therefore, as I said, singular in 
his sufferings. The British Ministry have repeatedly acknowledged that 
he was, as a Crown Officer, both able and faithful in office, but that his 
attachment to his country rendered it necessary to remove him from the 
several employments he sustained. Experience dearly bought must have 
convinced that same Ministry, Mr. Temple's sentiments and represent- 
ations concerning this country were founded in truth, while those of his 
enemies, who sought his overthrow, were founded in fatal falsehood. 

" Should Mr. Temple (who writes me he is about going to England,) 
meet with honest and honorable reparation for his past sufferings, it 
would be pleasing to his friends and connections, (who are neither few 



1783. CHAP. XLIX. — TRUMBULL. 593 

nor insignificant in these States,) and would no doubt tend to create 
good humor between the countries. He was Lieutenant Governor of one 
of these Provinces, had a seat at the Council Board in five other Prov- 
inces, was Surveyor General of the Royal Revenue in America, and af- 
terwards Surveyor General of the Customs in England. He was also a 
Commissioner part of the time that incendiary, wicked Board acted in 
this country — in all which stations he acquitted himself, as I hare 
always heard, with honor and reputation in the eyes of the Minis- 
try ; except that he was, as they are taught to think, improperly friendly 
to this country. He could have had no views in being friendly to this 
country but what he must have thought for the general good, for he 
could have expected nothing, in emolument, from this country, equal to 
what he enjoyed under the Crown — for it is not the intention of these 
States that great emoluments shall accrue to any, be their stations what 
they may. 

" I have written this letter not more to serve Mr. Temple (if peradven- 
ture it may be of service to him,) than to show your Lordship that I also 
cordially wish for a sincere and lasting return of intercourse, friendship, 
and commerce between the two countries, and therefore have taken the 
liberty to suggest the line of conduct most likely to produce the same. 

" My son, who, in the cool hour of reflection, I dare say, it will be 
thought was cruelly imprisoned and ill-treated in England, will have the 
honor of delivering this letter to your Lordship. He goes to England to 
improve his natural turn to the Pencil, which his countryman, the cele- 
brated artist Mr. West, considers as equal to any of the present day. 

" I have not even the least pretension to ask any favors of your Lord- 
ship, but should my son meet with any degree of spontaneous counte- 
nance or protection from your Lordship, I should think myself very much 
obliged, and should be happy to render your Lordship any services that 
may possibly be in my power on this side the water. I am with great 
respect &c. 

"P. S. As through a multiplicity of business the letter I wrote your 

Lordship on the may be lost, I have taken the liberty to enclose 

you a copy, only that you may see the sentiments I entertained at that 
period, and how precisely aflFairs have turned out as I wrote your Lord- 
ship I was persuaded they would turn out." 

50* 



CHAPTER L. 
1783. 

Thh new policy of Congress for funding the national deist, and restoring 
public credit. Commutation money for the officers of the army a part 
of it Puhlic opinion on this subject divided. Trumbull upon it 
brought into collision with a majority of his constituents. The rea- 
soning of the opponents of this policy — particularly against commuta- 
tion. Their public action thereupon, and the public ferment. Rea- 
soning of Gov. TrunabuU and others in favor of this policy. He com.- 
naends the whole national system to the General Assembly of Con- 
necticut, and urges them, by taxation, to provide for the establish- 
ment of public credit, and do justice to creditors. The People jealous 
of a Federal Government with powers within itself competent for its 
own support. Trumbull in favor of such agovernment. The National 
Arm, in his view, ought to be strengthened. 

Peace brouglit witli it a new and eventful policy on the 
part of the United States — which, strangely agitating the 
country from one end to the other, and no part of it more 
than New England, gave to the Governor of Connecticut, 
during the present year, peculiar anxiety, and not a little per- 
sonal trouble. We refer to the policy of Congress for fund- 
ing the national debt, and for the restoration and support of 
public credit. Forty-two millions of dollars, the amount of 
this debt, with an annual interest of about two and a half 
millions — about one-quarter of which was to be raised by a 
duty on imports, and the residue in such manner as the 
States themselves should judge most convenient — were to be 
provided for out of the resources of the country. It was a 
startling sum, as it seemed to the people generally — specially 
burdensome now that they were just emerging, stricken and 
impoverished in purse, from a long and painful war — and in- 
cluded an appropriation — that of five millions of dollars, 
commutation money for the officers of the army — which to 
great numbers appeared entirely unjust, unconstitutional, and 
oppressive. 

Congress has no power to make such an appropriation, 
under the Confederation, or otherwise — reasoned large num- 



1783. CHAP. L. — TRUMBULL. 695 

bers of the inhabitants of Connecticut. And we shall state 
their reasoning somewhat fully, because Trumbull was 
brought upon this matter — for the first time in his life, and 
decidedly — in collision with the opinion of a majority of his 
constituents — and with quiet courtesy, and profound good 
sense, outfaced the public clamor. 

The appropriation, continued its opponents, introduces that 
evil system of pensions — European and monarchical — against 
which the country has just fought and bled. It is entirely 
inconsistent with that equality which ought to exist in free 
and republican States — for it is calculated to exalt some citi- 
zens in wealth and grandeur, to the injury and oppression of 
others. It is therefore subversive of the first principles of 
liberty. We want no such badges of British tyranny in our 
midst as these pensions. They are detestable. And how 
would our officers look accepting a pay " contributed to by 
the widows and orphans even of those soldiers who have bled 
and died by their sides — voted in every House of Assembly 
as the drones and incumbrances of society — pointed at by 
boys and girls with the remark — there goes a man who every 
year robs me of my pittance ! " Strange, when the infancy 
and poverty of the country is taken into consideration — a 
country loaded down already with taxes, and involved in 
debt — strange that Congress should at this time assume obli- 
gations so novel and unnecessary as this commutation debt 
of five millions of dollars ! * 

And then the poor soldier is utterly neglected in the plan. 
Who, pray, has performed the duty and drudgery of the 
army ? Is it the officer or the soldier ? Who has been the 

* Such was the aversion to half-pay in Connecticut, that the General Assembly, 
the year preceding that with which we are now engaged, in 1782, even when it 
vested Congress with power to levy certain duties in the State, clogged the grant 
with the condition that the monies raised by impost should be applied to the 
Kevolutionary debt, and " not for half-pay, or the payment of any pensioner or 
pensioners." Massachusetts, late as July eleventh, 1783, addressed Congress, 
refusing to grant the power of levying duties at all, because of the system of 
half-pay and commutation. She entitled the grants and allowances which Con- 
gress had thought proper to make both to the civil and military officers, " extra- 
ordinary," and " extremely opposite and irritating," she said, " to the principles 
and feelings which the people of some eastern States, and of this in particular, 
inherit from their ancestry." 



596 CHAP. L. — TRUMBULL. 1783. 

gentleman and who the servant ? The plan neglects too the 
militia of the States, which, as well as Continental troops, 
has been called to face danger and death on the field of bat- 
tle. It pays no regard either to many thousands of citizens, 
who, though not in the ranks of war, have yet suffered for 
their country — great numbers of whom, in fact, have lost 
their all in the contest, and escaped but with their lives. If 
losses are to be indemnified, all ought to participate. Are 
the revenues of the country to be heaped on officers alone ? 
If they have obtained independence for their land, still the 
soldier, the militia, and the citizen, have each obtained inde- 
pendence for the officer in return, and all will equally share 
it. The stated wages of these officers are a full and adequate 
reward for their services, and have been liquidated by Com- 
mittees appointed for the purpose. Why then give them 
gratuities? See how at ease they look — most of them — at 
the present time 1 Their countenances are "fairer and fatter" 
now than before the war. Would that their hearts were so 
too — then the dispute would be ended at once I 

And they have not acted equitably in securing their com- 
mutation. They extorted the recommendation of it from 
General Washington, in a season of infinite peril to the coun- 
try, by misrepresentations, craft, and tumults. Some Mem- 
bers of Congress — who too are feasting their imaginations 
with the prospect of future pensions for themselves — and 
many public creditors also — have conspired with them to 
fasten the alarming measure on the country. Confederacies 
are forming, we fear, which, unless immediately checked, will 
prove the destruction of American liberty. Members of 
Congress do not account as they should to their constituents. 
There are individuals among us who have grown too lusty 
by being fed on too much power. There are harpies in our 
midst, "with whetted beaks and piercing eyes," who watch 
incessantly to prey on the revenues of the country. The 
country in fact seems about plunging into a gulf The glory 
of an eight years' war, in which we have faced death a thou- 
sand times, seems about "to sink into shame and ignominy." 
Officers stand ready to tarnish the fame of all their exploits. 
It is high time then now "for that patriotic fire which has 



1783. CHAP. L. — TRUMBULL. 597- 

SO often blazed forth, to the confusion of our adversaries, to 
flash again with redoubled violence!" Let us have then 
the speedy and effectual interposition of towns to avert the 
impending catastrophe! Can any one, they exclaimed, think 
us "such dastards as tamely to submit to bear oppression 
from individuals among ourselves — court favorites, pension- 
ers, and placemen that would be — tenfold greater than ever 
was imposed by foreigners?" Let us remonstrate — let us 
petition — let us work, day and night, against the insupport- 
able measure ! 

And so great portions of the people did — in Town Meet- 
ings, as at Hartford, Farmington, Southington, Canaan, and 
Torrington — and in Conventions, as in September of twenty- 
eight towns at Middletown. They sent forth volleys of re- 
solves. They petitioned. Essays on the great grievance filled 
the papers of the day. Half-pay and commutation — togeth- 
er, to some extent, with the proposed duties on imports — 
which, on account of the supposed inequality of their opera- 
tion, and the fear that they might be applied towards the 
payment of perpetual annuities, or exorbitant salaries to 
civil officers, or render Congress too independent of the 
people, were objectionable to some — formed the burden of 
their conversation. Their minds were in a ferment the 
whole year. 

And to this ferment Governor Trumbull — aided by many 
other leading men in Connecticut — gentlemen of ability and 
of broad national views — opposed the whole weight of his 
talents and his influence. He led the way in throwing 
broadcast over the State, views of the policy adopted by 
Congress — and especially of the Commutation Scheme — that 
were widely different far from those which prevailed among 
the people at large, and which had exasperated many of them 
into the opposition we have described. 

He was himself satisfied that the powers of the National 
Council, under the Confederation, so far from deserving to be 
the object of watchful jealousy and of restraint, were in fact 
too feeble, and needed enlargement — and that without better 
support than Congress was then receiving, the Federal Arm 
would soon become paralyzed, and the country be disgraced. 



598 CHAP. L. — TRUMBULL. 1783. 

He was deeply convmced too, on every principle of justice 
and of honor, that adequate and permanent means ought to 
be established — nationally and not state-wise — for the pur- 
pose of paying all the expenses of the Eevolutionary Strug- 
gle, and satisfying every public creditor. And he became, in 
consequence, a strenuous advocate for funding the whole 
public debt on solid Continental Securities — admitted the 
commutation money awarded to ofl&cers as a part of this 
public debt — and cordially assented to impost duties for 
the use of the United States. In short, in every respect 
as regards the war — the army — the common defence and 
general welfare — and the powers of Congress to make 
ample provision for all these objects — he was a National, 
and not a State politician. He looked to the Sovereignty 
of the Union, and not to that of Thirteen Independent 
Jurisdictions, 

As regards half-pay, or its equivalent, commutation, he 
had no doubt of the power of Congress to grant it. He 
feared no untoward effect from it on the liberty of the coun- 
try — and considered the nation, now that it was granted, as 
under the most solemn obligation to provide for it. With 
Congress, he looked to the circumstances in which it origin- 
ated — to that critical period in 1778 when the finances of the 
country were dreadfully embarrassed — the troops sadly dis- 
tressed — the officers discontented — and resignations so gen- 
eral as to threaten the dissolution of the army. To save a 
corps on whose military experience the public safety then, in 
the judgment of the Commander-in-chief "greatly depended," 
half-pay had been granted to the officers — and experience 
had shown that it had most essentially "contributed to the 
stability of the army, to its perfection in discipline, to the 
vigor and decision of its operations, and to those brilliant 
successes which hastened the blessings of a safe and honor- 
able peace." 

For this half-pay now, commutation was the equivalent. 
It had been fixed on just and established principles — and a 
breach of the national faith — now pledged to it completely 
and irredeemably — would, in the judgment of Trumbull, 
have been the grossest perfidy. The officers of the army 



1783. CHAP. L. — TKUMBULL. 599 

had fully complied with the conditions of the grant — had 
performed the services required — and Congress had no right 
to alter or repeal the contract without their consent. It was 
not they, in fact, who had solicited for half-pay. Washing- 
ton had solicited for them — Washington, who — feeling as a 
patriot and a general should feel who had an empire to 
preserve with but a handful of men — had recommended it 
as the only means of preventing a total dereliction of the 
service. 

And were not these officers themselves a most meritorious 
and illustrious band of citizens? Trumbull believed that 
they certainly were. In his view, they had patiently borne 
the privation of their stipends at a time when the public dis- 
tress disabled the country from furnishing them with support. 
They had not as yet, in truth, received but one-fourth part 
of their stipulations — while the common soldiers in the Con- 
tinental Line — through bounties, in multitudes of instances, 
of seventy, eighty, and in some cases of one hundred and 
twenty pounds, in specie, for three years' service, in addition 
to the regular pay and clothing which they drew — and 
through another bounty also of eighty dollars, to which they 
had been declared entitled at the expiration of the war- — had 
received far higher compensation than their officers. Com- 
mutation, in fact, only placed the latter on an equal footing, 
as to emoluments, with the former. And then the whole 
course of the war had scarce furnished an instance of deser- 
tion among the officers. They had shown an unwavering 
attachment to the cause of liberty. They had fought most 
bravely. Commutation, in truth, was not only a part of their 
hire, but the price even of their blood, and of the independ- 
ence of America. And now they asked only for enough to 
enable them to retire from the field of victory and glory, 
with some show of decency and support, into the bosom of 
peace and private citizenship. 

The militia, and citizens of the States who had specially 
suffered from the enemy, if entitled to remuneration, would 
receive it from their own General Assemblies, to which, natu- 
rally and properly, they should look for the purpose. Not 
BO the Continental Officers. State commutation in their be- 



600 CHAP. L. — TRUMBULL. 1183. 

half — from the unwilhngness in some jurisdictions to grant 
it — and from the inequality with which it would be be- 
stowed — would breed discontents, it was justly feared, and 
injuriously divert the resources of the States from the com- 
mon treasury of the nation. The of&cers must look to Con- 
gress, therefore, for their own relief. 

And this relief — how much of a burthen was it, after all, 
on the property of Connecticut? But trifling indeed, in the 
opinion of Trumbull. But twenty pence on the pound for 
the proportion of this State — to be exacted after a short 
time.* And but about half a farthing on the pound per 
annum in the way of interest — and interest alone at present 
was to be demanded 1 How trivial then the tax ! And then 
in a few years none of it — it might happen — would be re- 
quired from the State. The revenue from commerce, in a 
condition of peace, would naturally increase rapidly, and add 
to the funds of the nation. Vacant territory belonging to 
the country would gradually add largely to these funds. 
Eequisitions, therefore, upon States, for commutation, or 
for any other portions of the public debt, would rapidly 
grow less and less, and, in time, probably, wholly disappear. 
How unreasonable, how unwise then, the opposition to 
commutation 1 

Such were the views which Trumbull, in common with a 
large number of influential citizens, entertained on the great 
disputed public policy of the period on which we now 
dwell.f 

Accordingly we find him in May, in his Speech at that 
time to the General Assembly, commending the whole 
national system to their attention, and calling upon them to 
take all suitable measures "for the establishment of public 

* The amount of the commutation debt for Connecticut was calculated at $416,- 
666i — its proportion of the entire national debt at $3,500,000. 

+ If Congress have a right to alter the contract for commutation with the 
officers, says an earnest writer in the Hartford Courant of the day— August 26th, 
17S3— " adieu to all public faith. Holland and France have no security for their 
money. Holland and France may go to Nova Zembla or Otaheite for the money 
we owe them. The holders of Loan Office Certificates and other public securi- 
ties have nothing to depend on but the whim of Congress and their constitu- 
ents — and the Lord have mercy on us all I " 



1783. CHAP. L. — TRUMBULL. 601 

credit." The sum called for by Congress at that period, he 
stated, would require from Connecticut a tax of six and a 
half pence on the pound. "It is necessary," he added, 
"that our creditors should be treated with justice, and 
for that end provision made to pay the annual interest on 
the sums respectively due" — and for this justice, and 
this provision of interest, at every opportunity, and wher- 
ever his influence could extend, Trumbull pleaded with 
steady zeal. 

It took a long time, however, to satisfy a majority of the 
people fully on these points, , and to eradicate the jealousy 
which they entertained towards the Confederation. This 
jealousy did not vanish in Connecticut — as was the case in 
most ojf the States of the Union — until the Confederation, 
falling in pieces from its own intrinsic weakness, totally failed 
as an effectual instrument of government, and — "the steps of 
its decline numbered and finished" — was supplanted by a new 
Constitution — that under which our country has risen to its 
present glorious eminence. A Federal Government, with 
powers within itself competent for its own support — acting 
independently of the States, and compulsively upon the 
States, and upon individuals within the States — with reve- 
nues of its own — with officers of its own, scattered many of 
them within each of the Thirteen Sovereignties, and irre- 
sponsible save to Congress — and with numerous pensioners 
of its own — was still, to the minds of many, an anomaly, and 
a solecism in republican rule. 

We shall see all this more particularly in the course of pro- 
ceedings to which we shall direct the Header's attention in the 
next chapter — proceedings that present Governor Trumbull 
in the light in which the Father of his Country was presented, 
when, at a later period, he issued his noble Valedictory Ad- 
dress* on declining to be considered any longer a candidate 
for the Presidency — in the light of a patriot bidding adieu to 

* Washington's admirable Circular, June eighth, 1783, to the Governors of all 
the States, on disbanding the army, was of the same general character. Trum- 
bull replied to it, but the reply we have not at hand. By direction of his Coun- 
cil, he procured one hundred copies to be printed, together with the Address of 
Congress to the States of April twenty-sixth. 
51 



602 CHAP. L. — TRUMBULL. 1783. 

public life and to his friends — leaving " his affections and his 
anxieties for their welfare behind him " — and making " a last 
effort to impress on his countrymen those great political 
truths which had been the guides of his administration, and 
could alone, in his opinion, form a sure and solid basis for the 
happiness, the independence, and the liberty of the United 
States," 



CHAPTER LI. 
1783. 

Governor Tbumbuli- now an old man — has "been in the public serv 
ice over half a century — and determines to retire. He gives notice of 
his intention to the General Assembly, in October, in a Farewell Ad- 
dress which he entitles his "Last Advisory Legacy." The document. 
Comment. Report and Resolutions thereupon. Explanation of the 
jealousy in Connecticut of the powers and engagements of Con- 
gress Extensive sympathy, both at home and abroad, in the senti- 
ments of Trumbull's Farewell Address. Washington's opinion of 
it, and his frienship for Trumbull. They harmonized in their po- 
litical creed. 

GovEENOR Trumbull was now seventy-three years of 
age — a venerable old man. He had been in the public serv- 
ice nearly fifty-one years — over half a century. He had 
been' employed almost without interruption the whole time. 
A war of eight years' duration had given him peculiar cares, 
and the deepest anxieties. Compensated as these cares and 
anxieties now were by peace, and by glorious prospects of 
national tranquillity and independence, he felt it both as a de- 
sire and a duty to retire from the busy concerns of public 
life — that he might spend the evening of his days in repose, 
and in preparation for a future, happier state of existence. 
He therefore formally signified to the General Assembly of 
Connecticut, at its October Session, his purpose of declining 
all further public service after May of the next ensuing 
year — at which time his existing gubernatorial term would 
. expire. 

His Address at this time he well entitles his "Last Advis- 
ory Legacy" — for such in truth it is. After felicitating the 
people on the existing "auspicious moment" of their coun- 
try's happiness — thanking them for the support they have 
ever afforded to himself — and invoking the Divine Guidance 
for their future counsels and government — he proceeds to 
give them his parting advice. 



604 CHAP. LI. — TRUMBULL. 1783. 

He conjures tliem to maintain inviolate the happy Consti- 
tution of Connecticut, and to strengthen and support the 
Federal Union. He dwells on the great importance of a na- 
tional Congress, and does not hesitate to pronounce that, as 
at present constituted, its powers are not adequate to the pur- 
poses of the general sovereignty. And he goes on to reason 
most ably in favor of their proper enlargement, and against 
that excessive, mistaken jealousy of a federal government 
with competent authority, which was so prevalent in his day. 
He counsels the strictest attention to all the sacred rules of 
justice and equity, by a faithful fulfillment of every public as 
well as private engagement. He advises the practice of vir- 
tue in all its lovely forms, as the surest and best foundation 
for national as well as private felicity. He pleads for the 
dismissal of all prejudices — for the study of peace and har- 
mony — for an orderly regard for government and the laws — 
for a due confidence in public officers — and for the careful 
observance, under all circumstances, of the sure and faithful 
axiom that "virtue exalteth a nation, but that sin and evil 
workings are the destruction of a people." Again commend- 
ing the General Assembly, and the good people of Connecti- 
cut, with earnestness, to the blessing and protection of the 
great Counsellor and Director on high, he concludes with 
bidding them " a long and a happy adieu." 

The Address, throughout, is indeed a specimen of deep 
political sagacity, of independent judgment, of lofty reason- 
ing, and of high-toned, fervent, honest advice. As such — in 
the language of an author who has given us, in the National 
Portrait Gallery, a brief sketch of the subject of our Me- 
moir — "we commend it to the sons of Connecticut, that it 
may be rescued from oblivion, and have its place among the 
wise and patriotic counsel of the Fathers of the Common- 
wealth."* It proceeds as follows : — 

" To the Eonorahle the Council and House of Representatives in General 

Court convened, Oct., 1783. 
"Gentlemen: — 

" A few days will bring me to the anniversary of my birth ; seventy- 

* "It is a patriarchal document," adds the Author to whom reference is made 
in the text — " worthy of the admiration of the lovers of their country." 



1783. CHAP. LI. — TRUMBULL. 605 

three years of my life will then be completed ; and next May, fifty-one 
years will have passed since I was first honored with the confidence of 
the people in a public character. During this period, in different capaci- 
ties, it has been my lot to be called to public service, almost without in- 
terruption. Fourteen years I have had the honor to fill the chief seat of 
government. With what carefulness, with what zeal and attention to 
your welfare, I have discharged the duties of my several stations, some 
few of you, of equal age with myself, can witness for me from the be- 
ginning. During the latter period, none of you are ignorant of the man- 
ner in which my public life has been occupied. The watchful cares and 
solicitudes of an eight years' distressing and unusual war, have also fallen 
to my share, and have employed many anxious moments of my latest 
time ; which have been cheerfully devoted to the service of my country. 
Happy am I to find, that all these cares, anxieties, and solicitudes, are 
compensated by the noblest prospect which now opens to my fellow-citi- 
zens, of a happy establishment (if we are but wise to improve the precious 
opportunity,) in peace, tranquillity, and national independence. With 
sincere and lively gratitude to Almighty God, our Great Protector and 
Deliverer, and with most hearty congratulations to all our citizens, I fe- 
licitate you, gentlemen, the other freemen, and all the good people of the 
State, in this glorious prospect. 

" Impressed with these sentiments of gratitude and felicitation — re- 
viewing the long course of years, in which, through various events, I 
have had the pleasure to serve the State — contemplating, with pleasing 
wonder and satisfaction, at the close of an arduous contest, the noble and 
enlarged scenes which now present themselves to my country's view — 
and reflecting at the same time on my advanced stage of hfe — a life worn 
out almost in the constant cares of office — I think it my duty to retire 
from the busy concerns of public affairs ; that at the evening of my days, 
I may sweeten their decline, by devoting myself with less avocation, and 
more attention, to the duties of religion, the service of my God, and prep- 
aration for a future happier state of existence ; in which pleasing em- 
plo3-ment, I shall not cease to remember my country, and to make it my 
ardent praj^er that heaven will not fail to bless her with its choicest 
ftivors. 

" At this auspicious moment, therefore, of my country's happiness — 
when she has just reached the goal of her wishes, and obtained the ob- 
ject for which she has so long contended, and so nobly struggled, I have 
to request the favor from j^ou, gentlemen, and through you, from all the 
freemen of the State, that, after May next, I may be excused from any 
further service in public life ; and that, from this time, I may no longer 
be considered as an object of your suffrages for any public employment 
in the State. The reasonableness of my request, I am persuaded, will 
be questioned by no one. The length of time I have devoted to their 
service, with my declining state of vigor and activity, will, I please 
51* 



606 CHAP. LI. — TRUMBULL. 1783. 

myself, form for me a sufficient and unfailing excuse with my fellow- 
citizens. 

"At this parting address, you will suffer me, gentlemen, to thank 
you, and all the worthy members of preceding assemblies, with whom I 
have had the honor to act, for all that assistance, counsel, aid, and sup- 
port, which I have ever experienced during my administration of gov- 
ernment ; and in the warmth of gratitude to assure you, that, till my 
latest moments, all your kindness to me shall be remembered ; — and that 
my constant prayer shall be employed with Heaven, to invoke the Divine 
Guidance and protection in your future councils and government. 

" Age and experience dictate to me — and the zeal with which I have 
been known to serve the public through a long course of years, will, I 
trust, recommend to the attention of the people, some few thoughts 
which I shall offer to their consideration on this occasion, as my last ad- 
visory legacy. 

" I would in the first place entreat my countrymen, as they value their 
own internal welfare, and the good of posterity, that they maintain invio- 
late, by a strict adherence to its original principles, the happy constitu- 
tion under which we have so long subsisted as a corporation ; that for 
the purposes of national happiness and glory, they will support and 
strengthen the federal union by every constitutional means in their power. 
The existence of a Congress, vested with powers competent to the great 
national purposes for which that body was instituted, is essential to our 
national security, establishment, and independence. Whether Congress 
is already vested with such powers, is a question, worthy, in mj"^ opinion, 
of the most serious, candid, and dispassionate consideration of this legis- 
lature, and those of all the other confederated States. For my own part, 
I do not hesitate to pronounce that, in my opinion, that body is not pos- 
sessed of those powers which are absolutely necessary to the best man- 
agement and direction of the general weal, or the fulfilment of our own 
expectations. This defect in our federal constitution I have already la- 
mented as the cause of many inconveniences which we have experienced ; 
and unless wisely remedied, will, I foresee, be productive of evils, disas- 
trous, if not fatal to our future union and confederation. In my idea, a 
Congress invested with full and sufficient authorities, is as absolutely 
necessary for the great purposes of our confederated union, as our legisla- 
ture is for the support of our internal order, regulation, and government in 
the State. Both bodies should be intrusted with powers fully sufficient 
to answer the designs of their several institutions. These powers should 
be distinct, they should be clearly defined, ascertained, and understood. 
They should be carefully adhered to ; they should be watched over with a 
wakeful and distinguishing attention of the people. But this watchfulness 
is far different from that excess of jealousy, which, from a mistaken fear of 
abuse, withholds the necessary powers, and denies the means which are es- 
sential to the end expected. Just as ridiculous is this latter disposition, as 



1783. CHAP. LI. — TRUMBULL. 607 

would be the practice of a farmer, who should deprive his laboring man of 
the tools necessary for his business, lest he should hurt himself, or injure 
his employer, and yet expects his work to be accomplished. This kind of 
excessive jealousy is, in my view, too prevalent at this day ; and will, I 
fear, if not abated, prove a principal means of preventing the enjoyment 
of our national independence and glory, in that extent and perfection 
which the aspect of our affairs (were we to be so wise,) so pleasingly 
promises to us. My Countrymen! suffer me to ask, who are the objects 
of this jealousy? Who, my fellow-citizens, are the men we have to fear? 
Not strangers who have no connection with our welfare! — no, they are 
men of our own choice, from among ourselves; — a choice (if we are 
faithful to ourselves,) dictated by the most perfect freedom of election ; 
and that election repeated as often as you could wish, or is consistent with 
the good of the people. They are our brethren — acting for themselves as 
well as for us — and sharers with us in all the general burthens and bene- 
fits. They are men, who from interest, affection, and every social tie, 
have the same attachment to our constitution and government as our- 
selves. Why therefore should we fear them with this unreasonable jeal- 
ousy ? In our present temper of mind, are we not rather to fear our- 
selves? — to fear the propriety of our own elections? — or rather to fear, 
that from this excess of jealousy and mistrust, each are cautious of his 
neighbor's love of power, and fearing lest if he be trusted, he would 
misuse it, we should lose all confidence and government, and everything 
lend to anarchy and confusion ? — from whose horrid womb, should we 
plunge into it, will spring a government that may justly make us all to 
tremble. 

" I would also beg, that, for the support of national faith and honor, as 
well as domestic tranquillity, they would pay the strictest attention to all 
the sacred rules of justice and equity, by a faithful observance and ful- 
fillment of all public as well as private engagements. Public expenses 
are unavoidable : — and those of the late war, although they fall far short 
of what might have been expected, when compared with the magnitude 
of the object for which we have contended, the length of the contest, 
with our unprepared situation and peculiarity of circumstances, yet 
could not fail to be great ; — but great as they may appear to be, when, 
for the defence of our invaluable rights and liberties, the support of our 
government, and our national existence, they have been incurred and al- 
lowed by those to whom, by your own choice, you have delegated the 
power, and assigned the duty, of watching over the common weal, and 
guarding your interests, their public engagements are as binding on the 
people, as your own private contracts ; and are to be discharged with 
the same good faith and punctuality. 

" I most earnestly request my fellow-citizens, that they revere and 
practice virtue in all its lovely forms — this being the surest and best es- 
tablishment of national, as well as private felicity and prosperity — That, 



608 CHAP. LI. — TRUMBULL. 1783. 

dismissing as well all local and confined prejudices, as unreasonable and 
excessive jealousies and suspicions, they study peace and harmony with 
each other, and with the several parts of the confederated Republic — 
That they pay an orderly and respectful regard to the laws and regula- 
tions of government ; and that, making a judicious use of that freedom 
and frequency of election, which is the great security and palladium of 
their rights, they will place confidence in the public officers, and submit 
their public concerns, with cheerfulness and readiness, to the decisions 
and determinations of Congress and their own Legislatures ; whose col- 
lected and united wisdom the people will find to be a much more sure 
dependence than the uncertain voice of popular clamor, which most fre- 
quently, is excited and blown about by the artful and designing part of 
the community, to efiect particular and oftentimes sinister purposes. At 
such times, the steady good sense of the virtuous public, wisely exercised 
in a judicious choice of their representatives, and a punctual observance 
of their collected counsels, is the surest guide to national interest, happi- 
ness, and security. 

"Finally, my fellow-citizens, I exhort you to love one another: let 
each one study the good of his neighbor and of the community, as his 
own : — hate strifes, contentions, jealousies, envy, avarice, and every evil 
work, and ground yourselves in this faithful and sure axiom, that virtue 
exalteth a nation, but that sin and evil workings are the destruction of a 
people. 

" I commend you, gentlemen, and the good people of the State, with 
earnestness and ardour, to the blessing, the protection, the counsel, and 
direction of the great Counsellor and Director ; whose wisdom and pow- 
er is sufficient to establish you as a great and happy people ; and wish- 
ing jou the favour of this divine benediction, in my public character — I 
bid you a long — a happy adieu. 

" I am, gentlemen, 

" your most obedient, humble servant, 
"JoN™ Tbumbull." 

Such was the Farewell Address, which — in contemplation 
of soon leaving public life forever — the venerable Governor 
of Connecticut, with grateful sensibility, and a profound de- 
sire of doing good, addressed to the Constituency he had so 
long and ably served. On being read to the General Assem- 
bly, it was referred by this Body to a Committee, at the head 
of which was placed Oliver Wolcott. And this Committee, 
after due consideration, reported it as their opinion — "that 
the long and faithful services of his Excellency Governor 
Trumbull, and more especially his great attention and dili- 
gence during the late successful war," merited " the highest 



1783. CHAP. LI.— TRUMBULL. 609 

approbation and sincere gratitude" of Connecticut — that 
"the sentiments" which the Address expressed "relative to 
the great principles of virtue, and benevolence, and subor- 
dination to law " — constituting, as they did, " the only solid 
basis upon which social happiness can be established" — 
would " always deserve the constant attention and practice of 
the people of this State " — and that they " therefore " recom- 
mended the adoption by the General Assembly of certain 
Resolutions which they had framed in consonance with their 
Report. 

The Report and Resolutions were first brought before the 
Lower Ilouse. This House — reflecting, as it did, that popu- 
lar sentiment of the State which was adverse, as has been 
described, to the views of the Governor both with regard to 
the necessity of enlarging the powers of Congress, and with 
regard to the half-pay and commutation granted to the offi- 
cers of the army — hesitated upon the acceptance of the Re- 
port and Resolutions in the form in which they were at first 
submitted. They hesitated — not because of the slightest un- 
willingness fully to endorse all that was said respecting the 
public administration of his Excellency, and his exalted serv- 
ices in behalf of his State and country — but from fear lest 
by adopting the Resolutions they " should seem to convey to 
the people an idea of their concurring with the political sen- 
timents contained in the Address." As the easiest way, 
therefore, of relieving themselves from such responsibility, 
and at the same time of avoiding — what there is no doubt a 
large majority of them wished to avoid — the rudeness of re- 
fusing absolutely to recognize and appreciate the merit of 
their Chief Magistrate — they voted to refer the Report and 
Resolutions over to the next General Assembly. 

But the Senate dissented — and a Committee of Conference 
being appointed, it was agreed that the portion of the Reso- 
lutions which it was thought committed the Legislature to a 
full endorsement of the Governor's views upon a National 
Government, and its powers and duties, should be stricken 
out* — which being done, the Resolutions, as amended, were 

* The following is the passage which was stricken out: "And that the Secre- 
tary request of his Excellency a Copy of said Address, that it might be published, 



610 CHAP. LI. — TRUMBULL. 1783. 

passed with great cordiality and unanimity — and here they 
are! 

"Whereas his Excellency Jonathan Trumbull, Esquire, Governor and 
Commander-in-chief in and over the State of Connecticut, has signified 
in an address to the General Assembly, to be communicated to their con- 
stituents, his desire that he might not, considering his advanced Age, be 
considered by the freemen of this State as an object of their choice at 
the next general election ; as the Governor has declared his wish to re- 
tire, after the expiration of his present appointment, from the cares and 
business of government : 

^^Hesolved by this Assembly, That they consider it as their duty in 
behalf of their constituents, to express in terms of the most sincere grati- 
tude, the highest respect for his Excellency Governor TrumiuU, for the 
great and eminent services he has rendered this State during his long 
and prosperous administration ; more especially for that display of wis- 
dom, justice, fortitude, and magnanimity, joined with the most unremit- 
ting attention and perseverance, which he has manifested during the late 
successful though distressing war ; which must place the chief magis- 
trate of this State in the rank of those great and worthy patriots, who 
have eminently distinguished themselves as the defenders of the rights 
of mankind. 

"And that this Assembly consider it a most gracious dispensation of 
Divine Providence, that a life of so much usefulness has been prolonged 
to such an advanced age, with an unimpaired vigor and activity of mind. 

"But if the freemen of this State shall think proper to comply with 
his Excellency's request, it will be the wish of this Assembly, that his 
successor in office may possess those eminent public and private virtues, 
which give so much lustre to the character of him who has in the most 
honorable manner so long presided over this State. 

"It is further Resolved — That the Secretary present to Governor 
Triwibull an authentic copy of this act, as a testimonial of the respect 
and esteem of the Legislature of this State. And the Secretary is further 
directed, that, as soon as he shall be furnished with such copy, he cause 
the same to be printed, together with this act." 

Ample homage here — in these Eesolutions — the Eeader 
will have observed, to the merits of the patriot whom we 
commemorate — heartfelt congratulation upon his blooming 

■which the Assembly are especially desirous of, as they consider those important 
principles of Justice, Benevolence, and Subordination to law, therein inculcated, 
as constituting the only solid basis upon which social happiness can be estab- 
lished, and therefore deserving the serious attention of the good people of this 
State." 



1783. CHAP. LI. — TRUMBULL. 611 

old age — and warm hope that his mantle of lustre might fall 
upon a worthy successor ! But the Assembly would not en- 
dorse his political views. This course, after all, will not ap- 
pear strange, when the Reader reflects — not only on the fact 
of an existing difference of opinion with regard to the public 
policy of the country, and the constitution of a National Gov- 
ernment — but that, as a general thing, this difference of opin- 
ion was honestly entertained, and pervaded every State of the 
Union. 

Long — as Colonies — the provinces of America had been 
engaged in struggles against the superintending, overbearing 
authority of the Crown. Long — as States — they had poured 
out blood and treasure in resisting this authority. Naturally, 
therefore, they felt a dread of all external sway, and of any 
legislation which did not originate exclusively in their own 
domestic Assemblies. The Confederation itself, as is ftmiil- 
iar to all, was tediously delayed more from this cause than 
from any other. What would be the effects of a union of 
the States, says Judge Story — "upon their domestic peace, 
their territorial interests, their external commerce, their po- 
litical security, or their civil liberty, were points to them 
wholly of a speculative character, in regard to which various 
opinions might be entertained, and various, and even oppo- 
site conjectures formed upon grounds, apparently, of equal 
plausibility. Honest and enlightened men," adds the Judge, 
"might well divide on such matters." 

Connecticut now, more peculiarly than most States of the 
Union — from the comparative freedom of her primitive Con- 
stitution of 1639 — from that also of her Charter — itself, save 
in the recognition of allegiance to the Crown, almost a per- 
fect instrument of independent self-government — from the 
great equality and ample protection of the rights both of per- 
son and of property which had always prevailed within 
her borders — and the absence of all invidious social dis- 
tinctions — was naturally jealous, perhaps excessively so, at 
times, of the powers and engagements of Congress. A 
few in her midst, it is probable, as in other States, may have 
been "wicked enough" — as Jonathan Trumbull, Junior, in a 
letter at the time, represented to General Washington — to 



612 CHAP. LI. — TRUMBULL. IISS. 

hope that, bj means of a clamor against half-pay and commu- 
tation, they might "be able to rid themselves of the whole 
public debt, by introducing so much confusion and disorder 
into public measures as should eventually produce a general 
abolition of the whole " — and upon the basis of this clamor, 
misleading some portions of the community, may have "rode 
into confidence" — and into the Legislature — and there have 
aided in that evisceration of the Resolutions relating to 
Trumbull which we have already described.* 

But in the main, the opposition of the people of Connec- 
ticut to the political views of his Excellency, was frank, sin- 
cere, and courteous. They remembered and loved their own 
State liberty too well to be willing ever to part with it 
rashly — never without premeditation that should be long and 
careful, and reasons solid as the mountain ranges which 
ribbed their territory. A little longer experience under the 
Confederation — now that peace had come to test in new forms 
its capacity as an instrument of government — was needed to 
dispel their cautious jealousy, and awaken and ripen their 
convictions in favor of those changes which Trumbull had 
so wisely suggested. 

That experience soon came — and with it the corroboration 
of all their Patriot- Adviser had said to them on the great 
matter of National Sovereignty. And they turned back to 
admire and reverence that wisdom, and that foresight, which, 
in the delusion of the hour, they had mistaken for erroneous 
judgment and baseless prophecy. As day by day the Con- 
federation betrayed its weakness — its utter want of all coerc- 
ive power — and as the delinquencies of the States, step by 
step, were maturing " to an extreme which at length arrested 

* " You will pardon me, Sir, for troubling you with this gloomy tale," wrote 
Jonathan Trumbull, Junior, to General Washington, Nov. 10th, 1783, in the let- 
ter to which reference is made in the text. " For myself I have not lost my con- 
fidence in the final issue of our political establishment, and your Excellency's 
firmness and resolution I know to be superior to any desponding ideas. I give it 
to you as the present temper of the people only, which is for a time misled 
by the artful, interested, and contracted views of the designing part of the com- 
munity, too many of whom, mounted upon the hobby-horse of the day, have rode 
into confidence, yet must take a turn soon, overcome by the superior good sense 
of tlie virtuous part of the public, some of whom already begin to perceive the 
delusion." 



1783. CHAP. LI. — TRUMBULL. 613 

all the wheels of the national government, and brought them 
to an awful stand" — Connecticut perceived that the instru- 
ment which nominally bound the States together, was one 
whose chief authority, designed for the operations of war, 
lay quite dormant in time of peace. She perceived that it 
had not in truth a single solid attribute of power — and that 
Congress was in fact "but a delusive and shadowy sovereign- 
ty, with but little more than the empty pageantry of office." 
She began, therefore, at once to look about for a remedy — 
and found it finally in that very augmentation of federal 
power which her own Chief Magistrate had so anxiously in- 
culcated in his Farewell Address. As the cords of the Con- 
federation, one by one, snapped asunder, she heard the re- 
port — and note by note she missed the music of the Union — 
until at last, to her infinite joy, it was restored, and firmly 
re-established in the full, indissoluble harmonies of the Con- 
stitution. 

But Trumbull, the Eeader should be informed — though he 
met with the opposition we have now described — was yet not 
without extensive and abundant sympathy in his political 
sentiments, at the very time when he gave them circulation 
in his Address — not only in his own State, but elsewhere, more 
or less, throughout the United States, and in foreign lands. 
Such men as Sherman, Dyer, the "Wolcotts, the Huntingtons, 
Kichard Law, Oliver Ellsworth,* Adams, Bowdoin, Jay, 
Hamilton, the Morrises, the Livingstons, the Pinkneys, the 
Rutledges, the Middletons — in short, all the distinguished 
worthies who were afterwards the founders of our Constitu- 
tion — but more than all the immortal "Washington — felt and 
thought upon the Union and its organization just as Trum- 
bull did. So in Holland felt and thought also his noble 
friend Baron Capellan — and in England, among others, that 
illustrious republican Tractarian, his own particular cor- 

* Oliver Ellsworth, Richard Law, Samuel Huntington, and Oliver Wolcott, 
resigned their seats in Congress at the same session in which Trumbull resigned 
the gubernatorial chair — and their resignations were accepted. The principal rea- 
son they assigned was, that, by the Articles of Confederation, after March next 
ensuing, they could not sit in Congress, and that it would be a needless expense 
and trouble for them to take their seats for a short space of time, and then have 
their seats vacant at a time when the Legislature of Connecticut would not, in all 
probability, be convened to fill them. 
52 



614 CHAP. LI. — TRUMBULL. 1T83. 

respondent — Dr. Price.* Let a single example of tliis sym- 
pathy — and tliis example the prominent one — ^here suffice. 

" I sincerely thank you for the copy of the Address of Governor Trum- 
bull to the General Assembly and freemen of your State," wrote George 
Washington from Mount Vernon, January fifth, 1784, to Jonathan Trum- 
bull, Junior, who had sent him this Address, " The sentiments contained 
in it are such as would do honor to a patriot of any age or nation ; at 
least they are too coincident with my own, not to meet with my warmest 
approbation. Be so good as to present my most cordial respects to the 
Governor, and let him know that it is my wish, that the mutual friendship 
and esteem, which have been planted and fostered in the tumult of public 
life, may not wither and die in the serenity of retirement. Tell him, that 
we should rather amuse the evening hours of our life in cultivating the 
tender plants, and bringing them to perfection, before they are trans- 
planted to a happier clime." 

Sweet to the heart of Trumbull must have been such 
approbation — ^from such a source! Himself and the Father 
of his Country harmonized in their political creed, as in their 
mutual affection. So true is it that 

" Great minds by instinct to each other turn, 
Demand alliance, and with friendship bum." 

♦Governor Trumbull, writing Dr. Price, April 29th, 1785, says: "I have re- 
ceived and return you my most sincere thanks for your most agreeable letter of 
the 8th October last, with the tract that you did me the honor to send with it. 
My farewell address to the General Assembly was done with sincere intentions to 
promote the public good, and it gives satisfaction to the mind to meet with the 
approbation of good men, and that you especially agree with my sentiments.''^ 

November twenty-fifth, 1783, writing his son John, who was then in England, 
the Governor says: "The addresses on my resignation you will make use of as 
you think proper, taking care to present one to Mr. Adams. In one of them you 
will find added a paragraph which was reported by a committee of the Assembly 
as part of their reply — but which was rejected by the Lower House, lest by adopt- 
ing it, they should seem to convey to the people an idea of their concurring in the 
political sentiments contained in the address — a specimen of that cautious jealousy 
\rhich at present possesses tbe mind of the country." 



C HAPTE R LII. 
1783. 

TRaMBULL receives a present, -TO-ith an accompanying letter, from the 
Patriotic Society of Enthuyzen, in Holland, as a testimonial of respect 
for his distinguished services. The letter — additional ones from San 
Gabriel Teegelan, and Capellan— and Trumhull's reply. His son. Col. 
John Trumbull, now, upon the restoration of peace, consults with his 
father as to his future occupation for life. The interview between 
them on this matter as described by the son. The son goes abroad to 
perfect himself as a painter. The fathers efforts to promote his suc- 
cess. He writes Burke, Dr. Price, and others in his behalf His affec- 
tion for him. His friendship and correspondence with Dr. Price. He 
receives from the latter his principal political pamphlets, and takes 
pains to republish and circulate one important one among his country- 
men. The Eusquehannah Case engages his attention anew. It is adju- 
dicated at Trenton — against Connecticut. The disappointment to 
Trumbull The Council of Safety ends its labors. American soldiers 
return to their homes. Washington resigns his commission. The last 
military scene of the Revolution is closed. Trumbull proclaims his 
last Thanksgiving. 

Our last Chapter recorded a testimonial of respect and 
gratitude to Governor Trumbull, which, upon occasion of his 
Kesignation- Address, flowed to him, in his own home, from 
the Sovereignty of the State over which he had so long pre- 
sided. We have now to record another, which, the present 
year, he received from abroad — from no such lofty source, 
however, as in the world's eye, might have rendered the tes- 
timonial resplendent — but from the remote, humble trading 
mart of Enkhuyzen in Holland, on the shore of the Zuyder 
Zee — there where a little nest of patient, industrious Dutch- 
men — on the farthest eastern promontory of that land, walled 
in from Ocean's stormy power — pursued their laborious occu- 
pation as fishermen, and aided to stock the markets of the 
world with the famous Dutch herring — pickled, smoked, and 
dried. 

The inhabitants of this city — animated with the love of 
liberty, and bent upon enjoying its sweets — had organized 
an association — entitled the Patriotic Society of Enkhuyzen-^ 



616 CHAP. LII. — TRUMBULL. 1183. 

for the purpose of promoting their favorite object. To it 
they had attached many Hollanders of note and influence, 
and, among others — from his seat at Zwolle, just across the 
Zuyder Zee — their own, and Trumbull's distinguished friend, 
the Baron Yan Capellan. They had watched with deepest 
interest the origin and progress of the American Eevolution. 
They knew the great men in America who stood at its head. 
They were anxious at the same time to open a market for the 
great staple of their city in the rising Eepublic of the New 
"World. Accordingly — upon the suggestion of Baron Capel- 
lan — to express at once their s^'^mpathy with the cause for 
which America had suffered — to testify, as they said, their 
"great respect for the excellent Helpers and Edifiers of a 
Eepublic so similar" to their own — and to inquire as to the 
chances for a consumption of their celebrated commodity in 
the United States — in November, 1782, they sent over to 
General Washington, President Hancock, William Living- 
ston, Governor of New Jersey, and Jonathan Trumbull, Gov- 
ernor of Connecticut, several kegs of their Enkhuyzen her- 
ring. Those intended for Trumbull — six kegs — reached him, 
through Messrs. Barclay, of Philadelphia, in the fall of 
1783 — with the following accompanying letter from the do- 
nors in Holland.* 

"High-Born Sik. 

" We, with the other inhabitants of this heretofore independent de- 
clared Repubhc — at present more and more animated with the desires of 
our old liberties — may glory in having contributed to the just independ- 
ence of long unjustly oppressed North America, by petitions to our Rep- 
resentatives the Regency of this city — an event [the independence 
spoken of] at which the sincerest part of the Netherlands is rejoiced, and 
[which] in our opinion [is] salutary for both the Republics, and in partic- 
ular for this our Herring City, where the consumption of that noble sea 
produce is the capital branch of trade, which we flatter ourselves will be 
enlarged by the new opening made by you. 

" Out of these happy circumstances and flattering prospects, a Patri- 

* The letter was translated for the Governor by Mr. Erkelens — the same gentle- 
man of whom we have had occasion to speak before, in connection with his Ex- 
cellency, and with loans in Holland. The translation shows that Erkelens was 
but poorly acquainted with English. We have therefore corrected a few of his 
grammatical mistakes. Otherwise, the letter, both in language and matter, is as 
lie rendered it. 



1783. CHAP. LII. — TRUMBULL. 617 

otic Society has appeared within this City, among whose members we 
may count the excellent, liberty-loving, and immortal Baron van der Ca- 
pellan tot den poll — and this Society wishes nothing more sincerely than 
the welfare of both the Republics, and therefore has nothing in view but 
to build on the liberty of North America (since long through the Voice 
of Justice defended even in the consciences of its enemies,) a new hap- 
piness for our Country at large, and for our City in particular. Accord- 
ingly — on the proposition of the above-mentioned Baron — as a testimony 
of our high respect for the excellent Helpers and Edifiers of a Republic 
so similar to our own — we have taken the liberty to offer your Excellen- 
cy, also Messieurs Washington, Livingston,* and Hancock, a few kegs 
of Enkhuyzen Herring, with prayer that the small present may be con- 
sidered as flowing from the pure intention and Hollandic sincerity of its 
Senders, and may be used by your Excellency agreeably. At the same 
time we take the liberty most respectfully to ask your Excellency to in- 
form us by the first opportunity, not only of the arrival of the present, 
but also whether our herring would have consumption in your country, 
which we wish — and if your Excellency should find no difficulty therein, 
then we at the same time ask you to recommend us to a good House, to 
which we may safely remit the same — when, in the next season if possi- 
ble, we will send a parcel. 

" We wish that the Governor of the World may give your Excellen- 
cy's precious person to taste the fruits of your love to your country till 
the happiest age. Hoping that the blessing of liberty, of concord, and 
prosperity, may be the lot of your Republic long as the new part of the 
world and the old shall last,t and that our country, our city, and our So- 
ciety may never be deprived of your sincere afiection, 
" We are with true respect, 

" Your Excellency's very humble 
" And obedient servants, 

" The Members, Commissaries, and 

"Secretaries of the Patriotic Society, 
" A. H. DuYVENS, Peter Elbenhout, "] 
" Bernardus Block, J. de Jough Sougz, \. Secretaries.'''' 
" Panecus de Witt, Brander Velden, J 

" RiEWARD RuNIDSEN." 

* Livingston, like Trumbull, corresponded with Baron Capellan during the 
War. " We are all in your debt," wrote Washington to the former, Dec. 7th, 
1779 — " for what you have done for us in Holland. I would flatter myself from 
the receipt of your correspondence, and the superior advantages which our com- 
merce holds out to the Dutch, that we shall experience in a Uttle time the most 
favorable etfects from this quarter." 

t This clause, " longr as the neio part of the world and the old shall last," is 
translated by Erkelens thus — " so long that the new part of the world with the old 
will return to their origin " — the sense of which seems to be as we have given it 
in the text. 

62* 



618 CHAP. LII. — TRUMBULL. 1783. 

Accompanying the letter now quoted, was another to 
Trumbull from Holland — from the gentleman who in behalf 
of the Patriotic Society transmitted the present to Philadel- 
phia — San Gabriel Teegelan — who describes himself as 
known at home, on account of his passionate attachment to 
America, as "^Ae American Teegelan.'''' He informs the Gov- 
ernor that he has acted on the instigation, particularly, of 
" the liberty-loving, and right noble, and dear Baron Van der 
Capellan," as he styles the latter — and concludes with ex- 
pressing the earnest hope that God may bless the new Re- 
public of America " to the end of ages " — ^that he may bless 
the Governor and his people — that he may grant himself the 
joy of witnessing " an unbroken connection " between the 
two Republics of the United States and Holland, " founded 
on religion, faith, and honor " — and that he may cause his 
Excellency, " and all defenders and protectors of true liber- 
ties," to taste for many years the fruit of the tree which they 
have planted. 

To both these communications — as also to another from 
Capellan which came at the same time — Governor Trumbull 
made appropriate replies. That to the Patriotic Society we 
now quote. It was as follows : — 

"Lebanon, 1st Oct., 1783. 
" Gentlemen, 

" I had lately the honor to receive, thro' Messrs. Barclay of Phil' , six 
kegs of herring, with the very polite letter of your Patriotic Society, and 
of your excellent member the Baron van der Capellan De Poll &c. Per- 
mit me. Gentlemen, to return you my most unfeigned thanks for this 
honorable mark of your esteem. 

" And while I congratulate you, Gentlemen, on the happy termination 
of the late War, and the Establishment of the Freedom and Independ- 
ence of these United States, you will give me leave to assure you that we 
are gratefully sensible how much we are indebted for this happy event 
to the exertions of our friends in Holland in general — of your City, and 
most particularly of your worthy member Baron Van der Capellan. 
May the Almighty Disposer of events, who has caused this great Revo- 
lution, make its consequences glorious and happy for our two Republics, 
and for the Universe. 

"But while we anticipate the great mutual benefits which will be de- 
rived to both Countries from our unrestrained freedom of commerce, I 
fear that your particular hopes of finding a new and considerable market 



1783. CHAP. LII. — TRUMBULL. 619 

for your herring will not be entirely answered. The very extensive 
coasts and numerous rivers of this country swarm with fish of this and 
various kinds — and tho' we know not the method of curing them in the 
excellent manner yours are, yet they answer principally the consumption 
of this country. It is probable, however, that the great towns of Phil* , 
N. York, Boston, &c., &c., may afford you a market for some quantity, 
though not at present such as you may wish. 

" With earnest prayers for your personal happiness and the prosperity 
of your City, I have the honor to subscribe myself, &c." 

The Governor's letter to Capellan upon the occasion now 
under consideration, of the same date with that just quoted, 
again handsomely acknowledges the present he had received, 
and in the following manner congratulates Capellan upon his 
restoration to his seat in the Assembly of Overysell. The 
writer speaks also of his own public life, age, and retirement. 

" Give me leave," he proceeds — " to offer you my warmest congratula- 
tions on an event in which Americans have the best reason to rejoice, 
since by this triumph of justice over oppression, you are not only restored 
to your rights — a sufiBcient cause of joy to honest men — but we likewise 
see new power placed in the hands of one, of whose friendly disposition 
we have long had the fullest proofs. At the same time you will be pleased 
to accept my sincerest thanks for the essential services you have rendered 

to the cause of my country and of mankind. 

* * * * 

" I shall be most happy to see you in this country, but I have little 
reason to expect it. You are at that period of Ufe when our abilities to 
serve our country are at their height, and happily for yours, your inclin- 
ation coincides with your duty, while my years are far advanced, and 
my public life is already very near its period, I see my country happily 
established in liberty and peace, and the present year, which is the fifty- 
first from my entrance into public oflBces, will close my administration, 
and restore me Hkewise to the ease and peace of private life. But your 
correspondence will not be less valued by me in retirement, than it was 
while I supported a public character ; and you must give me leave to 
hope that I shall be honored with your further letters, not less frequently 
than I have been with your past. 

" My son. Colonel John Trumbull, will be the bearer of this, at least to 
London. I hope, for his sake, that he may see you before his return to 
America, and you will permit me to say that I shall esteem every friendly 
oflBce rendered to him, as if it were to myself." 

His son, the artist, to whom the Governor refers in the 
closing paragraph of this letter to Capellan — after his return 



620 CHAP. I.II. — TRUMBULL. 1783. 

from Europe in January, 1782, had much of the time been 
engaged, with his brother and a few other gentlemen, as con- 
fidential agent, in a contract for the supply of the army — and 
was at New Windsor on the Hudson — near his "early master 
and friend," as he styles General Washington — superintend- 
ing the faithful execution of the contract, when the news of 
the signing of the Preliminary Articles of Peace put an end, 
he says, "to all further desultory pursuits," and rendered it 
necessary for him "to determine upon a future occupation for 
life." Under these circumstances, as usual, he consulted with 
his father. The gentlemen with whom he had been connect- 
ed in the army contract, urged him to engage in a commer- 
cial establishment. The father pressed him to pursue the 
study of law. The son was irresistibly impelled to study 
art. The two, therefore, had a long and affectionate debate 
on the subject, which is thus pleasantly described by Colonel 
John Trumbull himself. 

"The gentlemen with whom I was connected in the military contract 
proposed a commercial establishment, in which they would furnish funds, 
information, and advice, while I should execute the business, and divide 
with them the profits. The proposal was fascinating, but I reflected if 
I entered upon regular commerce, I must come in competition with men 
who had been educated in the counting-house, and my ignorance might 
often leave me at their mercy, and therefore I declined this office. My 
father again urged the law, as the profession which in a republic leads to 
all emolument and distinction, and for which my early education had 
well prepared me. My reply was, that so far as I understood the ques- 
tion, law was rendered necessary by the vices of mankind — that I had 
already seen too much of them willingly to devote my life to a profession 
which would keep me perpetually involved, either in the defence of inno- 
cence against fraud and injustice, or (which was much more revolting to 
an ingenuous mind,) to the protection of guilt against just and merited 
punishment. In short, I pined for the arts, again entered into an elaborate 
defence of my predilection, and again dwelt upon the honors paid to art- 
ists in the glorious days of Greece and Athens. My father listened pa- 
tiently, and when I had finished, he complimented me upon the able 
manner in which I had defended what to him still appeared to be a bad 
cause. ' I had confirmed his opinion,' he said, ' that with proper study 
I should make a respectable lawyer ; but,' added he, * you must give me 
leave to say that you appear to have overlooked, or forgotten, one very 
important point in your case.' 'Pray, Sir,' I rejoined, 'what was 
that?' — 'You appear to forget, Sir, that Connecticut is not Athens ! '' — 



1783. CHAP. LII. — TRUMBULL. 621 

and with this pithy remark, he bowed and withdrew, and never more 
opened his lips upon the subject. How often have those few impressive 
words recurred to my memory — '^Connecticut is not Athens!'' The 
decision was made in favor of the arts. I closed all other business, and 
in December, 1783, embarked at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, for 
London," 

It was in contemplation of this his son's departure, that 
the Governor conciliated in his behalf the attention of Baron 
Capellan. Nor did he stop here. Now that the decision of 
the son was made in favor of art, he did everything in his 
power, with all the warmth of parental solicitude, to pro- 
mote his success. To Edmund Burke also he penned a letter 
in his behalf 

"I write this," he said to that illustrious man — "to be put into your 
hands by my son, who owes so much to your benevolent interposition. 
Give me leave, Sir, to repeat my acknowledgments of your goodness, and 
to recommend him to your future protection, during his residence in 
England, whither he returns to pursue his favorite study of the Pencil. 
I shall be happy if his merit in that line shall prove such as to recom- 
mend him to the particular favor of so good a judge and patron of 
genius." 

He addressed also John Adams and Henry Laurens, who 
were then in Europe, on the same matter. "My son," he 
wrote the former — "who will have the honor to deliver 
this to you, is the same you saw in Europe two years ago, 
and who, maugre all the sufferings and ill-treatment he then 
experienced from the English nation, has still an unconquer- 
able passion to improve his pencil once more under the cele- 
brated artists in London." He addressed also Dr. Price, Da- 
vid Hartley, Richard Jackson, and others, commending to 
their civilities, their goodness, and their protection, that 
youthful artist,* who, if he was not ordained, like Zeuxis, to 
paint grapes which could deceive the birds — or like Parrha- 
sius, curtains which could mislead even a Zeuxisf — or like 
Pausias, Glyceras fit to adorn a theatre of Rome — was yet des- 
tined, like Apelles, to depict Alexanders whose hands should 

*He was then twenty-seven years old. 

t "Eemove your curtain," said Zeuxis to Parrhasius, his rival — "that I may 
Bee your picture" — this picture being only the curtain. 



622 CHAP. LII. — TRUMBULL. 



1783. 



hold vividly the thunders of war, and battle-horses which 
even in picture might extort neighs from living steeds. 

Hardly had the parting words been spoken, and the son 
departed, ere the heart of the parent yearned once more to 
clasp his cliild, even before the latter embarked from Ports- 
mouth. "The solicitude of a parent," he wrote him Novem- 
ber twenty-fifth — "you will expect would make me anxious 
to see you again before I part with mortal scenes — which 
from my advanced age, you know, must not be far distant. 
Whether I am to be gratified in my fond wishes, or not, I 
hope you will study to secure to yourself that better part be- 
yond this life that may insure our meeting in a happier state." 
Thus is it obvious, from everything that appears of Governor 
Trumbull in his domestic relations, that the threads of his 
affections were fine-spun, and that the "expedition" of his 
love 

" Never outrau the pauser Reason." 

With Dr. Price particularly, to whose attention he com- 
mended his son, and to whom he sent his Farewell Address, 
the relations of Trumbull were extremely cordial, and his 
correspondence long continued. His friendship with this 
most able writer commenced in 1776, at the time when the 
latter published his famous Tract entitled "Observations on 
the nature of civil liberty, the principles of government, and 
the justice and policy of the war with America" — a work 
which, among other flattering notices that it received, won for 
its author, from the City of London, a letter of special com- 
pliment, accompanied with the present of a gold box. 

It was indeed a most noble contribution to that cause for 
which the United States were then struggling — and Trum- 
bull — to whom Dr. Price sent it, as he did all his prin- 
cipal pamphlets — was delighted with the purity of purpose, 
strength of reasoning, and lofty republican spirit, which it 
manifested. It tried the American question by the funda- 
mental principles of liberty, and of the British Constitu- 
tion — in respect of justice, the honor of the kingdom, the 
policy and humanity of the war, and the probability of its 
success — and under all these aspects irrefutably decided the 



1783. CHAP. LII. — TRUMBULL. 623 

case in favor of the Colonies.* Trumbull, therefore, took 
great pains to circulate it among his friends. He caused it to 
be published in the newspapers of Connecticut. It was in 
fact published soon in nearly all the papers of the United 
States, and being diffused everywhere, gloriously roused, en- 
couraged, and fortified the hope and effort of the whole 
country. 

The friendship between the Governor of Connecticut and 
Dr. Price, was kept up down to the close of Trumbull's life. 
But about six weeks only before his death, he received and 
answered a new letter from the Doctor, with an accompanying 
pamphlet — whose excellence he did not fail to appreciate and 
commend. 

"Your Tract,"t he then wrote — "I have distributed to such as will I 
trust make a good use of it. It hath been printed in our Newspapers, 
and also reprinted at Hartford — and will undoubtedly prove very serv- 
iceable. I repeatedly perused it with pleasure, instruction, and profit. 
Your observations and advice I think of the utmost importance, and need 
no apology. Mr. Turgot's letter is very excellent, much to that good 
minister's honor, and to be highly regarded. 

" As the establishment of the independence of these United States 
gives a new direction to the civil afiFairs of the world, so Dr. Seabury's 
plan, whereof my son acquainted me in one of his letters, and of which 
I conclude you are informed, may make a new era in the History of 
Religion, to advance that liberality and wisdom which will promote the 
happiness of mankind. 

" In my retirement I heartily wish for the literary correspondence of 
friends, among whom I have the happiness to reckon you one highly 
esteemed." 

Thus much here concerning some of the Governor's do- 
mestic relations, his private correspondence, and his friend- 

* See note at the end of this Chapter. 

+ The Tract referred to here, was entitled, " Observations on the importance of 
the American Eevolution, and the means of making it a benefit to the -wxtrld." 
It was printed in London in 1784, and was dedicated as a last testimony of the 
good will of the author, to the free and United States of America. The letter of 
Turgot, Comptroller General of the Finances of France, to which Trumbull in 
the above letter refers, was printed with it. It was addressed from Paris to Dr. 
Price, and contained observations in which the United States were deeply con- 
cerned. " The eminence of Mr. Turgot's name and character," said Dr. Price, 
"will recommend it to their attention, and it will do honor to hia memory among 
all the friends of public liberty." 



624 CHAP. LII. — TRUMBULL. 1783. 

ships. Little else remained to engage his attention during 
the two closing months of the present year, save the great 
Susquehannah Case, which now at last — before a Board of 
Commissioners appointed through the order of Congress — 
was brought up for trial at Trenton, New Jersey. 

We have seen that among the labors of Trumbull for the 
year 1782, was that of preparing this case for the adjudica- 
tion to which we refer — he having been particularly request- 
ed by the General Assembly of Connecticut — in compliance 
with a letter enclosing instructions from Congress on the sub- 
ject — to collect and transmit to the Secretary of Foreign Af- 
fairs all papers "evidencing" the title of the State to the 
lands in dispute — and to accompany them with such observa- 
tions thereon as he " might think proper." The trial came 
on the twelfth of November of the present year — before sev- 
en commissioners.* It occupied forty-one judicial days, and 
resulted in the decision, strangely unanimous, that Connecti- 
cut "had no right to the lands in controversy" — a decision, 
which, as Trumbull profoundly believed — and as was held 
by the best lawyers both in America and in England — was 
against both the law and the equities of the case. 

For in defiance of the old Patent of Connecticut — in the 
very teeth of its Charter — in the face of valid prior pur- 
chases, by a large Company, from the native proprietors of 
the soil in question — and in the face too of a right of posses- 
sion which was consummated by the actual settlements of nu- 
merous adventurers, with established government, and was 
recognized, fully approved, and adopted by the Legislature 
of this State — it surrendered to Pennsylvania a tract of coun- 
try to which she could plead no claim but a patent granted to 
"William Penn, nineteen years after the date of the Charter of 
Connecticut, and purchases from the Indians, which — in her 
own " Representation " of her case before the Commission- 
er s — she does not assert were validated by any deeds until 
nearly eighty-lwo years after the agents of the rival Susque- 

* They were Hon. William Whipple of New Hampshire, Hon. Welcome Ar- 
nold of Ehode Island, Hon. David Brcarly and Wm. Churchill Houston of New 
Jersey, Esquires, Hon. Cyrus Griffin, Joseph Jones, Esquires, and Thomas Nel- 
son, of Virginia. 



1783. 



CHAP. LII. — TRUMBULL. 625 



hannah Company had explored and bouglit the soil of its 
aboriginal owners. 

This decision was a severe disappointment to the expect- 
ation of Trumbull — for, just ten years previously, he had 
been the pioneer in the legal explication and statement of the 
Case, and his own views had been soundly endorsed by the 
judgment of the most accomplished jurists in England — the 
King's Attorney General, and the King's Solicitor General, 
included. But the Articles of Confederation had referred all 
disputes between two or more States concerning boundary 
and jurisdiction, in the last resort, to the United States in 
Congress assembled — and to Congress the appeal had been 
made. Its fiat had gone forth, and to it Trumbull, as a good 
citizen — not approving, not convinced — submitted. 

But the third day only after the trial commenced at Tren- 
ton — in the assertion and maintenance of the rights and title 
of Connecticut — he had renewedly issued a Proclamation, 
strictly forbidding any settlement upon the Territory in ques- 
tion, without due license first obtained from Connecticut au- 
thority. It was the last of his tireless efforts in vindication 
of the claim of his native State to the sweet Vale of Wyo- 
ming. Mournfully dark, yet not unexpected to him, were 
the days which followed the decision of the National Com- 
missioners — days, with the restless, rival settlers, of strife still 
bitter, of pillage, and of bloodshed. He did not live, how- 
ever, to see the painful scene terminated by the compromis- 
ing and confirming laws of Pennsylvania — laws which, at 
length, left to the adventurers from Connecticut a fair por- 
tion of the fields which both their bravery and their toil had 
won, and restored to a country that had long been riven 
with contentions, and crimsoned with blood, the blessings of 
peace. 

This destiny of Wyoming — its adjudication into the hands 

of a rival claimant — was the only event, with Trumbull, to 

sadden the closing of the year which we have now surveyed. 

Everything else in public proceedings — softened by the hues 

of established Peace — wore a sunny aspect, and heralded the 

approach of solid prosperity for the country. There was no 

more of war, or of war's alarms. That Council of Safety^ over 
53 



626. CHAP. LII. — TRUMBULL. 1783 

wbicli for so long and agitating a period tlie Governor had 
presided — at whose sessions — memorable example of punc- 
tuality indeed — in sunshine or in storm — from June the 
fourth, 1775, nearly to the beginning of November 1783 — he 
had himself been personally present, as appears from a mem- 
orandum in his own handwriting,* no less than nine hundred 
and thirteen days — ended its toilsome, but most patriotic la- 
bors, in the City of Newhaven, when the sun of October the 
twenty-eighth was declining to its setting.f 

Everywhere over the State war-worn veterans, no more to 
draw "the offensive blade," were now returning to the sweet 
communion of their homes. Matrons and maidens were 
there to welcome them whose hearts, bounded with joy at 
thought that they were no longer to drive the spinning-wheel, 
and ply the needle, for husbands and fathers, sons and broth- 
ers, who were to be again devoted to the blood-stained battle 
field. And soon — November twenty-fifth — filing from their 
last hold on the American seaboard — that hold which so per- 
ilously for Connecticut especially, they had so long main- 
tained — the British troops evacuated New York. "With a 
heart full of love and gratitude," Washington took leave of 
his comrades in arms — and Tuesday, December the twenty- 
third — just when the sun, in glorious typification of the 
event, had reached its zenith — the Father of his Country — 
having finished the work assigned him — before the Repre- 
sentatives of the Sovereignty of the Union at Annapolis, re- 
signed his Commission — and, " followed by the enthusiastic 
love, esteem, and admiration of his countrymen," retired to 
his quiet, beautiful home on the banks of the Potomac. 

The last military scene of the American Revolution was now 
closed! Now the sword was to be turned to the pruning 

* This memorandum shows that in 1775 he was present at the Council twenty- 
five times — in 1776, one hundred and twenty-eight — in 1777, two hundred and 
nine— in 1778, one hundred and five— in 1770, eighty-four — in 1780, one hundred 
and thirty-four— in 1781, one hundred and two— in 1782, eighty four— and in 
1783, forty-two times. 

t Its closing entries relate to the liquidation and settlement of military accounts, 
and the collection and disposition of military stores — the very last being a Eeso- 
lution instructing Horatio Welles of Windham County to collect all the provis- 
ions, cloth, and materials of war in Windham County for the Continental Line, 
and sell and dispose of the same to tlie best advantage for the State. 



1783. CHAP. LII. — TRUMBULL. 627 

hook — iron to instruments of agriculture and manufoctures, 
to the plough, the spade, the weaving machine, the chisel, and 
the axe — tent-cloth to the white sails of commerce — the ox to 
the furrow — the horse to the wain loaded for quiet marts — 
and man everywhere, in the virgin Eepublic of the New 
World, to the occupations, the enjoyments, and the security 
of peace. 

With a more exalted sense than upon any occasion before, 
of the blessings by which his country was surrounded, did 
Trumbull, the present year — in view of its crowning suc- 
cess — in consideration that hostilities had entirely ceased, and 
the citizens of America were left " in the undisputed posses- 
sion of their liberty, independence, and of the fruits of their 
land, and in the free participation of the treasures of the 
sea" — call upon the people of Connecticut, on the second 
Thursday of December, to celebrate again, with grateful hearts 
and united voices, the praises of the supreme and all-bounti- 
ful Benefactor ! It was the last of his Thanksgiving Procla- 
mations. How opportune ! 

NOTE EEFERRED TO ON PAGE 623. 

With Dr. Price there was not a word in the whole compass of language, as he 
said, which expresses so much of what is important, excellent, sound, and inval- 
uable, as the word Liberty — and that State in which there was not a body of men 
representing the people to constitute an essential part of the Legislature, was in 
slavery — which he defied any one to express in stronger language than Great 
Britain had expressed it in her claim to bind the Colonies " in all cases whatso- 
ever." No one community, in his view, could, in justice or in reason, have any 
power over the property or legislation of any other community that was not in- 
corporated with it by a just and adequate representation. 

Tlie contest with America, he held, was a contest for power only, originating 
in " the pride and lust of dominion, in blind resentment, and the desire of re- 
venge." He claimed that the Colonists, when asked as Freemen, had seldom 
ever discovered any reluctance in giving to the parent country, but in obedience 
to a demand with the bayonet at their breasts, would give nothing but blood — 
that they were descendants of men who never would have emigrated on any such 
condition as that the people from whom they withdrew should be forever masters 
of their property, and have power to subject them to any modes of government they 
pleased — that every mind would instinctively revolt at the idea that a vast continent 
should hold all that was most valuable to it at the discretion of a handful of men 
on the other side of the Atlantic — that it was a vital mistake to suppose the Colo- 
nists weak or without high moral and intellectual worth — that they had names 
among them which would " not stoop to any names among the philosophers and 
politicians " of England, and that the United States in time would become a 
mighty empire, "equal or superior" to Great Britain " in all the arts and accom- 
plishments which give dignity and happiness to human life." 



628 CHAP. LII. — TRUMBULL. 



1783, 



He affirmed that England was the aggressor in the war, and so imperiled by it, 
as that, if she persisted, ruin would be her inevitable lot — that there was no 
chance of her succeeding in it — that for her to expect triumph was "a folly so 
great that language does not afford a name for it" — that it ought to be her wish, 
on the other hand, that at least one free country should be left on earth to which 
even Britons might fly when venality, luxury, and vice, had completed, as they 
then seemed to be doing, the ruin of liberty at home — and finally, that England 
must retrace all her steps — meet the Colonies on the ground which the latter 
had taken in their last Petition to the King — suspend hostilities — and repeal 
every act which had distressed the new and struggling cis- Atlantic world. 



C HAP T E R LI II. 
1784—1785. 

Trombull superintends the collection and liquidation of military ac- 
counts. Under instructions from tte General Assembly, he urges Con- 
gress to add the expense of defending the sea-coast and ■western frontier 
of Connecticut to the deht of the Continent. Reasons for this appli- 
cation. The question of granting the Impost Power to Congress is 
"warmly agitated in Connecticut. Conamutation, taxation, and the Or- 
der of the Cincinnati become mingled up -with it. Excitement intense. 
A Petition to Congress against Conamutation, and the Impost Power, 
emanates fiom the Lower House of the General Assembly, and a Con- 
vention at Middletown addresses the people on what it styles the pub- 
lic grievances. The reasoning of the objectors. A factious uneasiness, 
consequently, among the people of the State. Trumbull's course at 
this crisis. Testimony of Chief Justice Marshall respecting it. He dis- 
closes his fears for the public order and safety in a letter to General 
"Washington. The letter. Washington's reply. He labors assiduously 
to allay the political storna. His arguments on the side of law, 
order, good faith, and good government. By whom aided. Looked 
to as the only pilot, he is urged, notwithstanding his resignation, to 
continue in his post as Chief Magistrate of the State. He persists, 
how^ever, in his purpose of retirement from public life, and Matthew 
Griswold ia chosen in his place. The Address to Trumbull from Dr. 
Joseph Huntington's Election Sermon in May. The public policy for 
which Trumbull has labored, achieves at last a signal triumph. The 
popular ferment subsides. Commutation comes to be thought a 
harmless measure of justice. Connecticut grants Congress the Impost 
Power. Trumbull's high satisfaction. 

Nineteen months and a half more, ere the patriot we 
commemorate was called to take 

" His chamber in the silent halls of death 1 " 

Months they were to him, all save the first four, of grateful 
retirement from every public care, and of soothing medita- 
tion, in the quiet of his own home at Lebanon. Life no 
longer disturbed him with the anxieties of war, or weari- 
somely strained upon his activities for the public service. 

53* 



630 CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785. 

He had bidden a lasting "farewell to the plumed troop." 
He had left forever the field of civil labors. He had surrend- 
ered himself, chiefly — and in conformity with the wish which 
in his Farewell Address he so anxiously expressed — to that 
preparation of which his whole life in truth had been a glo- 
rious example, but which, in the declension of age, comes 
beating at the heart with louder notes of warning than at all 
other periods of human existence — the solemn preparation 
for eternity. 

Such is the leading picture of Trumbull in his occupation 
during that closing epoch of his life which we now have 
reached — save, as we have suggested, during its few first 
months. These were months in which he still bore the bur- 
den of civil rule — still, down to May, 1784, acted as Chief 
Magistrate of Connecticut. The period was marked by some 
important proceedings relating to the accounts of the war 
that had just been terminated, and by a continuation of that 
civil feud upon the subject of commutation, and the powers 
of Congress, which we have already had occasion in part to 
describe. With each of these matters, Trumbull — both by 
virtue of his position, and the eminent interest he felt in se- 
curing harmony for his State, and for his country — was 
closely connected. 

As regards military accounts — besides continuing, as dur- 
ing much of the year which had just elapsed, carefully to 
superintend their collection and verification — Trumbull, at a 
session of the Greneral Assembly in January — the last over 
which he ofiicially presided — was charged with the duty of 
addressing Congress, in behalf of the State, for the important 
purpose of inducing this Body to take a certain portion of 
the debt of Connecticut, incurred during the Eevohitionary 
Struggle, and add it to the debt of the Continent. This por- 
tion consisted of money that had been expended by this 
State in supporting guards uj)on her sea-coast and western 
frontier, and particularly in defending New London and 
Horseneck. It was an expense, she claimed, which ought in 
justice to be borne by the United States. There was the 
same propriety that the defence of her southern line of terri- 
tory should be made a common charge against the Continent 



1784—1785. CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 631 

as there was that the defence of the western frontiers of the 
united country should be made so. Other States had been 
careful to procure Resolutions from Congress, which assumed 
the expense of protecting their own respective territories. 
"Why should not Connecticut then — a State which had been 
distressed by the enemy far more than most others — a State 
with a long sweep of water and land frontier — in whose pres- 
ervation from the possession and power of the enemy the 
whole country, almost as much as herself, was deeply inter- 
ested — why should she not receive the same consideration as 
other portions of the Union ? 

Such were the views and arguments, which, upon this 
subject Trumbull, with his accustomed good sense and zeal, 
pressed upon the attention of Congress. It was hard, he 
added, that a State, which was actually in advance to the 
Union on accounts existing and unsettled between them, 
should yet be called upon — this fact unregarded — and ex- 
hausted and burthened too, as she then was, almost insup- 
portably, by taxation — to furnish farther and full contribu- 
tions in money upon national requisitions. 

But the appeal was not — as in most cases urged on Con- 
gress by Trumbull — successful. The Grand Committee of 
the Union observed in reply — first, that almost every State, 
on the score of war expenses, thought itself in advance — and 
secondly, that it was "the constant wish" of Congress to have 
the accounts between the States and the Continent settled — 
the contributions of each ascertained — and the balances, if 
any should appear in favor of the States, credited to them in 
requisitions to be thereafter made — and here the matter seems 
to have ended. We can find no notice of any adjustment 
subsequently, by which the large and disproportionate ex- 
pense of Connecticut in defending a long exposed line, whose 
security was peculiarly the common interest of the Union, 
was ever remunerated — at least in the manner it should have 
been. The United States in fact, on this score, are, we think, 
a debtor to Connecticut to this day. 

The particular reason assigned at the time, by the people 
at large, for the neglect of Congress to comply with the 
request of Connecticut, was that this Body desired, by post- 



632 CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. l^Sd— 1785. 

poning the claim, to secure from this State a full and unre- 
stricted grant of the Impost Power — a power which for great 
national purposes, it was then seeking to obtain from every 
State in the Union — and which, withheld absolutely by some 
portions of the Union, had been reconsidered and withdrawn 
from Congress by others. 

In the view of sound leading statesmen of the day — and 
among these particularly of Trumbull — this Power was the 
only expedient which could establish the credit and dignity 
of the Federal Union — and as a tax, the impost was the 
surest, most equitable, least expensive, and least burthensome 
of any that could be applied. At two different sessions of 
the General Assembly, the question of granting it had been 
warmly agitated — and, through the votes, principally, of farm- 
ers and mechanics, who supposed the impost would throw a 
disproportionate burthen on themselves, it had been rejected. 
Commutation again became mingled with it — and with this the 
question again concerning the powers and duties of Congress — 
and with all these points a new one in reference to the existing 
system of taxation in the State, which, it was now claimed, was 
unequal and unjust — and still another new one in reference to 
the Order of the Cincinnati — which, it was strongly asserted, 
established a peerage in the land, and was entirely inconsistent 
with that equality which ought to prevail in a republic. 

These matters now shook the State, politically, from one 
end to the other more fiercely than it had ever been shaken 
before, and excitement was intense. That Middletown Con- 
vention, to which we have heretofore referred as having 
originated in the popular aversion to commutation, continued 
its sessions from time to time by adjournment — and though 
burlesqued and attacked in every form* — ^yet it had strength 
and influence enough so to affect the Lower House of the 

* It made unwearied efforts, it was charged, to change the Legislature, and re- 
tard the impost act, and breed faction and tumult all over the State. It was pro- 
duced, it was said, in a fit of passionate zeal for the public good, which was en- 
kindled and inflamed by a few men who meant to ride into office upon the mo- 
mentary fury of the populace — men who, if they had the power, would have 
subverted that very Constitution to which they were themselves indebted for 
the security of tlieir own persons and property, and would have even gibbeted 
those who had directed the Councils of the Nation, and bled in defence of 
American liberties. 



1784— 1785. CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 63S 

General Assembly as to procure from this Body — without, 
however, the concurrence either of the Upper House, or of 
the Governor — a Petition to Congress remonstrating against 
the powers and policy of this Body — and particularly against 
Commutation and the Impost — which petition met the fate it 
justly merited — that of proving altogether fruitless. 

About the same time — in March, 1784: — this convention 
issued an address to the "good people" of Connecticut, as it 
styled them — recapitulating their grievances, and stirring up 
the public mind to discontent. Individuals — some of them 
men of worth and sincerity, who labored under misappre- 
hensions with regard to the nature of a federal government — 
but most of them, old tories and others, who were instinct- 
ively averse to all republican rule — these, aided by another 
class of citizens still more numerous — those who uniformly 
clamor against all taxes and public debts, and who, "from 
motives of bankruptcy or avarice, are ready to oppose any 
authority that should require them to act honestly" — second- 
ed the sentiments of the address. 

The domestic debt of the State is now one million of dol- 
lars, they said. Much more than this amount is her share of 
the national debt. Our State and Federal charges extend at 
present to one dollar on the pound — an enormous sum — 
which for two years past, it is true, Connecticut has paid — 
but now her resources are not equal to the burthen. Our 
method of taxation is most vicious. And here the objectors 
were perfectly right. Lands, without reference to their qual- 
ity, they said, are all rated alike. Some are good — some are 
poor — but they all alike are compelled to bear the same 
tax — a fact which, in some instances, takes from the holder 
of poor lands the whole value of his property* — oppressing 
him, while at the same time the proprietor of good lands is 
increased in wealth. This oppression is fast driving citizens 
out from our borders. They are selling off their property, 
and emigrating to other States, where real estate and polls 
are not so heavily mortgaged — and many of our mechanics 
and young men are forsaking former occupations, and taking 
to the seas. 

* Some lands in the State, at this time, sold as low as five shillings per acre. 



63-i CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 1184—1785. 

And tlien as regards tlie impost — continued the objectors. 
Giving this up into the hands of Congress leaves the State 
creditors completely in the lurch — leaves the "darling col- 
lectors " of Congress amenable only to that Body — under or- 
dinances for carrying the impost into execution, just such as 
it, in its own mere discretion, may choose to frame — author- 
izing among other things, against liberty, searches into pri- 
vate dwellings. 

And then the impost, when collected, may all be applied 
by the irresponsible authority of the Union towards paying 
that dangerous claim of commutation. When half-pay was 
first proposed, did not a Committee of the General Assembly 
take up the matter of compensation with a Committee of the 
officers of the Connecticut Line, and adjust it upon the basis 
of their original contract — and so, to the satisfaction of all 
the parties concerned, absorb all claim for half-pay, and con- 
sequently for commutation, its equivalent ? Congress is fast 
becoming a usurper. Let us then withhold from this Body 
all grants until justice is obtained by a redress of public 
grievances ! 

Look too at the Members of this Body. See them stipu- 
lating to pay to one portion of their servants, annually, 
eleven thousand dollars each — to another, six thousand — and 
to many others in the same extravagant proportion — while 
trains of secretaries, clerks, and attendants, figure around 
them " in all the pomp and parade of European manners and 
habits ! " 

And see that new and strange order of the Cincinnati — 
rising under the very eye of Congress — with its tacit con- 
sent — and consisting of men who claim to be the only Sav- 
iours of the Eepublic — who aspire to nobility — who are to 
wear the badges of peerage — and be paid from the purse of 
the people — a purse claimed to be at the exclusive disposal 
of that very Body which has just made them the gratuity ! 
" Shall we," exclaimed the objectors here — " after vanquish- 
ing the old Lion, submit to a whelp of the same breed, and 
give him the range of our dearly-purchased folds ? " 

Much more in the same spirit, and with ceaseless activity, 
did the opponents of Congress, of commutation, of the im- 



1784—1785. CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 635 

post, and provision for the public debt, urge upon the people 
of Connecticut, to rouse, disturb, and sour them. And too 
well for awhile — in the spring particularly of 1784 — did they 
succeed — as did similar disturbers in almost every other 
State.* It had been foretold by the foes of America, that, 
after the war was over, and independence gained, the people 
would be without order, law, and government — that they 
would be split into parties — that jealousies would spring up 
between the States — that the Confederation would be power- 
less for the management of their discordant interests — and 
that taxes would produce factious uneasiness, and even insur- 
rections. All this, to an alarming extent, seemed to be real- 
izing now in Connecticut — or at least preparing rapidly for 
development. In part deluded by their own ignorance of 
principles, and in part by the arts of a few designing men, 

* The following passages from Dr. Josepli Huntington's Election Sermon in 
the spring of 1784, refer strikingly to the prevailing disturbances, and are worthy 
of attention. 

" But there is one abominable vice," he says, " that is so pernicious to us every 
day, and so immediately threatens us with dissolution and anarchy, that I must 
bear my testimony more largely against it. 

" It is that unreasonable, raging spirit of jealonsy pointed against all in power, 
especially against those in the most burdensome and important trusts. Jealousy 
is the rage and distraction of men, as well in civil as in domestic life. We ex- 
pend much to maintain autliority, as indeed they ought to have an honorable 
support ; and would we only let them do us all the good in their hearts, and in 
their power under God, they would repay us a thousand fold. But what can the 
good patriots do ? First we must be jealoixs of them, ne.xt we certainly think 
them wicked, and then we destroy their influence and their good names to- 
gether. Thus we lose our benefit and our cost of supporting them. We bind 
them hand and foot, and are like a man who should hire a number of the best 
workmen, at a great expense, to build him a house, and as soon as they began to 
operate with all their skill and fidelity, should load them with chains — pay might 
continue, but the work must miserably proceed. 

"Let our rulers as well as others, be weighed in an even balance ; jealousy 
makes the balance very uneven. Let us judge of those in power as well as of 
other men, with all that charity which the Apostle describes, and which, with- 
out solid reason, " thinketh no evil.'''' 

" I am as much engaged for liberty, in the utmost extent of it, as any man on 
earth. I would have all in power elective by, and accountable to the people ; 
and if in any case criminal, on fair trial, let them not be spared, But this hy- 
dra of jealousy and evil surmise, is not liberty, it is tyranny, it is confusion, it is 
death. Proud, selfish, wicked men take the advantage of it ; but they must first 
remove those worthy men that hold them ; they make or propagate a thousand 
lies, to stir up the jealousy of the people, inrage the multitude, and clear the seats 
of honor for themselves. And when such brambles get in power, ' a fire soon 
comes out of the bramble, and devours the cedars of Lebanon.' " 



636 CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785. 

tlie people " imputed the evils which they suffered to wrong 
causes, and pursued measures for redress that served but to 
aggravate their distress." 

At this crisis, says Chief Justice Marshall — " the venera- 
ble Trumbull, who had been annually elected the Governor 
of Connecticut from the commencement of hostilities, and 
who in that capacity had rendered great service to the cause 
of united America; who, like Washington, had supported 
the burden of office throughout a hazardous contest, and like 
Washington, had determined to withdraw from the cares of 
a public station when that contest should be terminated, in a 
letter* communicating to his friend and compatriot the reso- 
lution he had taken, thus disclosed the fears which the dispo- 
sitions manifested by many of his countrymen inspired." 

"The fruits of our peace and independence do not, at present, wear so 
promising an appearance as T had fondly painted to my mind. The jeal- 
ousies, the prejudices, and turbulence of the people, at times, almost 
stagger my confidence in our political establishment, and almost occasion 
me to think that they will show themselves unworthy the noble prize for 
which we have contended, and which, I had pleased myself, was so near 
our enjoyment. But again, I check this rising impatience, and console 
myself under the present prospect, with the consideration that the same 
beneficent and wise Providence which has done so much for this country, 
will not eventually leave us to ruin our own happiness, to become the 
sport of chance, or the scoff of an admiring world ; but that great things 
are still in store for this people, which time, and the wisdom of the 
Great Director, will produce in its best season." 

"It is indeed a pleasure," said General Washington in reply — "from 
the walks of private life to view in retrospect the difficulties through 
which we have waded and the happy haven into which our ship has been 
brought. Is it possible that after this it should founder ? Will not the 
all-wise and all-powerful Director of human events preserve it? I think 
he will. He may however, for some wise purpose of his own, suffer our 
indiscretions and folly to place our national character low in the political 
scale — and this, unless more wisdom and less prejudice take the lead in 
our government, will most certainly happen." 

Notwithstanding then an aspect of public affairs so un- 
promising as almost to "stagger" Trumbull's confidence in 
the political establishment of his country — he yet, we see, 

* Dated " Lebanon, 20tli April, 1784." 



1784— nSS. CHAP. LIII. — TEUMBULL. 637 

trusted in God that America would not be suffered to ruin 
her own happiness, and to become either " the sport of chance, 
or the scoff" of the world — but that "great things" were still 
in store for her, to be reaped all in the "best season."* With 
the Upper House of the General Assembly, and with a large 
number of influential citizens in Connecticut — previous to 
the particular crisis on which we now dwell, and at times 
when nearly two-thirds of the Lower EEonse were opposed to 
the federal policy — he remained firm in the views which we 
have heretofore found him advocating, and did all in his 
power to convince his fellow-citizens of the importance of 
supporting national faith and national credit, according to 
the measures prescribed by Congress. And now that the po- 
litical storm was up in its greatest wrath, he labored more 
than ever to allay it — not only to save the State from its 
alarming internal convulsions, but also to bring it out, 
through its own convictions of reason and duty, and with 
zeal, into a harmonious co-operation with other States for the 
establishment and support of a competent, wise, and energetic 
General Government. 

To him the very idea of a supreme authority, vested with 
powers to make peace and war — to raise armies — appoint for- 
eign ministers — form alliances — make contracts — emit and 
borrow monies — and transact all matters that relate to the 
common defence and general welfare of a nation — without 
power to determine what sums of money are necessary to 
defray the charges, and without ability to enforce their pay- 
ment — was a "political absurdity that in practice would anni- 
hilate any government upon earth." 

No such jealousies of this Body as prevailed, ought, in his 
judgment, ever to exist. Congress concealed nothing from 
the public eye. Its doors were always open. Its journals 
were published to the world. Its measures were open to the 
scrutiny of every individual. Its account of the appropria- 

* "Though, a transient gloom o'ercast his mind — 
Yet still, on Providence reclined, 

The patriot fond believed, 
That Power benign too much had done, 
To leave an Empire's task — ^begun — 
Imperfectly achieved." 
54 



638 CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 1184—1785 

tion of public monies was transmitted every six months to 
every State, for examination. It could not, by virtue of any 
prerogative, encroach upon the rights, or curtail the privi- 
leges of a single State — and the people themselves, through 
the frequent election of its members, and the collision of 
contending interests and parties, enjoyed a perfect security 
against any possible usurpations from that source, and a 
guarantee that no scheme for the subversion of popular rights 
could ever be accomplished — hardly even concocted. "Why 
then, urged Trumbull at every opportunity — amplifying and 
fortifying the sentiments of his Farewell Address — why then 
this unfounded fear, and captious abuse of the National As- 
sembly? "Within the limits prescribed by our Federal 
Union, it must be sovereign — and until it is enabled to exert 
its powers, we can never exist as a nation — we shall be a ship 
without a helm — a machine without springs, and without 
connection." 

To Trumbull's view also, unless the system proposed by 
Congress in April, 1783 — which included the measures that 
were now so much exciting the public mind — was adopted, 
ruin awaited the States. National degradation would inevi- 
tably follow. The system, in his opinion, was in exact con- 
formity with the powers granted even in the Confedera- 
tion. Commutation stood not only on the broad basis of 
this Instrument, but also on the particular confirmation 
of every State in the Union— nay farther, on the particular 
consent of every town in Connecticut, as well as on that 
of towns elsewhere. And as for the Continental Impost, 
that too, in his view, was a constitutional, sound, and just 
measure. 

Here was Connecticut, he reasoned — consuming annually 
about three hundred and fifty thousand pounds worth of 
imported goods, one-seventh part only of which she imported 
herself. The residue was all furnished through Massachu- 
setts, Rhode Island, and New York — the two former of 
which States already had a local impost for the benefit of 
their own respective treasuries, that was continually draining 
Connecticut for the exclusive advantage of adjoining sover- 
eignties. New York might soon come into the same system. 



1784—1785. CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 639 

She certainly would, unless the Im^jost Power was granted to 
Congress. In such a case — upon the basis of the existing 
consumption — Connecticut would then be paying no less a 
sum than fifty thousand pounds, annually, to three surround- 
ing States, for importing in her stead. She would thus be 
enriching her neighbors at her own expense. What folly — 
thought Trumbull — what impoverishment of herself! A 
Continental impost would prevent all this — would aid to- 
wards discharging the public debt in an equitable manner, 
out of a treasury common to the nation — would equalize a 
great public benefit to every State. Connecticut, therefore, 
was every way interested to grant it to Congress. Her own 
local creditors could not suffer by such a grant. It was a 
point of accurate calculation, that, were she to employ the 
power herself, for her own benefit, she would not receive by 
it, at the utmost, more than three thousand pounds — a sum 
that would not pay her creditors more than one-twentieth of 
their annual interest. 

As regards other objections, the Governor was prepared, 
and took pains to meet all these. Those salaries — claimed to 
be so enormous — of eleven thousand dollars — to whom, he 
asked, were they paid ? To the Ambassadors of the country 
at foreign Courts, he answered — most of whom had found 
their pay in fact so insufficient that they had sought a recall 
from their stations. That compensation of six thousand dol- 
lars to federal officers at home — upon whom was this be- 
stowed ? Upon but one public functionary in the land, he 
replied — and this one that able and faithful Superintendent 
of Finance — Mr. Morris — to whom the country had been in- 
debted for an annual saving in its expenses of two and a half 
millions of dollars, and who, from the very nature of his po- 
sition, was subjected to extraordinary expense. The pay to 
secretaries, clerks, and attendants on Congress ! It was mod- 
erate, he urged, and bestowed upon men who aped no for- 
eign fashions, but who were at heart good republicans. 

That Order of the Cincinnati, "wearing the badges of 
peerage, and to be paid from the purse of the people ! " Was 
it not formed merely for social and benevolent purposes — 
asked Trumbull. It made no claims on the purse of the na- 



640 CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785. 

tion, "he proceeded to say — it never had any intention of do- 
ing so. Why envy a man a medal, and a riband, purchased 
at his own expense? Why not as well envy "the trowel and 
apron of the mason, the cockade of a soldier, or the gown of 
a clergyman ? " And what had Congress ever done towards 
instituting this Order ? Nothing. On the other hand, one 
of its earliest measures was to abolish and preclude every 
title of nobility, as utterly repugnant to the genius of our 
institutions. Had not the people lately seen this Body, by a 
public resolve, refuse to nominate persons to be elected 
Knights of the " Order of Divine Providence," as proposed 
by Secretary Chevalier de Heintz — and for the reason that 
such a course would be inconsistent ivith the principles of the 
Confederation f They had. 

That danger too, sometimes alleged, that Congress would 
seize and appropriate for sectional uses — for the advantage 
particularly of the Southern States — the confiscated and the 
ceded land of the country ! There was not the least founda- 
tion, in Trumbull's opinion, for any such apprehension as 
this. The confiscated lands would undoubtedly be left to 
the States, for their own particular benefit. The ceded lands 
would remain in the hands of Congress, for the common 
benefit of the Union — to be disposed of in part to public 
creditors, in exchange for their securities — to be improved 
generally for sinking the public debt — and to prove thereaft- 
er a rich and productive fund to meet the growing expenses 
of the country, and to alleviate, in every part of it, the 
burden of taxation. 

Such were the views — simple, solid, and unanswerable — 
with which the Governor of Connecticut, in the political fer- 
ment at which we are now looking, strove to reclaim from 
their errors those of his fellow-citizens who had wandered, 
and to win them over to the side of law, order, good faith, 
good government, and sound and honorable liberty. And in 
this labor he was nobly aided by his Council — by all the 
merchants of the State — by all those ofiicers who had risked 
their lives on the battle-fields of the Kevolution — and by a 
large cJass of other citizens, the reflecting, the discerning, and 
the prudent, who could see no way out of existing difficul- 



1784r-n85. CHAP. LIU. — TRUMBULL. 641 

ties but by strengthening the Union, and steadily pursuing 
the measures recommended by the National Congress. 

To Trumbull — in the very midst and height of the storm 
we describe, all such persons — and many also even from 
among those who did not fully accord with his political 
views — looked as to the only pilot who could smooth the 
troubled waters, direct the Ship of State, and bring her to a 
haven of rest. And to him, in this crisis — notwithstanding 
the resignation he proposed, and was determined to carry 
into effect — they appealed for a continuation of public service 
in his old and honored post of Chief Magistrate of the State. 
His name was freshly presented to the people, as that of one, 
who — the most able, long-tried, and faithful Counsellor and 
Guide of Connecticut, ought still to be kept steadfastly at 
her helm.* 

But he persisted in declining the proffered ofiice — and the 
people, therefore, found another candidate for the gubernato- 
rial chair in Honorable Matthew Griswold — a gentleman who 
now for thirteen consecutive years — side by side with the 
veteran Trumbull — of his political faith — like him of tried 
conduct, high-minded, and patriotic — had occupied the post 
of Lieutenant Governor of the State. Yet ere the latter was 
elevated — by the choice of the General Assembly, as it hap- 
pened this year — to the post of Chief Executive — Trumbull 
still presided over the public deliberations of Connecticut. 
In this capacity, consequently, he went through the usual 
Election parade, and listened to the usual Election Dis- 
course — a Discourse, which, so far as the personal Address 
to his Excellency is concerned — as being the last ever di- 
rected to himself — as expressing truthfully the public hom- 
age to his character — as referring to the political troubles in 
which he had then been recently involved — and as proceed- 
ing from Dr. Joseph Huntington, the eminent divine of 
Coventry, and the preceptor of that illustrious Martyr-Spy 
of the American Eevolution, Captain Nathan Hale — espe- 
cially deserves embodiment in this Memoir.f It was as 
follows : — 

* See Note at the end of this Chapter. 

t The text of the discourse was from Deuteronomy, 82 ; 3. — " "When the Most 
64* 



642 ' CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785. 

*' May it please your Excellency, 

" We doubt not but thoughts of the greatness and glory of God, and 
his overruhng hand in the kingdom of Providence, like those now of- 
fered, but much better suggested in )'Our own mind, have been your sup- 
port and consolation from the days of youth — more especially when 
your burdens and cares have been the greatest. 

" Very few men, since the world was made, ever lived so much for the 
public as you have done. After a liberal education, in early youth, 
your Excellency was immediately called into public office, and the bur- 
then of complicated public offices has been your lot ever since. And 
though it has ever been abundantly manifest, that your Excellency never 
sought promotion or popular applause, but always made truth and right- 
eousness your guide, as well when you knew it to be unpopular, as at 
other times ; yet he who gave all your rich endowments (and to his name 
alone be the praise) knew what to do with you, in his great love to his 
people. 

" When our late troubles began, your Excellency was very singular ; 
when to avoid perpetual slavery, it became necessary to oppose the tyr- 
anny of Britain, your brethren in office, the other Governors, all forsook 
you, but you did not forsake your God and the people you loved. Your 
Excellency stood, alone, but you stood firm. ' The archers shot at you, 
and you was sorely grieved by the enemies of our peace; but your bow 
abode in strength, and your hands were made strong by the hands of the 
mighty God of Israel' 

" It was not for want of the highest opinion of j^our Excellency's abili- 
ties and integrity, that self-seeking men and enemies to liberty have la- 
bored to make you trouble ; but that they knew you stood firm against 
the measures of all such, and was the chief support of our righteous 
cause, and the liberties of your country. I presume your Excellency has 
often thought of those words of the great Roman patriot : ' Nemo his 
viginti annis, reipublicse hostis fuerit, qui, non eodem tempore, mihi quo- 
que bellum indixerit.'* 

" This is more or less the lot of all great and good men, in public 
character. 

" In leading us out from a provincial into an independent state, your 
Excellency had the path to beat. You walked before us in a rough and 
rugged way ; but God remembered his promise, ' Thy shoes shall be iron 
and brass, and as the day is so shall thy strength be.' 

High divided to the Nations their inheritance, when he separated the sons of 
Adara, he set the bounds of the people according to the number of the children 
of Israel" — and its design was to show " God ruling the Nations for the most 
glorious end." " In all the great things," done for the American people of late, 
he claims and elucidates, " God has remembered us the kindness of our youth, 
and the love of our espousals, when we went after him in the wilderness, in a 
land not sown.' 
* Cicero. 



1784—1185. CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 643 

" When the wrath of a tyrant king warred against you as a lion, and 
your Excellency, above all, was marked out for a victim, you endured, 
not fearing the wrath of the king, choosing rather to suffer affliction with 
the people of God, so dear to you, than to enjoy any emoluments how 
great soever they might have been, had you, like many others, sought 
the royal favour. So long as the storms beat, the thunder roared, the 
lightnings glared around your head, all the while the tempest was so 
black and dreadful, you sat steadfast at the helm without a covert. Your 
Excellency then, desired no man to take that seat at peril. But now you 
have rode out the storm and conducted us into the desired haven of 
peace, your Excellency has requested you may retire, and another take 
the more peaceful seat. On this I have no remark to make ; it is wholly 
needless at present. The whole nation will speak ; posterity will not be 
silent. 

" If we have disobeyed your Excellency this once, and have not re- 
leased you, we beg your pardon; and earnestly entreat your further 
blessings, in the character you have so long sustained. If the people 
have obeyed, and have granted your Excellency retirement, you retire, 
Sir, with every possible honour. And may the residue of your days be 
happy, and your immortality glorious ! 

" And when your Excellency shall be taken up from us, to shine as a 
star of the first magnitude, in the kingdom of your Father, forever and 
ever, your name shall live, historic pages will shine with your deeds, and 
generations unborn shall know you well, 

" In freta dum fluvii current, dum montibus umbrae 
Sustrabunt convexa, polus dum sidera pascent; 
Semper honos, nomenque tuum, laudesque manebunt."* 

It is obvious from the last paragrapli but one of tlie Ad- 
dress now quoted, that the hope still lingered in the minds 
of some that the General Assembly yet again, in spite of his 
own frequently avowed purpose to the contrary, might place 
Trumbull in his old seat. But, as already intimated, the 
House of Kepresentatives made another choice — the Senate 
concurred — and Matthew Griswold was duly installed Gov- 
ernor of Connecticut — Samuel Huntington — one of the for- 
mer Presidents of Congress — another tried and approved pub- 
lic servant, and of similar sentiments in regard to public 
affairs — being placed in the seat which the elevation of Gris- 
wold left to be filled anew. 

That cause now, for which we have described Trumbull as 

* Virgil. 



644 CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 1184r-1785. 

SO long and so earnestly contending, achieved in these ap- 
pointments — as it did also in the election of members to both 
branches of the Legislature — a signal triumph. The popu- 
lar rage against the policy of Congress had subsided. The 
Middletown Convention had dwindled into insignificance.* 
Factious leaders had "sunk into contempt and hatred faster 
than they emerged from obscurity." Keason had resumed its 
sway over the public mind. National authority ceased to 
be a dread. Commutation — that stalking-horse so long for 
political ambition — became to the now unblinded eye of the 
people a harmless measure of justice. 

And Wednesday, May the twentieth — after a full, candid, 
and manly discussion, with open doors, in the presence of 
a crowd of spectators — the House of Representatives — 
through a vote of ninety-three yeas to forty-two nays — by 
the large majority of fifty-one voices — conceded to the Con- 
gress of the United States the vital, but long-questioned 
Power of Impost — that power, which — now for nearly three- 
quarters of a century — relieving the people, save in but a 
few rare instances, from the burden and vexation of direct 
taxation — ^has filled the national exchequer by an easy and 
almost imperceptible process of accumulation, and thrown 
broadcast over the land benefits that are signally, and forever 
interwoven with its prosperity, its happiness, and its glory.f 
The Upper House, of course, at once concurred. Governor 
Griswold approved. The people rejoiced. And no heart in 

* " Yesterday sennight," says the Hartford Courant of date April 20th, 1784 — 
and we quote the passage just to show the manner in wMch the Middletown as- 
semblage was ridiculed — "about five o'clock P. M., departed this life, in the 
eighth month of his age, Mr. Hohhy Convention^ a person of great notoriety in 
this State. His death was attended with violent spasms and convulsions, pro- 
duced no doubt by the vigour of a strong, fiery constitution, struggling with the 
neio and fatal disorder called Reason. His remains will be decently interred in 
May next, and his funeral eulogium will be pronounced by the Government.'''^ 

\ " Hartford, May 25, 1784. Last Wednesday the important question of grant- 
ing an impost agreeably to the recommendation of Congress, was brought for- 
ward in the House of Kepresentatives. The debates were managed with manli- 
ness and candour suited to the magnitude of the subject — the doors were open to 
the anxious curiosity of the spectators, and after a full discussion, the yeas and 
nays wei"e required. Yeas 93 — nays 42 — majority for the impost 51. Never did 
people in general feel more satisfaction at any public measure, than in conse- 
quence of this act." — Hartford Courant. 



1784—1785. CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 645 

their midst — the heat and jealousies of a factious period dis- 
sipated — the Continental Policy, so far as Connecticut was 
concerned, established, and unanimity, vigor, and harmony 
imparted to federal operations — no heart beat more happily 
than that of the venerable, wise, and Union-loving Jonathan 
Trumbull. 

NOTE REFERRED TO ON PAGE 641. 

The following from a cotemporaneous writer in a public Journal of the day — 
the Hartford Courant of March twenty-third, 1783 — eloquently illustrates the 
text. 

" While on the subject of gratitude" — he proceeds — "suffer me to add, that 
there are some few individuals, perhaps, in every State, peculiarly distinguished 
for their eminent virtues and services to tlieir country, and eminently deserving 
gratitude and esteem, and in this State who can be placed on that list with more 
propriety than 'his Excellency the Governor, versed in the principles of policy and 
government in general, and formed on the plan of the great Locke, Sidney, &c. 
He was a decided friend to republican governments, in opposition to high and 
arbitrary ideas of power, and strongly attached to our happy constitution, was 
early called upon to partake in its councils, and exhibit in practice the beauty and 
excellency of its principles, which he executed with such success as soon entitled 
him to one of the most honorable places in government — how he filled it let those 
best acquainted and his co-partners determine. When the misguided policy of 
the people had for a short time removed him from the place, one of his most emi- 
nent associates said — ' The people had better left out all the rest of us than 
Mml' 

" To his knowledge and instructions we are greatly indebted for the successful 
issue of that long, perplexing, and expensive Mason, or Moliegan cause. His 
firmness and patriotism — his leading legislative opposition had no contemptible 
hand in relieving us from the plague of the Stamp Act. In the dawn of the late 
perilous war, his penetration and foresight induced him to attempt, and happily 
to effect the importation of large military stores, which, when all the other colo- 
nies were destitute, were of capital service to, if not the salvation of the army in 
the first campaign. When hostilities were commenced in good earnest, and all 
the other governments were deranged — when his only compeer, in a neighboring 
State, shrank, in the perilous hour, deserted her cause, and betrayed his coun- 
try — when resolution almost forsook the stoutest heart, and trembling seized the 
firmest arm — you cannot forget the day, my dear countrymen — in that peculiar 
situation, and marked for chosen vengeance had we failed, his intrepidity and 
fortitude hesitated not to declare decidedly for resistance, and determined him to 
live and die for his country, which made and left this the only organized govern- 
ment in the union, and enabled it to be superlatively useful in the beginning and 
progress of the contest. 

"The enemy feared him, and were base enough to set a price upon his head. 
He has not escaped envy — and no wonder — it would be more than the lot of hu- 
manity — malicious and unfounded slander has attacked and pursued him. His 
conscious integrity and other feelings have induced liim to seek a dismission from 
further public services. But certain it is that very many would lose them with 
great reluctance ; yet if the rest can find a man of greater or equal merit, let them 
join, and elect him ; if otherwise, will it not be more honorable and grateful, 
with one voice to request the help of that faithful servant a little longer, in such 



646 CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785. 

a case ? It is but conjecture ; as he never was, on the most trying occasions, deaf 
to the call, he would not resist the voice of his country." 

" We venerate," said another writer, very soon,* in reply to the paragraphs 
which we have now quoted — continuing their eulogium, but presuming, and cor- 
rectly, that his Excellency would not again accept the gubernatorial office, and 
therefore that the voice of the people should centre upon some other firm and 
decided character — "we venerate that illustrious character, the Governor of this 
State. The wisdom, fidelity, and perseverance with which he has served the 
cause of liberty for a length of years that rarely falls to the lot of one man — the 
very critical and trying periods which have so often called him to the exercise of 
every public virtue — together with the importance of the blessings he had so 
great a share in conferring upon this extensive empire — these will place him in 
the first rank of American patriots, and enroll him among the principal benefac- 
tors of mankind. * * Yet I beg you would attend a moment to the nature of 
the request you would have us make. 

"In giving him our suffrages, we suppose either that he would accept the ap- 
pointment, or that he would not. To suppose the former is charging him with 
insincerity in the reasons he has given for his resignation, or a certain indecision 
of sentiment on that siibject; because he has excused himself in the most ample 
manner, and assigned the most honorable motives. Shall we therefore conclude 
that he concealed his real feelings in his solemn and pathetic address, or that he 
had not thoroughly weighed the matter, and will therefore change ? But to ap- 
point him with an idea that he will not accept, would be trifling with our most 
sacred obligations to our country, our consciences, and our God ; and all for an 
empty compliment — nay, it would not even amount to a compliment ; it is the 
same as saying to a friend, since I know you will not accept of my invitation, I 
invite you to dinner. Don't let us then mistake a pretended compliment for grat- 
itude, and rush upon the dangerous experiment of scattering and wasting our 
votes. As an individual of a commimity preserved in great measure by the vir- 
tues of that great man, I feel all the obligations that you can feel ; yet I cannot 
but think your proposed manner of expressing them would be ill-timed and 
hazardous. * * Let us then express our gratitude in another way, and centre 
our votes upon some other firm, decided character ; one who is respected abroad 
and sufficiently tried at home, whose virtues place him above the arts of intrigue 
and popularity ; one who seeks not the office, but who honors it by acceptance." 

* In the Courant of AprU 6th, 1784. He addresses the writer first quoted. 



C HAPT E R L I V. 
1784—1785. 

Trumbuli,, in a letter to WashingtoD, expresses his own anticipations of 
happiness in retirement from public cares. Washington's reply. 
Upon hia withdrawal from office, the General Assembly appoint a Com- 
mittee to devise some suitable testimonial of respect. They report 
an Address to his Excellency, and an escort upon his leaving Hartford 
for Lebanon. The Address. A reply His departure — escorted by 
the Governor's Guards, a deputation from the Legislature, the High 
SheriflF of Hartford County, and numerous gentlemen of distinction. 
His life in retirement. His business as a merchant — particularly hia 
English debts. He memorializes the Legislature upon the subject of 
remuneration for his past services, and presents some remarkable facts 
in his own history. His patriotic sacrifices appear in a striking light. 
Remuneration allowed. 

The ferment through which Trumbull had now passed — in 
consequence partly of those infamous tales which emissaries of 
the enemy and malcontents had circulated against him — but 
chiefly in consequence of his advocacy of commutation and of 
a strong national government — had for two years deprived him 
of the popular vote in the choice for Governor, and thrown 
his election into the hands of the General Assembly. Pre- 
viously — during all his long and toilsome Administration — 
so " exceedingly apparent," says a cotemporaneous account, 
had been the majority of voices in his favor — so unanimously 
was he chosen to the Chief Magistracy of the State — that it 
was " a rare thing to see a counting of votes."* But for a lit- 
tle while, of late, ignorance, "malice, envy, despair, and 
tories," had worked with some success against him. Now, 
however, by the action of the General Assembly, he stood 
before his constituents — vindicated. That vote which gave 
the Impost Power to the United States, by so large a majori- 
ty, was an overwhelming vote of approbation which the 
Freemen of Connecticut stamped upon his political views. 
It was a heart-cheering endorsement of his life and public 
administration. 

* Hartford Courant of April 2ud, 1782. 



618 CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785. 

Soon, and the Legislature had another opportunity of 
manifesting their confidence in their veteran Chief — for — the 
days of his public life, by his own determination, now num- 
bered and finished — his labor done — he was to retire to the 
shades of private life. Of this determination — as an unalter- 
able one — he renewedly made his friends aware at the time 
when the State, as we have described, in the midst of its hot 
political strife, was again anxiously looking up to him in the 
hope that he would suffer himself to be continued at the helm 
of Government. And to no one did he express himself on 
this point more pleasantly — with more of affection, and with 
fonder anticipation of happiness in his contemplated seclusion 
from public cares — than to his old co-patriot and friend, 
General Washington — as the following passages from his 
letter to the latter, dated Lebanon, April twentieth, 1784, 
manifest : — 

"Having had the satisfaction," he proceeds, "to accord with you in 
the sentiment of retiring from the busy cares of public life, to the tran- 
quil scenes of private enjoyment, I anticipate, with much pleasure, the 
reflections which such a state will enable us to make upon the happy 
issue of those anxious and perplexing vicissitudes through which, in the 
course of an eight years' unusual war, you and I have had the lot to pass, 
and, in the cares and solicitudes of which, we have borne no ignoble part. 

"I felicitate you. Sir, with great cordiality, on your having already 
reached the goal of your wishes, and most devoutly invoke the Divine 
benediction on your enjoyments and pursuits. A month more, I trust, 
will bring me to the haven of retirement ; in the tranquillity of which I 
hope to have leisure to attend to and cultivate those seeds of private 
friendship, which have been planted during the tumults of war, and in 
the cultivation of which I promise myself to reap much pleasure. 

"Indulging these prospects, I am induced to wish, and even to hope, 
that the correspondence between you and me, which commenced under 
the pressure of disagreeable circumstances, may not wholly cease when 
we find ourselves in a happier situation. Although enveloped in the 
shades of retirement, the busy mind cannot suppress its activity, but will 
be seeking some employment, which will indeed be necessary to dispel 
that languor which a scene of inactivity would be apt to produce. Sub- 
jects will not be wanting ; far different, and more agreeable, I trust, 
than those we have been accustomed to dwell upon ; and occasions may 
present which will serve to beguile a lingering hour, and afibrd some 
pleasing amusement, or instructive information. Let not the disparity 
of age, or the idea of a correspondent seventy-three years advanced on 



1784—1785. 



CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 649 



his journey through life, chill your expectations from this proposal. I 
promise you my best endeavours ; and when you perceive, as too soon, 
alas! you may, that your returns are not proportional to your dis- 
bursements, you have only to cease your correspondence ; I shall 
submit." 

" It was with great pleasure and thankfulness," wrote "Washington in 
reply — " I received a recognisance of your friendship, in your letter of 
the 20th of last month. * * Believe me, my dear Sir, there is no 
disparity in our ways of thinking and acting, though there may happen 
to be a little in the years we have lived, which places the advantage of 
the correspondence on my side, as I shall benefit by your experience and 
observations; and no correspondence can be more pleasing than that 
which originates from similar sentiments and similar conduct through 
(though not a long war, the importance of it and attainments consid- 
ered,) a painful contest. I pray you, therefore, to continue me among 
the number of your friends, and to favor me with such observations and 
sentiments as may occur." 

That *' one montli more," to wMcli Trumbull in his letter 
to "Washington last quoted, refers — that was to precede his 
retirement — soon rolled away — and he was now ready to de- 
part from the Capital of the State to his seat at Lebanon. 
At this time the General Assembly, aware of his purpose, 
appointed a Committee to devise some suitable testimonial of 
respect. Sovereign courtesy — the love and gratitude of a 
whole State — it was designed, should wait upon him, in hom- 
age, to his home. The Committee reported an Address to 
his Excellency — and farther that his own Company of Guards 
should escort him when he left the town, and a deputation 
from the Legislature, together with the Sheriff of Hartford 
County, and such other gentlemen as might choose to join, 
should accompany him to Lebanon. The Eeport was at once 
adopted. An Address was prepared, and a number of Mem- 
bers were appointed to present it to the ex-Chief Magistrate. 
It was chaste and pertinent throughout — as the Eeader shall 
see. Here it is. 

"Sir. Your having conducted us, under the smiles of a propitious 

Providence, through a long, perilous, and bloody war, to the wished-for 

haven of rest. Independence, and peace, having completed the circle of 

public duty marked out to you by heaven, and being wearied with the 

fatigues of a long and arduous administration, in an advanced age, have 
55 



650 CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 1784— ItSS. 

voluntarily taken your leave of public service and employment, and are 
now about to retire to the peaceful walks of private life. 

"Permit us, Sir, the Representatives of a grateful people, to assure 
you that in your retirement from public office, we shall entertain the 
most lively sense of your eminent services and distinguished merit — and 
that our fervent prayer is that the Almighty would take you into his 
holy keeping, make the residue of your days many and happy as your 
services have been long, prolong to mankind the blessing of your wise 
counsels and great example, and make your exit out of time, whenever 
it may happen, triumphant and peaceful, and your immortality glorious." 

Witli what emotion this Address was received, the Eeader 
must imagine — for we have no recorded picture of the scene 
of presentation — no intimations of the Reply, which from 
lips that must have been tremulous with gratitude — from a 
soul that must have been all alive and overflowing with the 
memories of that gigantic and perilous Past in which it had 
so long had its stormy yet ever-guided home — was poured 
into the ardent ear of the Legislative Committee. 

"I thank you most sincerely. Gentlemen," we can readily conceive 
Trumbull as saying — "for the kind and flattering Address which you 
have come to present me with from the General Assembly of our State. 
It has ever been my aim, it is true, in that ' perilous and bloody war ' 
to which you so feelingly allude, to render to a cause which I have ever 
believed to be most just and holy, my active services, my best hopes, 
and my ardent prayers for its success. If in the discharge of my duty 
to my State and country, I have merited that approbation, which, in be- 
half of the Representatives of the People, is expressed in a manner so 
complimentary, I am sincerely gratified, and shall carry with me to the 
' peaceful walks of private life,' and to my grave, a deep sense of your 
favor, and of your good wishes for my happiness in this world — which 
to me, silvered as I now am with years, can be but of short contin- 
uance — and in the world which is to come. 

" Suffer me again, through you. Gentlemen, to felicitate the General 
Assembly, and the good people of this State, upon the glorious termina- 
tion of that struggle, in which so long, and at such an unexampled expense 
of blood and treasure, we have been engaged. Our noble cause at last 
has triumphed. Our scofling foe lies prostrate in the dust. Slowly and 
painfully — through paths that have been crowded with perils — the sun 
oft hidden entirely from our view — and wading, alas, at times through 
pools of human gore — we have ascended the steep and toilsome hill of 
Liberty and Independence, and now stand with exultation on its sum- 
mit. Heaven it is that has brought us to this ' wished-for haven of rest.' 



1784—1785. CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 651 

Let us not forget its aid ! God grant that we so improve our freedom, 
as that we may secure solid and perpetual prosperity, and glorify his 
great name ! 

"This we shall do, Gentlemen, if, as I cannot too often urge, with 
humble reliance on the Divine guidance in all our future counsels and 
government, we maintain inviolate that happy Constitution under which 
we have so long subsisted as a corporation — if by every constitutional 
means we strengthen the Federal Union — if, by a faithful fulfillment of 
all public as well as private engagements, we sacredly support national 
feith and honor — if we avoid all local jealousies, and hate contentions, 
envy, avarice, and every evil work — if we study peace and harmony with 
each other, and with every part of this confederated Republic — if, re- 
vering and practising virtue in all its lovely forms, we ground ourselves 
on that sure and faithful axiom, that righteousness exalteth a nation, 
but that sin and evil workings are the destruction of a people.* 

" I have, as your Address suggests, at an advanced stage of life — a 
life worn out almost with the constant cares of office — at a moment most 
auspicious for our country's happiness, taken my leave of public service. 
It is my wish to sweeten the evening of my days with repose. I desire 
to dedicate myself with more devotion than ever to the service of my 
God, and to preparation for a future happier state — in which employ- 
ment I shall never cease to remember my country, and to make it my 
ardent prayer that Heaven will not fail to shower upon her its choicest 
favors. 

" I commend you, Gentlemen, and the General Assembly, and the in- 
habitants of this State, who have so long honored me with their confi- 
dence and support, to the protection and blessing of that exalted Guide, 
whose is the wisdom, and whose the power, to make you a great, a pros- 
perous, and a joyful people. With this benediction — warm from a heart 
which feels most sensibly, too sensibly almost for language to express, the 
renewed testimonial of your respect to-day, I bid you, in my public char- 
acter, a long, a happy Adieu." 

After this manner — in consonance with his habitual feel- 
ings, his sentiments, and his courtesy — we may, with but lit- 
tle tension of the imagination, conceive Trumbull to have 
addressed the Legislative Deputation on the occasion we have 
just described. Thus, naturally — mingling gratitude with 
good advice, and piety with patriotism, would he season sage 
remarks with sensibilit}^ — breathe out his fervid love of 
country — and point his finger to the skies. 

The presentation over — on Friday, the twenty-first of May, 

* The sentiments, and the language, much of it, of Trumbull's Farewell Ad- 
dress — which see, page 604. 



652 CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1185. 

in accordance with the arrangements of the General Assem- 
bly — waited upon by General Douglass and General Sage, 
formally, in their behalf, and by a large number also of pri- 
vate gentlemen, all anxious to pay their last testimony of re- 
spect to his official character — accompanied also by the High 
Sheriff of Hartford County, and escorted by the Guards — 
the venerable Ex-Governor of Connecticut left Hartford for 
his home at Lebanon. The pleasure which had been "uni- 
versally expressed in attending upon his excellency while in 
office," says an eye-witness of the scene, in a cotemporaneous 
account — "the deference paid to his opinion, and the reluct- 
ance visible at his retirement, are full proofs that this vener- 
able patriot still possesses the confidence of the State, and 
that he will ever live in the hearts of the people. Long, 
long may he enjoy the peaceful scenes of private life, and 
feel that tranquillity and satisfaction which must flow from a 
consciousness that he has faithfully discharged his duty to 
his country and his God ! " 

The curtain had now fallen forever, on the last scene in the 
Drama of Jonathan Trumbull's public life ! The cares of 
the war-manager — the law-maker — the negotiator — the mag- 
istrate — the judge — the statesman — were all over. He was 
at home — 

" To husband out life's taper to its close, 
And keep the flame from wasting, by repose." 

Yet not the repose, in any degree, of inactivity — ^but that of 
freedom from all sovereign, municipal, and exacting cares — 
for his were energies that could not slumber, and were not 
capable of torpor. Books, philosophy, science, religion, his 
lands, still — more or less, in degrees suited to the tranquillity 
of his inclinations — occupied by turns his attention, and 
served agreeably to stimulate his spirits, and soothe his 
retirement. 

His business as a merchant, in the form of a home and 
country trade — to which form he had reduced it, as we have 
seen, shortly after his oppressive losses in the sphere of navi- 
gation and foreign commerce — he continued to prosecute 
down to the outbreak of the Kevolutionary War — when, in 



1784— IVSS. CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 653 

consequence of Inis pressing cares for the public, he suspend- 
ed it ahnost altogether.* 

His business relations with Europe, about ten years pre- 
vious to the Eevolution, as the Eeader is aware, left him 
largely in debt to certain correspondents abroad — particular- 
ly to the Houses of Lane and Booth, and Champion and 
Hayley in London, and Stephen Apthorp in Bristol. This 
indebtedness he never forgot. His efforts to meet it, very 
shortly after it M^as incurred, as we have seen, were unwea- 
ried.f But time rolled on, leaving no gold in its sands, or 

* " Laying aside all private business, divesting himself of all secular concerns 
but what pertained to his office and the public, besides attending on stated and 
public assemblies, he sat one thousand [913] days in Council." — From his Fune- 
ral Sermon, hy Bev. Z. My. 

tin 1770, just after he had been chosen to the Chief Magistracy of the State, 
we find him struggling with it, and industriously collecting produce — corn, rye, 
beans, and pork — and shipping them to meet it. In 1771, still for the same pur- 
pose — by agreement with young John Lane, then in America — he is sending the 
same articles, by ox teams, four, sLx, and eight at a time, from his store at Leb- 
anon to Norwich Landing — and, "on account and risque of Thomas Lane, Esq., 
merchant in London," delivering them on board "the sloop Endeavour, bound 
for Goldsborough." — "I pray your very candid and favorable representation to 
your very good father," he wrote at this time to Lane the son, transmitting him 
an invoice of the merchandise — "when you shall be so happy as to see him. 
Nothing in my power shall be neglected to secure the continuance of his kind- 
ness. My misfortunes have been grievous, but one thing being set over against 
another, I hope to find favor. Whenever you return to your desired home, God 
grant your voyage may be prosperous, and the meeting with your good friends 
and family happy." 

" I ever intended," he wrote one year later — in 1772, to Hugh Ledlie, Esq., the 
attorney of Champion and Hayley — himself proposing at this time to secure Ms 
indebtedness to this firm by an additional mortgage upon a farm on which his 
son Jonathan then resided — " I ever intended to do justice, near as I could, to all 
my creditors. I have now so far settled my affairs that I hope to be able in time 
to do /?<?? justice to these Gentlemen, if they don't press me farther than it is pos- 
sible for me to do for them. If they press me now, I must resign myself to it, 
and they must take what I have, without future hopes. If they forbear, I think 
I and my son can pay them as above proposed. I am willing to give them eve- 
rything without, that they can have by virtue of a suit." 

" I thankfully acknowledge" — he wrote four years later— just before the Eev- 
olution broke out — to Lane and Booth, in August, 1774 — still at this period 
thoughtful of his indebtedness, and laboring to discharge it — " I thankfully ac- 
knowledge your patience, lenity, and tender disposition not to distress me, and 
that from a regard to my particular situation, you have been induced to refrain 
from any severe measures. I have a great concern to do you all the justice in my 
power. For that end I have exerted myself for two years to make some supplies 
to your estate at the eastward, and the next year had grain provided, ■which was 
not called for. The estate is kept in as good condition as though no encum- 
brance lay on it. The whole is used and improved according to the rules of good 
55* 



654 CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785. 

but very little, for Trumbull's purse, beyond what was re- 
quired for the comfortable supply of liis daily wants — and 
the rupture with Great Britain, which soon ensued, found his 
debts abroad, in large part, still unpaid.* The War, upon 
principles of national law, cancelled all obligation to pay 
those due to his English creditors, and confiscated them in 
favor of the sovereign State to which he belonged — in the 
event that the State should, as a preliminary step, exercise 
its legislative discretion, and pass a special act applicable to 
the case. Such, in the absence of any treaty stipulations to 
the contrary, was the admitted doctrine of the day, in regard 
to private debts due to an alien enemy. It was the doctrine 
of Grotius, Puffendorf, Bynkershoeck, and of jurists gener- 
ally. It was the rule as settled by the highest judicial au- 
thoritiesf — though, since the Revolution, opinion has gradu- 
ally tended towards a modification of the rule, as impolitic — 
and, because of its supposed influence in impairing the gen- 
eral sense of the inviolability and sanctity of contracts, as 
wrong. 

Trumbull, therefore — though reluctantly, we think, from 
some scruples which he entertained as to the justice and pol- 
icy of the rule of confiscation — in April and May, 1779 — 
first in behalf of himself and his deceased son Joseph, 
and next in behalf of the firm of " Trumbull, Fitch and 
Trumbull," applied for liberty to settle the debts in question 
in conformity with public law and usage. They amounted 
in all, at this time, interest included, to the sum of thirteen 
thousand and twenty-three pounds twelve shillings — and 
were secured by notes, bonds, and mortgages on lands. He 
esteemed it his " duty," he said in his Memorial on the sub- 

husbandiy, and hatli been as secure for your benefit as it would be by a deed of 
absolute conveyance." — "I bave no apprehensions of any occasion for any Law 
Litigation in the affair," wrote Trumbull at the same time to Hon. Richard Lech- 
mere, attorney for Lane and Booth." The estate is effectually secure for them. 
I can truly say that I am, and at all times have been, desirous to do all in my 
power for their interests." 

* Some portions of them, in after years, were paid by Trumbull's Executor. 

t "Notwithstanding the weight of modern authority, and of argument against 
this claim of right on the part of the sovereign, to confiscate the debts and funds 
of the subjects of his enemy during war, tlie judicial language in this country is 
decidedly in support of the right." — Kent. Comm.^ Vol. I., p. 63. 



1784—1785, CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 665 

ject — " to give information " concerning them to the Gener- 
al Assembly — " the same being the property of persons hehnging 
to that kingdom which hath levied a cruel and unnatural loar 
upon this and the rest of the United States of America^ And 
he therefore prayed that the Honorable Body which he ad- 
dressed would take the same into their wise consideration — 
appoint a Committee to adjust the said several sums — receive 
them from him in Loan Office Certij&cates, and Bills of Credit 
of the United States — deliver the same to the Treasurer of 
Connecticut /or the use and benefit of the State — and thereupon 
decree that his Honor the Deputy Governor and Secretary 
should execute to the Memorialist a discharge of his notes 
and bonds, and a " deed of release under their hands and the 
public seal of the State," of all the premises mortgaged in 
the contracts — or that in some other way, as the wisdom of 
the General Assembly might direct, this Body would give to 
the Memorialist " directions and orders " in the case. 

This Memorial, however, for reasons which do not clearly 
appear, did not succeed. No complete action of the Legisla- 
ture was had upon it. It was arrested in the Lower House — 
from an opinion, we think, both on the part of Trumbull, 
upon reconsideration, and on the part of the State, that the 
rule of confiscation, in the case of private debts, ought to be 
mitigated — that it was a rule of rigor and retaliation which 
a nice sense of honor ought rather to resist — and that nation- 
al differences ought not to impair private contracts, which, in 
time of peace, had been made under the implied national 
promise of protection and security. 

Accordingly, when peace was declared, Trumbull was left 
with his debts still on his hands — and by the terms of that 
treaty which put an end to the war, creditors, upon either 
side, were to meet with no lawful impediment to the recovery 
of their dues, in sterling money. Our merchant patriot, 
therefore, at once proceeded again to recognize his indebted- 
ness, and to provide for its discharge. He had no gold or 
silver with which to meet it — but he had American securi- 
ties, which the good policy of the country in funding the na- 
tional debt was rendering every day more and more valua- 
ble — and these he freely proffered to his creditors abroad. 



656 CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785. 

Mj property is wholly vested in the public funds of this 
country, he wrote to Lane, Son and Frazier, and to Cham- 
pion and Hayley, early in April, 1783. Peace will fully es- 
tablish these funds in credit. Will you not take my securi- 
ties here? They are all I have to offer you. "I am ready 
to pay my debts in these. It is in your power to distress me, 
but I trust your inclinations will rather lead you to a gener- 
ous and honorable settlement." 

In addition to these securities, Trumbull had an unpaid 
claim against the State of Connecticut for his salaries, extra 
services, and for monies advanced to the public from his pri- 
vate purse, during the War of the Revolution — a claim 
which, in the almost constantly exhausted condition of the 
provincial Treasury, his own patriotism had led him, from 
period to period, to postpone. Now, however, that the 
bloody struggle was past — heavily in debt that he was, and 
poorly supplied, since his commercial misfortunes, with this 
world's goods — it was time for him to look to his remunera- 
tion for the past. 

He accordingly, therefore, at different periods after the 
Peace, memorialized the Legislature on the subject — and for 
the last time in May, 1785 — but about three months before 
his death. His claim — as determined by the investigation of 
Committees of the Legislature — amounted to the large sum 
of three thousand seven hundred and eight pounds seven shil- 
lings and four-pence — a sum less than that which was actually 
his due, upon a truly liberal estimate of those extra services and 
advances to which we have alluded. The Committee which 
reported this amount — and other Committees upon other oc- 
casions — found, that during the late war his Excellency had 
devoted " his whole time and abilities to the service of the 
Public " — that besides the stated Assemblies, he had attended 
no less than fourteen adjourned and special sessions, many 
of these "long and very expensive" — and that, among other 
services, for which he had never received any compensation, 
he had, " with great labor and much expense of time," stated 
the case respecting the claims of Connecticut to the Western 
Lands. They found also that a very considerable portion of 
his Excellency's time in each year, had been taken up in at- 



1784—1785. 



CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 657 



tending the Council of Safety, for wliich, during most of tlie 
period, he had himself, and at his own expense, provided an 
office, firewood, lights, and other accommodations — that he 
had sat in this Council, in all, nine hundred and thirteen 
days, for which really no allowance had been made — that his 
extra services during the war, had been " vastly greater than 
any Governor's in any former war," while his perquisites did 
not exceed what the}^ were in peace — and that the exhausted 
state of the Treasury furnished the reason why the sums due 
had not been paid.* 

Upon these facts — in May, 1785 — the Greneral Assembly 
of Connecticut directed the Treasurer of the State to issue 
to Governor Trumbull — "in full of all arrears" due, and of 
" all demands " on his part against the State " of every na- 
ture and kind whatsoever " — the sum of three thousand and 
sixteen pounds, eleven shillings, and four-pence — the same to 
be issued in three notes bearing interest — redeemable in five, 
six, and seven years, or sooner if the General Assembly should 
so elect — and to be payable from the Civil List Funds of the 
State. 

The Memorial from Trumbull, which immediately preceded 
this appropriation from the Connecticut Treasury in his 
favor, is a document of great interest — and, as illustrating his 
Revolutionary services, his anxieties, his exposures, and his 
feelings, deserves particular notice here. 

He is aware, he says at the outset, that the salaries and 
allowances granted him, for several of the last years of his 
administration, could not have been discharged without inter- 
fering with continual and pressing demands for the great pur- 
poses of the war — and that since the termination of the strug- 
gle, money had been so scarce as to render it impossible for 

* Among the debts for extra services and advances reported by the Committee, 
were the following — which will serve as a specimen of the rest. 

" 1773. To searching ancient records and papers, and stating the case respect- 
ing the Western Lands, £100. 

"1775. To cash to Matt. Griswold, Esq., going to Cambridge, £25. 

"1776. To do. advanced to Jed. Elderkin, Esq— going to Salisbury, &c., 
£100. 

" To sundries in articles for furnace, £3, 8. 

" To sundry postages, expenses, &c., from 1774 to 1780, about £105. 

" To cash advanced Capt. Job Winslow, going to Ticonderoga, £50." 



658 CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. I'iSi— 1785. 

him to obtain his dues. Eather than have pressed for them 
during the exigences of the war, he affirms, he would have 
been satisfied to have " lost them forever." And now all he 
desires for the present is, that the General Assembly will 
grant him interest thereon — a course which the justice and 
equity of the case, and precedent, convince him their " Hon- 
ors will readily do," 

He next states his claim for remuneration for preparing the 
Susquehannah Case, and suggests that it was not the idea of 
the Assembly to require that service without a fitting reward. 
He next speaks of the money he has advanced from his own 
purse for the service of the State — and then thus proceeds : — 

" lie begs leave also to represent to this Honorable Assembly, that he 
humbly conceives the allowances which have been made him for extra- 
ordinary services during the late perilous war, have been short of what, 
on mature consideration of their nature, extent, and circumstances, 
would be thought adequate. Should it be conceived by any that the 
Memorialist is disposed to overrate his services, they will be pleased to 
advert to the peculiarly perilous position in w^hich he was placed — to the 
busy and distressing scenes which followed for a succession of about 
eight years, the burden of which, in this State, in a peculiar manner fell 
and centered on him — a period during which, at home or abroad, he had 
scarcely time to eat his necessary food, and [passed] many sleepless 
nights. [Let them advert also] to the singularly obnoxious light in which 
he stood with the enemy — to the price that was set vpon his head — and 
add to these the large expenses of attending, besides the stated, fourteen 
special assemblies — and [add] other expenses abroad. But it is impossi- 
ble, without the experience, for any one to realize or form an adequate 
idea of the multiplicity, weight, and burden [of cares] which lay upon 
him during that trying scene. 

"Should it be thought that his salary is large, and allowances already 
made are considerable, a reference to the salaries and grants made to 
Governors in the almost infant state of this Commonwealth — considering 
the nature and extent of their services, and the number and abilities of 
the people — will make them appear comparatively small. Nor will the 
comparison suffer by a reference to the grants &c. to the late worthy 
Gov. Fitch, in whose administration a war also happened, but very differ- 
ent from the last — and when the perquisites fi'om navigation, and other- 
wise, were far greater than in the last. They may also be compared with 
the salaries of almost eveiy other Governor in the United States, equally 
republican. 

" Your Memorialist is not insensible that evil reports and slander have 



1784—1785. CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 659 

been spread concerning him — to escape them would be more than the lot 
of humanity — and that they have been embraced by some low and envi- 
ous minds — but he has full confidence that, unsupported as they arc, they 
have no place in the candid breasts of your Honors, which feel the im- 
pression of that interesting Christian maxim of doing to others whatever 
ye would have they should do unto you. 

" He [your Memorialist] would only further observe, that although he 
is fully sensible of the burden of taxes as they affect your people, and is 
and ever has been practically willing to bear his full proportion, yet he 
must also be permitted to feel his own — having never received for his 
services [what was] equal to the support of his fiimily, and necessary ex- 
penses — and he appeals to the sense and feeling of your Honors, and asks 
which of you does not wish and pursue the settling and payment of his 
just and equitable dues?" 

The facts mentioned in this Memorial are some of them 
very striking — as the Eeader will have observed. That 
Trumbull should have gone through the entire Revolutionary 
War — loaded down each hour almost with labor — labor that 
snatched him often from repast, often snatched him from 
sleej3 — without compensation, the while, to meet either his 
ordinary or his extraordinary expenses — with nothing to de- 
pend upon for support except a little produce from lands, 
which, weighed down with mortgages, were the property of 
his creditors, and a little income perhaps at first, from a 
country trade, which the war, taxes, and the general poverty 
of the people, rendered soon comparatively insignificant, and 
which he soon abandoned altogether — is truly surprising. 

^^ I have received hut two half-years' salaries since the beginning 
of our contest with Great Britain "* — he wrote, April twenty- 
ninth, 1785, to his son John in England. "I intend to go to 
Hartford for settlement with the State. I hope to have 
enough from that quarter to pay my debt in London — and 
mean to have it applied for that purpose." 

Does it not indeed speak well for the truthfulness of Trum- 
bull's patriotism — that, during the exigences of the Revolu- 

* A statement of grants and payments made to Gov. Tnimbull, "for his yearly 
salary and extraordinary services " — brought down from May, 1775, to January, 
1784, inclusive — and prepared by John Lawrence, Treasurer of Connecticut — 
corroborates, very nearly so, Trumbull's statement in the text. A little discrep- 
ancy appears — but this arose, doubtless, from the fact that the Treasurer, to some 
extent, estimated as salary what the Governor estimated as extra-grant. 



660 CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785. 

tionary Struggle — giving no thought to the present or the 
jnorrow of his private purse — unwilling to diminish the 
pecuniary ability of his State even by drawing his own three 
hundred pounds a year as Chief Magistrate — he should have 
forborne all claim upon its Treasury for his stated remunera- 
tion — that he should not have sought the money due him 
from Connecticut, until the war was over — and then — not in 
order to make the " Yellow Slave " knit rich garments for 
his back, buy him estates, and give him "title, knee, and ap- 
probation " — but only that he might relieve stringent private 
wants, and be aided in doing justice to his creditors! 

Circumstances did not place it in his power — as they did 
in that of the opulent Washington — to donate his services in 
full to his country. No dwelling-house and fertile lands upon 
any Rappahannock, awaited, by paternal testament, his pos- 
session, when he became of age — as they did that of his 
great compeer. Nor afterwards was he able, like the latter, 
to accumulate vast wealth — and dispense hospitalities that 
were prodigal, and grant splendid boons, from the midst of 
any manorial Mount Vernon of his own. That treacherous 
sea, which, as we have seen, soon after the close of the old 
French "War, within a single year, whelmed his property — 
gave him never anything back. From that time onward, it 
was, alas, but too true — in a phrase long in use to tell the tale 
of his pecuniary calamity — that " Trumbull money would not 
swim I " And the deterioration of his landed estate at home 
through the inviting fertility of superior lands open for settle- 
ment elsewhere* — through the disturbance to business caused 
by the teeming public troubles which immediately preceded 
the Revolution — and the total interruption to trade which 
followed upon the war — cut him oif forever from the chance 
of repairing his shattered fortunes. A debt of fourteen 
thousand four hundred and twenty pounds, against six thou- 
sand and eight hundred pounds only of assets — as found by 
his executor after his decease — shows conclusively that pecu- 

* " The price of landa in the old settled towns is lessened one-third, or nearly 
one-half, by reason of the great opening for new lands and settlements since the 
[French] War, the scarcity of money, and the want of purchasers." — Trumbull to 
Messrs. Lane and Booth, Aug. '2dth, 1774. 



1784—1785. CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 661 

niary misfortune followed Mm down to tlie grave. Truly to 
him, in his lifetime, his country alone was money — was 
credit — and stood in the place of a mine whose riches — put 
to nobler use than gold — more powerful, more propitious, 
more glowing than all the shining ore which sleeps in the 
heart of earth — were the glorious riches of Liberty and 
Independence. 

66 



CHAPTER LV. 
1785. 

Trumbull devotes himself to the duties of religion. Biblical literature, 
divinity", and correspondence on theological subjects, employ a large 
share of his attention. He composes sermons Some of his corres- 
pondence with President Stiles. He is attacked with malignant fever. 
His sickness, and his death. His funeral, and extracts from a sermon 
preached on the occasion. His tomb, and its occupants. His epitaph. 

Besides a little private business, like tliat already de- 
scribed — study and meditation, we have said, occupied and 
solaced that last interval of Trumbull's life on which we now 
dwell. Philosophy, history, jurisprudence, literature — as in 
past periods — still more or less, but in a subordinate degree, 
employed his mind. He viewed them now, however, more 
in reference to their great leading principles than to details — 
more to satisfy, by exercise, the craving energies of his mind, 
than for any purpose of practical application. Sitter as he 
now was at the foot of the hill of life — it was only the salient 
points of the steep he had descended — the tallest projecting 
summits, the hugest piles of rock — that arrested his gaze, 
and fed and fortified his contemplation with thoughts pro- 
found and sublime. 

Bat, true to the purpose he expressed in his Farewell Ad- 
dress, more than to aught else — ^he devoted himself to the du- 
ties of religion, and preparation for a future happier state of 
existence. "What could it avail," exclaimed his worthy 
pastor, the Keverend Zebulon Ely, in commenting afterwards 
on his character — "what could it avail that we view him as 
one accomplished in human erudition, famous as a linguist, a 
theologian, a politician, a historian and chronologist, could 
we not also contemplate him as one who gloried in the cross 
of Christ ! How attentively have these ears heard him dis- 
course on the sublime and mysterious truths of Christianity — 



1785. CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL. 663 

and have these eyes beheld Ms swim with tears, while hia 
mind dwelt, and his tongue uttered, on these charming and 
heart-melting subjects ! " 

To the study of the Gospel we have seen that he devoted 
the early summer of his days — that with preaching it he 
made his entrance upon public life — but that the death of his 
brother, and other events, called him away from the sacred 
profession into mercantile and civil life. To this "beloved 
study " then, now at the close of his career, he recurred with 
intense satisfaction. His recess from public employment af- 
forded him "a golden opportunity" for this purpose, which, 
said his pastor, "he diligently and delightfully improved." 
The Bible he now read more profoundly than ever — not in 
any Latin Vulgates — nor often, when in his closet, even in 
the sweet accents of his native tongue — but in its mother lan- 
guages — as the Hebrew in Jerusalem spoke the one, and the 
Greek in Corinth uttered the other. He read it as a grand 
English classic too, as well as "a light to his feet, and a lamp 
to his path" — observed its philological niceties — extracted its 
striking passages — collated their meanings — compared them 
with those in the Common Version — and, as a bee from flow- 
ers, gathered spiritual honey for the daily food and suste- 
nance of his soul. To him emphatically — as to that Morning 
Star of the Protestant Eeformation, the venerable Wiclif — 
the Bible was "the original Hebrew and Greek of the Holy 
Ghost" — and he used it as did that devout son of science, 
Kobert Bayle — " not as an arsenal to be resorted to only for 
arms and weapons to defend this or that party, or to defeat 
its enemies — but as a matchless Temple, where he delighted 
to be, to contemplate the beauty, the symmetry, and the 
magnificence of the structure, and to increase his awe, 
and excite his devotion to the Deity there preached and 
adored." 

Works too on divinity — sermons and treatises on the prac- 
tical duties of Christianity — and extracts from all of them, 
with accompanying comment — as, for example, from Dr. 
Owen's work on Spiritual-Mindedness — a favorite volume 
with him — and from another favorite religious work entitled 
" Morninsf Exercises " — careful noting: too of all the sermons 



6Q-i CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL. 1785. 

which he heard* — and conversation upon them before his 
family, as was his invariable custom, and with his neighbors 
and friends — occupied much of his attention. 

He corresponded, too, often on theological subjects with 
learned and distinguished divines, and with some of these 
concerted seasons of religious meditation and prayer — which 
he never failed most punctually to observe. Often too, and 
w4th a buoyant relish, he busied himself with selecting texts 
of scripture, and composing, after the established style — with 
due exordium, exegesis, logic, illustration, and appeal — 
formal sermons upon them — which, at times, he was ac- 
customed to send to some of his learned ministerial friends, 
for their perusal and criticism — both that he might gratify 
his theological feelings with the testimony of their judgment, 
and promote his own growth in grace. 

With no one, in this exchange of religious views and sym- 
pathies, was he in closer correspondence than with the 
Eeverend Doctor Ezra Stiles — a gentleman whose appoint- 

* The following, out of a number of similar entries in his Diary, illustrate his 
habit in this respect : — 

" Lord's Day, Oct. 15, 1780. Eev'd Mr. Strong [of Hartford] preached A. M. 
Matt'w 6 : 11. Give us this day our daily bread. Teaeheth us 1st our depend- 
ence — and where to look for the supply of all our wants — 2ndly. Contentment 
with allotm'ts of his providence — 3rdly. Not to be anxious in our cares where we 
have done our duty — to leave the event to God. Exhortation to acknowledge our 
entire depend' ce on God — the gain of contentment — the necessity of freedom 
from anxiety — Only Stewards and Usufructuary — to improve and employ all the 
provisions of Goodness and grace for his Glory.— P. M. Per Kev. Wm. Eobinson. 
Text Luke 18 : 22. The Euler a Pharisee— expected Sal : by the Works of the 
Law. Our Saviour takes him off from them — and shows him how to lay up 
treasure in heaven. 1st. 'Tis a practicable thing to lay up treasure in heaven. 
2nd. 'Tis of the highest importance to do it. 3dly. Many who go a great way in 
this work fall short, by some beloved Lusts, and forsake the way by Christ. 
4th. 'Tis of the utmost danger thus to fall short. An exhortiition to lay up treas- 
ure in heaven — to consider the importance of so doing — that may come short — 
and their great misery and danger in so doing. 

" Lord's Day 17th [Feb. 1782.] Kev. Mr. Marsh of Weathersfield. Text Heb. 
6 : 19. 1st. J. C. is the anchor of the Soul. 2nd. He is sure and steadfast. 3d. 
He is entered into that within the Vail — as our Mediator— in heaven, where he is 
our forerunner— our High Priest. 1st. Taught where to place our hope. 2d. 
Examine whether we have fixed our hope in J. C. 3rd. Such as have, ought to 
be very thankful. 4th. Such as have not, ought to give themselves no rest, imtil 
by faith they have laid a sure foundation for y'r hope. 

"P. M. Per Dom, Marsh. Text, Eph. 5th, 11th. And have no fellowship 
with the unfruitful works of darkness, but rather reprove them." 



1785. CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL. 665 

ment to tlie Presidency of Yale College — at a period wlien 
this Institution and the General Assembly of Connecticut 
were widely at variance* — was zealously promoted, and 
cordially hailed by Trumbull, not only as promising *' imme- 
diate private satisfaction" to Doctor Stiles himself, but as the 
means peculiarly of restoring harmony between the Govern- 
ment and the College, and of making this Seminary an "es- 
sential benefit to this country, and the world."f 

" I return the Manuscript Sermons," wrote the Doctor to Trumbull, 
July twenty-fourth, 1784 — "you was so obliging as to leave with me, after 
a renewed pleasure in the perusal. I wish other Governors upon this 
Continent were able to show such specimens of their religion. The doc- 
trines of grace and Salvation by the Cross are the glory of pulpit com- 
positions. Dr. Wales cheerfully and thankfully joins our Concert at the 
throne of Grace. Nearness to heaven is the best life on earth. Oh, how 
do I long for retirement and leisure to live for a better world ! I almost 
envy your Excellency the serene, quiet, tranquil moments of literary phil- 
osophic retirement, especially when I consider that the ao^ia cndvpaviri^ the 
divine philosophy, the SxH n03n,t employs your attention. * * May 
you be happy in your very enviable otium cum dignitate ; and by the 
delightful considerations of divine Grace and Irradiation from the source 
of eternal splendors, the Sun of Righteousness, may you be more and 
more enriched with the resemblance of the divinity himself, and ripen 
for the beatific vision of God ! " 

"I rejoice," wrote Trumbull in reply, August nineteenth, 1784 — bor- 
rowing speech in part, as did President Stiles, from the Hebrew — " I re- 
joice that Dr. Wales joins our Concert. I hope and trust our Addresses 

* On account of alleged mal-administration on the part of its Corporation, in- 
fraction of their Charter, and attributed overweening Congregational partialities, 
and religious exclusiveness. 

+ In a letter from Stiles to Trumbull, dated Portsmouth, Jan. 20th, 1778, the 
former says, after stating that he then had a call to settle at Portsmouth — " I greatly 
distrust my abilities for the Presidency [of Yale College.] I am conscious of 
many irremediable defects. Shall I exchange the prospects of happiness in the 
ministry for an office full of weighty cares, in which it has been proved to be im- 
possible to give satisfaction ? Is there any prospect of a Eestoration of harmony 
between the Assembly and the College, &c?" 

" I cannot omit repeating to you," wrote Trumbull among other things in reply, 
from Lebanon, March 15th, 1778 — "how much pleasure it would afford me to see 
you at the head of Yale College, not so much for the ideas I can entertain of the 
immediate and private satisfaction you will probably experience in that situation, 
as from the prospects of your ability to render essential benefit to this country 
and the world — the reflection on which will ever afford you internal peace and 
satisfaction, and give you a happy prospect of future reward." 

X Meaning — the knowledge of God. 
56* 



QQQ CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL. 1785. 

at the Throne of Grace have been performed with the niDD T3'lp* of our 
dear ascended Redeemer, and met a gracious audience and answer, for 
our mutual spiritual benefit. The divine wisdom, power, love, goodness, 
mercy, and grace of God, manifested in our redemption in and by our 
Lord Jesus Christ, and beheld by a lively operative faith wrought in us 
by the Holy Spirit, is truly ravishing and delightful. How great, how 
incomprehensible — what small portion thereof am T able to conceive! " 
And Trumbull goes on to suggest to the President that he has " much to 
do for God in his generation," and to express his ardent hope that the 
Seminary with whose interests he is charged " may send forth many that 
may be able to take the people by the hand," he says, "and lead them in 
the way to eternal life — such also as may be strong rods to bear rule — such 
as may be eminent blessings in their various professions — and all such as 
may be good and useful citizens." 

Thus for the last year and a half of his life — ^giving heed 
a little to business, just enough to yield him support — feeding 
also his literary and philosophic tastes — but more particularly 
widening his empire over religious truth — enriching him- 
self — as his friend President Stiles sublimely expresses it — 
with "resemblance to Divinity, and ripening for the beatific 
vision of God " — was Trumbull engaged, when the fatal arrow 
sped that sent him to his grave. 

It was at the beginning of August, 1785, that — sound in 
health to all appearance as usual — in a comparatively vigor- 
ous state both of body and mind — he was seized with a fever 
which soon assumed a bilious and malignant type. He had 
been out, we hear from one of his descendants — a highly in- 
telligent and venerable lady,* who has seen and well remem- 
bers her illustrious grandsire — out upon one of his customary 
errands of mercy — to minister to an old gentleman in his 
neighborhood who was sick and expiring with that disease 
which soon became his own. And, as is believed, upon this 
occasion — no force of health now availing against the tenuous, 
viewless shaft of the Dread Archer — no charm of myrrh now 
potent enough to counteract the noxious miasm of the sick 
room — caught the fatal contagion, and was laid upon his 
couch to die. 

The disease attacked him violently. August seventh. Dr. 

* Moaning^ow the pure sacrifice. 
tMrs. Abigail Lanman, of Norwich, Connecticut. 



1785. 



CHAP.LV. — TRUMBULL. 667 



John Clark was called to his bedside, and prescribed for him 
assiduously day by day. August ninth, the distinguished 
Dr. Lemuel Hopkins of Hartford came to attend him, and 
remained with him eight days. But his malady made rapid 
progress — staying for no art of the physician — allured from 
its stronghold by no magnet of the nurse — ^yielding to no 
medicament whatever. It soon so weakened him that he 
could speak but little. 

"The tongues of dying men," says the most eminent of 
poets,* "enforce attention like deep harmony " — but his own, 
under the fatal fever, sank parched and almost powerless. 
His kindred and friends, therefore, listened in vain for words 
from his lips — toned by death — that might in the dark hour 
have "lent redress" to their oppressed spirits, and made 
melancholy yet ever-soothing music for their memories and 
their love in after days. Words, doubtless, he would have 
spoken — if strength had been but given him — of solemn 
monition, of melting tenderness — words of resignation the 
most profound — words too loftily expressing the aspirations 
of a spirit all purely sanctified, and panting for its home in 
the skies — since reason, during the whole of his sickness, re- 
tained her seat in his soul. Dim though his earthly vision, 
yet his intellectual eye, with photographic beauty, saw clearly 
to the last. Not a murmur from his lips disclosed the least 
resistance to the dispensation of Providence. He was calm 
amid all the raging of the fever. Neither a fearfully acceler- 
ated pulse — or tossing disquietude of body — nor preternatur- 
al thirst — nor ebbing strength — nor one anxious thought of 
earth — nor one doubt of the Great Future — ^betrayed his soul 
beating uneasily, the least, around the walls of its clay tene- 
ment. 

Such is the testimony of those who watcbed him in bis 
mortal illness. And when, but twelve days only after his 
attack, each breath began to shut up his life within narrower 
compass, and, "like the vanishing sound of bells," each pulse 
grew less and less — "he was like one" — says the pastor who 
watched and wept over his departure — "who had done his 

* Shakespeare. 



668 CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL. 1T85. 

work — who stood waiting for the Lord — and when death 
came was under circumstances so blessed, that he had nothing 
to do but die/^^ Thus — upon Wednesday — on the seventeenth 
of August, 1785 — at five o'clock in the afternoon — "as one 
would fall into a deep sleep" — Jonathan Trumbull passed 
from Time into Eternity. 

Two days after his decease — August nineteenth — amid a 
large concourse of sorrow-stricken relatives, neighbors, and 
friends, both from his native town and the surrounding coun- 
try — his remains were borne to that temple within whose 
walls, from infancy, the deceased one had sent up his own 
fervent orisons to God — the First Church of Lebanon — that 
which in life, more than any other man, he had himself loved 
and protected — there to receive the reverential homage of 
prayer, psalmody, and a Funeral Discourse. 

^^ Know ye not tliat there is a prince and a great man fallen 
this day in Israel — Your fathers^ where are they — And the proph- 
ets, do Oiey live forever " — these are the emphatic passages from 
Holy Writ imprinted on the title-page of the Discourse, from 
the pen of Zebulon Ely,* as it lies now before us. 

" So Moses the servant of the Lord died there in the land of 
Moab, according to the word of the Lord " — is the text from 
which the reverend Divine proceeded to descant on the dead 
Worthy, and pronounce his eulogium. As the first thing to 
be particularly noticed, he observes — that the deceased, like 
Moses, was endowed with great natural abilities, which — 
improved by a happy culture — he was called upon to exer- 
cise in an elevated sphere of human life — and that as Su- 
preme Magistrate in the Republic of Connecticut — in times 
peculiarly perilous — he had to take a leading part — to face 
danger among the foremost — and guide for this Israel of 
God. 

* The memoirs of this Divine were written by his son, Dr. E. S. Ely. The 
following is the inscription on his tomb : — 

"Eev. Zebulon Ely 

Died Nov. 28, 1824, in the 66 year 

of his age and the 43 of his ministry. 

He was born in Lyme ; Grad. at Yale College ; 

and on Nov. 13, 1782, ordained Pastor of the 

first Church in Lebanon." 



1785. CHAP. LV. — TKUMBULL. 669 

" Like Moses," he proceeds — in passages which we cull at intervals 
from their context — " with wisdom, fidelity, and success did he discharge 
the duties of his high office, so that it is hard to say whether he most 
honored that, or that, him. Wisdom is the excellence of a counsellor, 
fidelity the glory of one in high public trust, and success the crown of 
enterprise. — Like Moses, the deceased united in his character the able 
politician, and the sound divine. — His patriotic zeal and firmness were 
conspicuous in the time of the Stamp Act, he being then one of the Hon- 
orable the Council. The Governor of the State at that time, with sev- 
eral of the Councillors, insisted on taking the Oath enjoined by his Brit- 
ish majesty on that occasion ; his Honor not only absolutely refused to 
take it himself, but to administer it or be present when it was adminis- 
tered ; and he accordingly left the chamber. 

" Another instance in which his fidelity shone with distinguished lus- 
tre was at the commencement of the late war. — Happily for this and the 
United States, that for such a time the deceased was raised up and so 
eminently qualified. — Among all the Governors of the thirteen States, his 
Excellency Governor Trumbull alone was found a firm patriot, deter- 
mined to abide by the liberties of his country, whatever might be the 
event. And he failed not to carry into execution what he had so deliber- 
ately and heartily resolved. During the whole controversy, amid the 
darkest scenes, he remained steadfast in the glorious cause, invariably 
pursuing the grand end in view, and trusting to God Almighty to carry 
it into effect. Thus like Moses he was wise and faithful, and like him, I 
may also add, he was indefatigable and laborious. He spared not him- 
self that he might save his country. Laying aside all private business, 
divesting himself of all secular concerns but what pertained to his office 
and the public, besides attending on stated and public assemblies, he sat 
one thousand days in Council. — Those who have had the honor to sit 
with him, and consult with him in extraordinary emergencies, can de- 
clare, how, in a measure, like that great leader of Israel, he seemed in- 
spired by the Father of Lights. — To sum up in a few words the public 
character of his Excellency — He was a star of the first magnitude in this 
western hemisphere, and by acquitting himself with wisdom and fideli- 
ty, dignity and glory, in the illustrious part assigned to him to act on the 
grand theatre of human life, he hath acquired immortal renown, and 
rendered himself conspicuously glorious, not only through the extens- 
ive empire of America, but the famed kingdoms of Europe. 

" Another thing worthy of remark is the unusual health, activity, and 
sprightliness which his Excellency enjoyed, till his last, and I might al- 
most say, his only sickness, which was but of short continuance. Con- 
sidering the vast burden devolved upon him, his great anxiety, and in- 
cessant, arduous labor for his harrassed, bleeding country, this is very 
surprising. That his spirits should not be exhausted, and the brittle 
clay vessel broken and rendered useless, before the work was completed, 
and he arrived to such a good old age, must be owing to the merciful 
support of Him who supported his servant Moses. 



670 CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL. 



1T85. 



"As a man," continues the preacher, going on now to speak of Trum- 
bull's private character — " he wonderfully possessed the aimiable grace 
of condescending with dignity — the characteristic of true greatness. 
He knew how to adapt himself to persons of the greatest diversity of 
circumstances and conditions of life, having learned to please all with 
whom he conversed to their edification. There was nothing of that 
magisterial loftiness and ostentatious parade, too often attendant on men 
of rank and elevated stations in life. We may with good reason con- 
clude he became so eminent and aimiable in this respect by daily contem- 
plating the perfect deportment of his Divine Master, who hath, with sin- 
gular propriety, directed us to learn of him being meek and lowly. 

" His temper was uncommonly mild, serene, and cheerful ; his words 
weighty and instructive ; his speech rather low, and his whole carriage 
graceful and worthy. His constant seasonable attendance on divine wor- 
ship, and his unaffected devotion in the House of God, were most beau- 
tiful. 

"As a parent, he was affectionate, venerable, and endearing, by pre- 
cept and example carefully forming the minds and the manners of his 
offspring. As a neighbor he was kind and obliging. 

"As a student, he was exceedingly careful of precious time, diligent 
and indefatigable in his researches after truth, till the close of his life. 
His acquaintance with history was very extensive, and his accuracy in 
chronology unparalleled. 

" But his chief glory ariseth from his truly religious and pious charac- 
ter." — And the worthy Divine proceeds to comment on this point with 
profound sensibility — elucidating it as we have elsewhere sufficiently de- 
scribed — and next speaks of the death of the Governor, of which also a 
sufficient account has already been given. 

"Such being the character of the deceased," he exclaims, in the clos- 
ing part of his Discourse — " notwithstanding his advanced age, we may 
truly say that in him his surviving children have lost a doubly dear and 
venerable parent, his friends a cordial friend and wise counsellor, his 
country a peculiarly distinguished patriot, the church a professor among 
the mighty and noble, few of whom are chosen, and the world an illus- 
trious and shining example. 

"If sympathy can afford relief," he says, addressing the surviving 
children and near relatives of the deceased — " that you have in a very sin- 
gular manner. The solemn and mournful aspect of this great and re- 
spectable assembly, declares how sincerely they condole with you on 
this occasion. Connecticut with her numerous sons and daughters 
will mingle her tears; the sister States will join in mournful concert. 
European friendly Powers will sigh on hearing of the melancholy tidings. 
And in a field so extensive, how many personal friends and acquaintance 
of the greatest merit are to be found, whose generous and noble hearts 
will deeply condole with you. 

" Great is the occasion," he concludes, addressing the assembly at large 



1785. CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL. 671 

within the church — "solemn and important the event which hath con- 
vened such a concourse at this time. Him whom the Father of Mercies 
raised up and so eminently qualified for the defence of those liberties in 
which we now rejoice, him whom the Almighty sustained amid swelling 
seas of trouble, and carried through the arduous conflict of his country, 
we now behold a breathless corpse. * * This instance loudly proclaims 
the vanity of mortal men. Hence let us learn unto whom we are to ren- 
der praise for the eminent usefulness of this servant of the public, for 
the manifold and rich blessings derived from the wise counsels, the faith- 
ful administrations, and heroic firmness, of this Father of his Country." 

The services within the church at an end — the funeral pro- 
cession, being formed anew, moved to the ancient Burying- 
Ground of Lebanon, bearing to its last resting-place on earth 
the body of that venerated man to whom prayer and eulo- 
gium had just rendered their warm and truthful tribute. 
The mattock and the spade had done their work. A narrow, 
single grave received his remains — a grave which is now 
enclosed within a spacious, shapely mausoleum, that was 
built by the mason's hand, of brick and well-hewn stones — 
overarched by the green turf — and designed to hold the 
ashes of a whole family, coffin by coffin, as they should pass 
to be grouped in one subterranean chamber, and laid up for 
eternity.* 

There Jonathan Trumbull was now deposited — the Moses 
to sleep with his fathers — the upright man, in the darkness 
to rest as in a bed — his spirit — in the purview of his own 
religious faith — as he believed and hoped — already borne by 
angels to that city which hath no need of the sun, neither of 
the moon to shine upon it — there to be fed by a Lamb in the 
midst of a throne, and led unto living waters, until the body 
it had left behind, wakened by the morning of the resurrec- 
tion, should burst its earthly cerements — until — the glory of 
the Lord having arisen upon it — it should itself arise and 
shine — ^be changed and fashioned into a new and radiant im- 
age — the corruptible putting on incorruption — the mortal, 
immortality — and the whole man thenceforth, both soul and 
body, together glorified, should enter into perfect peace.f 

* The mausoleum was erected by his three surviving sons — Jonathan, David, 
and John — a short time after his decease. 
+ " Principally and first of all I bequeath my Soul to God the Creator and giver 



672 CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL. 



1785. 



By his side lay in deatli his beloved wife, Faith Eobin- 
son — daughter, in the line of direct descent, of that world- 
renowned Divine who at Leyden gathered the choicest Pil- 
grim flock of the world, and wafted the incense of prayer 
over their departure for Plymouth Eock. By his side also 
lay the first Commissary General of the United States, his 
eldest son Joseph. His second son Jonathan, a Paymaster 
General in the Army of the Kevolution, who was subse- 
quently crowned with the highest public honors of his native 
State, and who followed his father in the Gubernatorial Chair 
of Connecticut, was also laid within the same mausoleum in 
after days.* So too was his third son David, a Deputy Com- 
missary in the Revolutionary War, and so the wife of David. 
So too was that eminent friend to his country, the venerable 
William Williams — son-in-law to our Revolutionary Gov- 
ernor, and a Signer of the Declaration of Independence.f So 
too was the wife of Williams. 

thereof, and my body to the Earth, to be buried in a decent Christian burial, in 
firm belief that I shall receive the same again at the general Eesurrection, through 
the power of Almighty God, and hojie of Eternal Life and happiness through the 
merits of my dear Redeemer Jesus Christ." — Extract from TrumhulVs Will. 

* The following is his epitaph : " To the memory of Jonathan Trumbull, Esq., 
late Governor of the State of Connecticut. He was born March 26th, 1740, and 
died Aug. 7th, 1809, aged 69 years. His remains are deposited with those of his 
father." 

+ The following inscription is on a marble monument, standing in front of the 
tomb. 

" The remains of the Hon. William Williams are deposited in this tomb : born 
April 8th, 1731 : died the 2d of Aug., 1811, in the 81st year of his age, a man emi- 
nent for his virtues and his piety — for more than 50 years he was constantly em- 
ployed in Public Life, and served in many of the most important ofBces in the 
gift of his fellow-citizens. During the whole period of the Eevolutionary War, 
he was a firm, steady, and ardent friend of his country, and in the darkest times 
risked his life and wealth in her defence. In 1776 and 1777, he was a Member of 
the American Congress, and as such signed the Declaration of Independence. 
His public and private virtues, his piety and benevolence, will long endear his 
memory to surviving friends — above all, he was a sincere Christian, and in his 
last moments placed his hope with humble confidence in his Eedcemer. He had 
the inexpressible satisfaction to look back upon a long, honorable, and well-spent 
life." 

Mary TVumhvll, the wife of William Williams, was born July 16th, 1745 — was 
married in February 1771 — and died Feb. 9th, 1831. 

Colonel John Trumbull, the painter, who was born June 6th, 1756, died in New 
York, Nov. 10, 1843, and was buried in Newhaven, beneath the Gallery called 
after himself. The following is his epitaph ;— 



1785. CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL. 673 

What a remarkable tomb ! No single one in the country, 
it is believed, contains so much illustrious human dust ! A 
notable one in Boston, we are aware, holds the ashes of the 
Father of the Massachusetts Colony, Governor John Win- 
throp — of his son, the Father of the Connecticut Colony, as 
he may be justly styled, Governor John Winthrop, Junior — 
of his grandson, John Fitz Winthrop, Governor also of Con- 
necticut — and of a younger brother of the latter, that un- 
spotted patriot, Major-General Wait Winthrop. "And so 'tis 
come to pass" — wrote Increase Mather, speaking of this sep- 
ulchre, at the time when General Winthrop was interred* — 
"that the Grandfather, and the Father, and the Son, are 
Asleep in the same Tomb together, waiting for the Appearing 
of Him who is our Life. Egyptian Pyramids cannot show a 
collection of such dust as this Tomb is enriched withal!" 
How appropriate, in nearly every respect, this passage from 
Mather to the Tomb at Lebanon ! 

And may not events, we cannot here but think, render it 
more appropriate still ! A grandson of the patriot we speci- 
ally commemorate — Honorable Joseph Trumbull, of Hart- 
ford — has crowned a long life of conspicuous public service 
by filling the same exalted Chair of State which his uncle 
and his grandsire filled before him. He still lives — long may 
his days be lengthened — in the enjoyment of a serene old 
age, that is garlanded with the respect and affection of his 

"Col. John Tkitmbtjll, 

Patriot and Artist, 

Friend and Aid 

OF Washington, 

Died in New-York, Nov. 10, 1843, 

uE. 88. 

He reposes in a Sepulchre 

Built by himself, beneath 

This Monumental Gallebt: 

where, in Sept., 1834, 

He deposited the remains of 

Sarah his Wife, 

who died in N. Y., Apr. 12, 1824, M. 51. 

To his Country he gave his 
SwoED and his Pencil." 

*He died Nov. 7th, 1717, aged seventy-six. 
57 



674 CHAP. LV, — TEUMBULL. 1785. 

fellow-men. When tlae silver cord of his life, however, shall 
finally be loosed, and the golden bowl be broken at the 
fountain — should not his ashes then — in fitting contiguity — 
in seemliness of sepulture becoming nearness of blood and 
similarity of honor — repose side by side with the ashes of his 
illustrious relatives ! Tliree kinsmen Governors of Connec- 
ticut then — and the first Commissary General, and a Deputy 
Commissary, of the United States in the War of the American 
Eevolution — and a Signer of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence — and an heroic Eevolutionary wife and mother, closely 
related to each — will all be found "asleep in the same Tomb 
together, waiting for the Appearance of Him who is our Life ! " 
"Sta, Viator; 
Tumulumque mirare ; 
Et Lacrymis Publicis adde Tuas ; 
Luge jacturam Publicam, 

Si sis pars publici. 
Palatium est hie Locus, 

Non Tumulus! 

Cinis tegitur hoc Marmore, 

Dignus Lapide Philosophorum tegi. 

Ignorat Historian! Nov-Anglicanam 

Qui hanc nescit Familiam : 
Parvi pendet virtutem Universam 
Qui hanc non magni facit,"* 
"Sacred," says upon a pedestal on the Tomb that Inscrip- 
tion, which, with chaste simplicity, and with a modesty even 
too retiring, commemorates the great and good man whom 

* These lines are taken fl-om Cotton Mather's Epitaph on Wait Winthrop, 
Armiger. The following is their sense in free translation : — 
" Stay passenger, and contemplate this tomb, 
And add thy sorrows to the common grief, 
Mourn o'er the public loss if ever aught 
Of patriotic feeling fired thy breast. 
A Palace, this before thee, not a Tomb ! 
The ashes here in marble closed 'twere fit 
By the Philosopher's Stone should be enshrined. 
Nought of New England's fathers' deeds to know, 
Can he at all pretend who knows not yours, 
O noble family ; and small account 
Makes he of all that virtue holds most dear 
Who doth not highly prize your honored name." 



1785. 



CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL. 



675 



we have just seen laid in bis grave — "Sacred to tlie memory of 
Jonathan Trumbull, Esq., who, unaided by birth or power- 
ful connections, but blessed with a noble and virtuous mind, 
arrived to the highest station in government. Ills patriotism 
and firmness during 50 years' employment in public life, and 
particularly in the very important part he acted in the Ameri- 
can Revolution, as Governor of Connecticut, the faithful page 
of History will record. 




Tne Tiumbull Toml * 



"Full of years and honors, rich in benevolence and firm in 
the faith and hopes of Christianity, he died August 17th, 
1785, ^Etatis 75."t 

* The Tomb is upon the eastern slope of the Biirying-Ground. The cemetery 
itself is " a circular plain of limited extent in its centre with a gentle declivity to 
the south, and then slopes somewhat abruptly on all its sides to the level of the 
Valley below." 

t The following entry, in the family Bible of the first Governor Trumbull, was 
made by the hfind of his son, the second Governor Trumbull : — 

" Gov. Trumbull died 17th Aug'st 1785, 5 o'clock, P. M., of a hard fever— death 
easy, quiet, and calm, in possession of Reason to the last, as far as could be dis- 
covered." 



C HAPTER L VI. 
1785. 

The general and profound grief upon the death, of Governor Trumhull. 
Obituary and other notices of the event. One from the Hartford 
Courant. A letter of condolence addressed by Washington to Jona- 
than Trumbull, Junior. Extract from an Election Sermon delivered 
a few months after his decease, by Rev. Levi Hart, of Preston. Sum- 
mary of his life and character. His patriotism. His industry and toil. 
His character as a son — as a husband — as a father — as a friend, compan- 
ion, neighbor, and philanthropist — and as a Christian, and a scholar. 
His prudence and wisdom. The American nation was baptized, in his 
name, "Brother Jonathan." The harraony of his moral, intellectual, 
and sensitive faculties Conclusion. 

Geief, upon occasion of the sad event witli wliicli our 
last chapter closed, was everywhere unaffectedly intense. It 
sat upon the lid of the public eye of Connecticut particular- 
ly — charged with tears. The sister States of America, as 
the worthy Divine truthfully predicted at the funeral of the 
Eevolutionary Governor, joined in "a mournful concert" 
of sorrow with the near relatives and friends of the deceased. 
Thousands among "European friendly Powers" who had 
heard of his good name and fame, now sighed on hear- 
ing the tidings of his death. Generous and noble hearts 
wherever found, that knew his "gracious parts," most 
feelingly condoled. His was a great spirit that had shot 
from its mortal sphere. It had struck on earth, how- 
ever, an everlasting root. It had made the whole world 
of Liberty its debtor. And its disappearance, therefore, 
attracted extraordinary attention, and occasioned extraordi- 
nary regret. 

Obituary notices, letters of condolence, Sabbath -Day dis-. 
courses, Election Sermons, and other addresses, made frequent 
and touching references to the public loss, and vied in ex- 
pressing the public sorrow. Undoubtedly the Elegiac Muse 
upon the occasion, took her harp from the willows, and wailed 
in communion with the Soul of mourning — though we have 



1785. CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 677 

not been so fortunate as to catch, for reproduction now, any 
of the lays she uttered. But in the forms first mentioned 
we have numerous notices of Governor Trumbull — many of 
them eloquent and grateful. As they are all, however, ani- 
mated by the same spirit, and, from the nature of the occa- 
sion, glide on in strains nearly accordant, we shall forbear to 
present but three — and these, each in a different mold — each 
short — but each a most pleasing tribute to departed worth. 
The first we shall introduce is an Obituary Notice from the 
Hartford Courant — bearing date August twenty-second, 
1785 — and is a follows : — 

"Died at Lebanon, last "Wednesday, his Excellency Jonathan Trum- 
bull, Esq., late Governor of Connecticut. In his character were united 
all the advantages which arise from natural genius assisted by education 
and experience. The variety and extent of knowledge which he acquired 
during a long application to several important and useful occupations, 
qualified him for the distinguished station which he held during the lat- 
ter part of his life. Few men have ever rendered more essential service 
to mankind, and none can claim in equal degree with him the gratitude 
of the people of Connecticut. In times of peace he was revered as an 
upright judge, a wise legislator, and a shining example of manners and 
virtue. During the late war, his inflexible integrity and unwearied per- 
severance rendered him an able patron of our doubtful though interesting 
cause, and an important instrument in effecting the late glorious revolution. 
During the course of a long life he was uniformly distinguished as a Chris- 
tian, a scholar, and a statesman — and the public expect as their only con- 
solation for their irreparable loss, that his character will be remembered 
with veneration, and his example be imitated by succeeding rulers." 

The second notice of Trumbull, at the period of his death, 
to which we shall call the Reader's attention, is in the form 
of a Letter of Condolence addressed to his son Jonathan 
Trumbull, Junior, and is from the pen of the man "first in 
peace, first in war, and first in the hearts of his country- 
men " — the immortal Washington. Though proceeding from 
a warm personal friend of the deceased, it will yet be perused 
with deepest interest and confidence, as conveying the senti- 
ments of one whose judgment was never biased by his feel- 
ings — whose discrimination was almost unerring — and whose 
praise, on whomsoever it fell, cast the sure, pure lustre of the 

diamond. It is as follows : — 
57* 



678 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785. 

" Mount Vernon, Oct. 1st, 1785. 

" My Dear Sir. It has so happened that your letter of the first of 
last month did not reach me until Saturday's post. 

"You know too well the sincere respect and regard I entertained for 
your venerable father's public and private character, to require assurance 
of the concern I felt for his death ; or of that sympathy in your feelings, 
for the loss of him, which is prompted by friendship. Under this loss, 
however, great as your feelings must have been at the first shock, you 
have everything to console you. 

"-d long and well-spent life in the service of Ms country places Gov- 
ernor Trumbull among the first of patriots. In the social duties he 
yielded to no one ; and his lamp, from the common course of nature, be- 
ing nearly extinguished, worn down with age and cares, yet retaining his 
mental faculties in perfection, are blessings which rarely attend advanced 
life. All these combined, have secured to his memory unusual respect 
and love here, and, no doubt, unmeasurable happiness hereafter. 

" I am sensible that none of these observations can have escaped you, 
that I can offer nothing which your own reason has not already suggested 
upon the occasion; and being of Sterne's opinion, that 'before an affliction 
is digested, consolation comes too soon, and after it is digested it comes 
too late, there is but a mark between these two, almost as fine as a hair, 
for a comforter to take aim at,' I rarely attempt it, nor should I add 
more on this subject to you, as it will be a renewal of sorrow, by calling 
afresh to your remembrance things that had better be forgotten. 

"My principal pursuits are of a rural nature, in which I have great 
delight, especially as I am blessed with the enjoyment of good health. 
Mrs. Washington, on the contrary, is hardly ever well ; but, thankful for 
your kind remembrance of her, joins me in every good wish for you, 
Mrs. Trumbull, and your family. 

" Be assured that with sentiments of the purest esteem, 
" I am, Dear Sir, 

"Your affectionate friend 

" and obedient servant, 

" Geo. Washington." 

The third and last notice of Trumbull from a cotempora- 
neous source which we shall now cite, is from an Election 
Sermon delivered a few months after his decease, before the 
Governor and General Assembly of Connecticut, at the May- 
session in 1786 — by the Eeverend Levi Hart, of Pi-eston. 
On this imposing occasion, the selected preacher for the State, 
in formally addressing his incoming Excellency, Samuel 
Huntington — the old President of Congress, and a Signer 
of the Declaration of Independence — thus proceeds : — 



1785. CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 679 

"It is no trifling honor to stand on the list of fame, and exist in the 
historic page, as the first Magistrate of Connecticut — on the same col- 
umn with that distinguislied catalogue of worthies who have filled the 
chair — down from the venerable first Winthkop, to his Excellency Gov- 
ernor Trumbcll — who, after having conducted us through the dangers 
and distresses of the war, with great honor to himself, and usefulness to 
the public, preferred an honourable quietus from public service, that he 
might be at leisure to improve his acquaintance with that world, where the 
honors conferred by mortals fade away, but the man who has faithfully 
served his generation 'shall receive an unfading crown of immortal glory.' 

" Alas ! that such a treasure of wisdom and virtue is removed from 
our world ! — too soon, by far too soon for us, and for mankind. But, for 
himself, the most proper season ; his hoary head being crowned with 
glory, as a man of letters, a statesman, and a Christian. Blessed be the 
Father of Spirits, that notwithstanding the breach occasioned by his 
death, we are still happy in a train of worthy characters, possessed of 
like accomplishments, who catched his mantle as it fell, and whose pa- 
triot virtues will bless mankind."* 

And now, Reader, that, with all the materials for biogra- 

* In Election Sermons, both before and subsequent to that quoted in the text, 
frequent and most honorable mention is made of Governor Trumbull. It would 
seem, in his case, as if the language of commendation could not be exhausted. 
Take the following passages as examples : — 

In 1785, Dr. Samuel Wales, Professor of Divinity in Yale College, in address- 
ing Gov. Griswold, upon Election Day, at Hartford, and speaking of his office, 
says : — 

" It has been rendered honorable by a long succession of worthy and eminent 
characters, who have filled it from one time to another, and particularly by that 
very illustrious and important character, your immediate predecessor in office. 
Great is the honor of having a place in such a succession as this." 

In an Election Sermon at Hartford, in May, 1800, by Eev. John Smalley, A. M., 
of Berlin, the preacher, speaking of "the retrospect within the compass of the 
last five and twenty years," says : — 

" In this period we have passed through the Eed Sea of a Eevolutionary War. 
Here, quite contrary to what usually happens on such occasions, we had guides 
eminent for prudence, stability, coolness, and imconquerable perseverance — and 
ONE supereminent for all those ; by the integrity of whose heart, and the skillful- 
ness of whose hands, we were led like a flock, in safety, far surpassing all rational 
expectation." 

In an Election Sermon at Hartford, in May, 1810, by Eev. John Elliott, of Guil- 
ford, the preacher, in connection with a reference to the death of the second 
Governor Trumbull, says: — 

" Who that admired true greatness did not admire Governor Tnimbull? Who 
that loved real excellence did not love him ? Who that delights to weep over the 
grave of a pious and good man, will not weep over his ? He was the son of Hiir 
who presided over the State during the revolutionary war ; into whose bosom the 
immortal Washington poured out his soul in all its anguish, in ' times which 
tried men's souls,' and a son worthy of such a father " 



680 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785. 

phy it was in our power to obtain — scantier far than in nu- 
merous instances we have desired — now that we have fol- 
lowed Jonathan Trumbull throughout "a long and well-spent 
life" — now that we have seen him — full of years, full of 
honors, and while securely enjoying that Liberty, Independ- 
ence, and Peace which he had himself so vitally contributed 
to establish — called to his long home — what more remains 
for us to do ? Something, if but only to comport with the 
established method of biography. The history of such a 
man as it has been our purpose to portray, seems to exact a 
closing summary. Let us linger then awhile to make it. As 
one who stops to garner up from some eminence the great 
leading points of a landscape, let us pause to gather from the 
expanse of Trumbull's life its salient features — ^perchance, 
and probablj^, to find some new views — and enjoy, if we can, 
a grateful retrospect. 

The leading feature in his character — that which here first 
and irresistibly attracts observation — which commands the 
foremost glance of the eye, and absorbs its sprightliest vis- 
ion — is his patriotism. With him this virtue was ever in ex- 
ercise, and was steadfast and warming as the sun. 

Yet — thus it usually develops itself in all who have a 
country and a home. So the Switzer manifests it in his love 
for his native mountains — and the Norwegian towards his 
own barren summits. So the Islander of Malta, insulated on 
a rock, displays it, when he calls his home " the Flower of 
the World " — so the American Indian, when he idolizes his 
wilderness because it contains the bones of his fathers — and 
so the Arabs of Oudelia, when they believe that the sun, 
moon, and stars, rise only for their own native wastes. The 
spirit of patriotism everywhere in man spontaneously loves 
and enkindles, dreams and hopes, over the home of his birth, 
his parents, his ancestry, his nurture, his language, his occu- 
pations — over indigenous skies, climate, and soil — and over 
forms, colors, and sounds, which have impressed his infancy, 
and which steadfastly accompany him from the cradle to the 
grave. Nothing, therefore, in this view of the virtue — as an 
ardent and constant natural impulse — distinguishes its devel- 
opment in Trumbull more than in other men. 



1785. CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 681 

But it was distinguisliable. It was signally pure — it was 
enlightened — it was heroic. 

Signally ^t«*e, we say — for there did not rest upon it a single 
stain of self-interest. In all that he did, he toiled for others, 
not for himself — for the advancement of his country, not for 
his own — and not alone for the America of the Ee volution, 
but for the America of all time. Foreseeing clearly the ris- 
ing greatness of this land, under the fostering embrace of 
Liberty and Union, and under the sunshine of Peace — know- 
ing well its inexhaustible resources, and the laws which 
ought to govern its social, moral, political, and industrial 
jjrogress — for the sake of this progress — and for this alone — 
he took an interest in public affairs, which was most pro- 
found. For this reason he labored to combine in one great 
whole of harmony all sectional interests — instilled, as a 
primordial and exalted principle, a love for the States in 
Union — ^propagated everywhere the tenets of a sound and 
liberal conservatism as regards government — and in behalf 
of labor, and its coveted treasures of wealth and content- 
ment, spread the truths of an enlightened public economy — 
courting from the Old World, in this connection, all the influ- 
ence which Societies organized for the purpose of promoting 
art and science, could lend in aid of the infant Republic of 
the New World. 

Patriotism often has its counterfeits — in national vanity, or 
conceitedness, or in a contented self-sufficiency. In Trum- 
bull, it bore no one of these false stamps. It was not that he 
might be able to plume himself upon the superior military 
strength and skill of his countrymen, that he entered upon 
the bloody arena of the American Revolution. He did not 
labor for the triumphs at Bunker Hill, at Trenton, at Prince- 
ton, at Saratoga, and at Yorktown, merely that he might 
compare these triumphs advantageously with those of other 
nations of the world — simply that he might open the Book 
of History, and show America, in feats of arms, belligerent 
as Athens — ^brave as Sparta — ^resolute as Rome — hardy as 
Germany — indefatigable as Holland — chivalric as Spain — 
gallant as Gaul — and mightier far than her English mother- 
foe. But he took these steps solely that he might aid 



682 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785. 

to vindicate tlie honor of his native land, and to plant 
for her — set bej^ond even the tornado's power — that Tree 
of Liberty, whose and whose fruitage only — his soul from 
its inmost depths, his observation, and his study, taught 
him — were national civilization, prosperity, happiness, and 
glory. 

His patriotism, therefore, as we have affirmed, was signally 
pure. Like the chaste passion of the poet for his Muse — like 
the holy love of the scholar for learning — like the zeal of the 
painter for glorious forms of art — it worked within him by 
virtue of an intrinsic and lofty moral energy, and because of 
an intense and irresistible yearning in his nature for the sub- 
lime and beautiful in human government and human im- 
provement. 

But the patriotism of Trumbull, we have also said, was 
highly enlightened. It was that kind which springs from a 
calm, well-weighed view of the relations of man to himself, 
to his fellow-man, and to his Maker — which is evolved from 
a' union with reason — which is the fruit too of piety, and is 
inspired by that fear of God which is the best security against 
every other fear. It comprehended a rich throng of associa- 
tions derived from an extensive acquaintance with the his- 
tory, institutions, customs, legends, literature, channels of 
thought, and phases of opinion, of his native land. These 
all, like so many charms, imparted potency to Trumbull's 
love of country. 

Accustomed to reflection, his mind grasped with more than 
ordinary power the grand idea of that greatest of all socie- 
ties — the State-r-and he felt the excellence of its mechanism 
ahiiost as a living thing, whose disruption or injury would 
bring death to all the valuable interests of his countrymen. 
In his native province, particularly, the freedom, creative 
energy, and elastic protective power of its singularly liberal 
Constitution of Government, filled and dilated his soul with 
great ideas, and with reverential gratitude towards those, 
who, far back in the infancy of our land — amid the perils of 
the wilderness, and in the face of a haughty Sovereignty 
across the seas — had contrived to found and rear it. To him 
therefore, the celebrated Charter of Connecticut was, pecu- 



1785. CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 683 

liarly, a grand patriotic Missive* — which made him acute to 
perceive the first secret invasions of American rights — quick- 
ened him to trace them down, through their whole sad series 
of consequences, into an oppressor's final errands of blood 
and rapine— and rendered him swift, therefore, to organize 
resistance. 

And he knew well too — student and administrator of juris- 
prudence as he long had been — the surpassing importance to 
life, liberty, and property, of a wholesome frame-work of 
laws — such as in his own State particularly — so simple, so 
just, so equalizing, so vivifying — was found — and he could, 
therefore, feel most forcibly the peril to all the civil, social, 
and domestic relations which an extraneous claim to review 
and modify or repeal these laws, like that set up by England, 
would occasion. 

In this view — seasoned by knowledge — guided by a sagac- 
ity on which nothing could impose — and imiting all the vir- 
tues which render private life useful, amiable, and respect- 
able — the patriotism of Trumbull was the exact counterpart 
in America of that in England, which, in the days of the old 
Commonwealth, shone in the spirit of one whom even Clar- 
endon places in the foremost rank of men — the immortal 
Hampden — and of that spirit also, which, in Italy, beamed 
from the life of one whose enlightened republican effort, vir- 
tuous eagerness, and noble modesty, have stamped him as 
the saviour of Genoa — the ronowned Andrea Doria. 

The patriotism of Trumbull, we have also said, was heroic. 
Look at him just after the Peace of Paris — when the Stamp 
Act was about obtaining official endorsement at the hands of 

* In his speech to the General Assembly in 1778, he refers to this instrument 
as being "the Amiable and Salutary Constitution of Government made and rati- 
fied" in Connecticut from the beginning of the State. " I wish to see," he adds, 
" or rather hope, similar constitutions may be established in all the United States 
of America. Its true grandeur and solid Glory do not consist in high Titles, 
splendor, pomp, and magnificence, nor in reverence and exterior honor, but in 
the real and solid advantages derived therefrom, to each State, whose support, 
defence, security, and asylum, its nature and institution forms — and at the same 
time, that it is the fruitful source of decency, decorum, good order, and every 
terrestrial blessing, especially to the poor and weak who ought to find beneath 
its shade and protection, a sweet peace and tranquillity not to be interrupted or 
disturbed." 



684 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785. 

Governor Fitch I How then — at the very threshold of Colo- 
nial resistance to British authority — in the first faint twilight 
of a star dawning upon American rights — did his eye per- 
ceive approaching danger, and his lips utter loud and indig- 
nant notes of warning, and his heart hail the blessed vision 
of freedom ! Look at him, at the outset of the Revolutionary 
War, voluntarily constituting himself the only rebel Execu- 
tive among thirteen Governors in the Colonies ! Before him 
was one of the mightiest of human monarchs — master to all 
appearance not only of his office, but of his fortune, and his 
life — and claiming, under every sanction of precedent, and 
by every virtue of sovereignty, his allegiance, and his duty 
to the Crown. Yet, how instantaneously did Trumbull spurn 
the claim, with its adjunct of servitude — spurn it in the face 
too of rewards, princely and profuse, which doubtless would 
have been heaped upon him had he remained a loyal serv- 
ant — and, magnanimously and at once, espouse the side of 
his native land ! How adhere to this side with Suliot ardor — 
in defiance of a price set upon his head, cling to it with all 
the devotion of a martyr — devotion the more intense, as the 
Reader of this Memoir must have repeatedly remarked, in 
proportion as this cause seemed desperate ! 

His spirit of patriotism knew in fact no difficulty — it con- 
temned all danger. It was inventive of enterprise — it was 
ever fertile in resources. Like that of Scotland's "Guardian 
Genius" in this respect — the ever-memorable Wallace — it 
flew through the people, rousing activity, and enkindling 
intrepidity. It infused patience. It bore up all fainting 
hearts.* 

Said his son Colonel John, in 1775, of one who invidiously 
remarked that the Trumbull family at this time — through 
offices at the hands of the public of profit and of trust — were 
*' well provided for" — "he is right; my father imdi his three 

* It exclaimed to Connecticut, and to every sister State in the Union — in the 
language of the great Frederic to his gallant little army before the battle of Eos- 
bach — "my brave countrymen, the hour is come in which all that is, and all that 
ought to be dear, to us, depends upon the swords that are now drawn for battle. 
You see me ready to lay down my life with you, and for you. All I ask of you 
is the same pledge of fidelity and affection that I give. Acquit yourselves like 
men, and put your confidence in God!" 



1735. CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 685 

sons are doubtless well provided for; we are secure of four 
halters^ if we do not succeed ! " The spirit, that with all 
other ventures, could thus defy too a gibbet, was indeed he- 
roic — was more than the spirit of Scajvola, in face of the 
legions of Sylla, scorning to save "a little superanuated 
flesh," as he styled himself, by pronouncing Marius an enemy 
to the State — was the spirit rather of the Fabii and Decii of 
the Eternal City — those illustrious patrician families that gen- 
erously sacrificing their all for the public good — solemnly de- 
voting themselves to die for the service of the State — have 
left an example of domestic and hereditary patriotism that 
has been in all ages the admiration and the boast of the 
world. 

The spirit of Trumbull we have now described would, un- 
der any circumstances, have kept him active for the public 
good — but fed as it was in the latter part of his career by 
extraordinary events, it produced an amount of toil far be- 
yond what falls to the lot of public men generally, and truly 
astonishing. The General Assemblies, stated and other- 
wise, upon which he attended, and whose proceedings he 
ever watched with punctual care — the days, close upon one 
thousand, that he sat in the Council of Safety — in numerous 
instances intensely occupied during all the watches of the 
night, as rider after rider galloped to the old War Office in Leb- 
anon, bringing fresh news, and rousing to fresh solicitudes — 
the perpetual executive duties, in the channels of orders, 
commissions, correspondence, personal consultations with 
military and naval officers and agents, personal visits to vari- 
ous posts and stations, and business interviews at the Pay 
Table, that occupied his attention at other intervals — these, 
together with his private family interests, the claims of de- 
votion, and the claims of neighborhood — which in his case 
were never, save from stern necessity, pretermitted — pressed 
upon him with a weight that would have overpowered any 
man, not like himself, endowed with a physical constitution 
of rarest vigor, and with a spirit of industry that craved, and 
that consumed, constant aliment. 

From his birth down to the illness which terminated his 

life, he seems to have enjoyed an almost uninterrupted sound- 
68 



686 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785. 

ness of body as well as of mind. No wearisome maladies 
exacted regimen either at his own, or at the hands of the 
physician. No languid eye, or cheek deserted of its bloom, 
or shrunk and flaccid muscles, betokened routed strength, 
until the last mortal exhaustion. Simple and temperate in 
his diet — regular in his habits — never lured into any bodily 
excess — systematic in exercise — fond of the open air — often 
himself taking part in the labors of the garden or the farm — • 
it was his fortune to lay up a bounteous stock of 

" that chiefest good 
Bestowed by heaven, but seldom understood," 

unpurchased health — from which, as the war demonstrated, 
he could draw almost exhaustlessly. 

In the domestic and social relations of life, praise of Trum- 
bull cannot outdo its office — for here he was truly an exem- 
plar. 

As a son — he was ever dutiful. Thoughtful at all times 
of the tender cares his parents had lavished upon his own in- 
fancy — of the watchfulness with which they had protected 
the careless vigor of his boyhood — and of the warm ambi- 
tion, and free expenditure with which they had conferred 
upon him the rich boon of education — he returned their 
affectionate offices with kindest ministrations of his own — 
and like a gentle spirit, hovered over their waning age. 

As a husband, he was ever devoted. Having entered into 
the matrimonial alliance from judgment as well as from 
love — with careful reference to those mental and moral graces, 
which, more than all the charms of person, embellish wed- 
lock, and fortify its course — he was able to maintain the 
flame of conjugal attachment steady to the close of life. No 
demonstrations of mere sentiment, such as often stamp mar- 
ried life with folly, ever marked Ms love, we are confident — 
no lavish caresses and trembling ecstacies — no heart-sore 
sighs and tears — but he manifested this love as a decorous 
and dignified, as well as a sincere and vigilant affection. He, 
therefore, had no ulcers upon the family heart to encounter — 
no blasting of his wedded days with strife — no strangling of 
dear vows — no rei^entant steps for his soul, mourning at past 



1785. CHAP. LVI. — TKUMBULL. 687 

precipitation and infatuation, to take, hack from tlie altar — 
but, enchaining the confidence of his wife — 

" she o'er his life presiding, 
Doubling his pleasure, and his cares dividing," 

his home was a scene of constant quiet and happiness. And, 
when the partner of his bosom left it for her long home in 
the grave, no one so sensibly felt the loss, no one mourned so 
profoundly as himself. " One year from my wife's death " — 
he entered in his Diary, Tuesday, May twenty-ninth, 1781, 
affectionately memorializing her decease — "Prepare for my 
own " — he added, thoughtful of the time when he was him- 
self to join her society above. 

As a father, he discharged the ordinary duties of this rela- 
tionship, not simply because they are duties prompted by na- 
ture — but because also they are established by the highest 
ethical laws, and spring out of the soul of religious obliga- 
tion. To fit his children "not to live merely, but to live 
well" — not for circumstances of earthly splendor, but for the 
simple, grave realities of existence — to train them "to those 
affections which suit the filial nature, and which are the chief 
elements of every other affection that adorns in after days 
the friend, the citizen, and the lover of mankind" — such 
were the great objects which Trumbull as a parent kept 
steadily in view, and prosecuted with happy zeal. With far 
more than ordinary considerateness he felt that Heaven had 
consigned immortal beings to his charge — and with far more 
than ordinary attention, therefore, he labored to discipline 
their minds to habits of reflection — to store them with help- 
ful knowledge — ^to warn against vices — to inculcate the eleva- 
ted lessons of virtue and piety — and to educe their ambition, 
their hopes, and their efforts, for the benefit of their race, to 
their own happiness, and for the glory of their Maker.* 

* Upon each of his sons, save one, he bestowed a liberal education — and this 
one failed to graduate at Harvard University only because, at the period when 
otherwise he would have taken this course, the sea had wrecked his father's for- 
tune. His daughters, in addition to all the intellectual advantages which the 
country could afford them, were sent to gather accomplishments, both substan- 
tial and graceful, in the Metropolis of New England. " You will always re- 
member," he wrote his son John while the latter was in the army of the North — 



CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785, 

And while tlius implanting rules for moral felicity, and in- 
culcating the thirst for knowledge and usefulness, neither 
moroseness, or rigor, or melancholy tinged his discourse, nor 
was it ever allowed to surfeit. He taught "with gentle 
means, and easy tasks." In the infancy of his children, he 
could relax, at home, into their own softness and glee, and be 
himself "a boy again" — could watch for the dawn of their 
young joys, and make the hours of the little prattlers run 
along winged with gladness. In their adult years, he punc- 
tually sought their society as a refreshment both to their hap- 
piness and his own. 

Deep was the grief of the manly sire when he lost two of 
them by death. " The tenderness and affection of my daugh- 
ter Faith," he was wont to say, " I am apt to think are with- 
out a parallel." " Would that my dear son John could have 
taken a last parting look at his dear mother," was his excla- 
mation when he lost the partner of his bosom. "It takes 
long to the autumn come twelve months for your return," he 
wrote this son — at the time in England — craving with new 
ardor his society just before his own decease — "but I acqui- 
esce in what may be for your advantage. I am much re- 
joiced at your happy progress in your profession. Your 
long silence occasioned anxiety for your welfare." Truly the 
heart of Trumbull was a fountain of love towards his chil- 
dren. His anxiety clasped them at almost every hour. His 
bounty in his last Testament was spread equally on all. 

As a friend — companion — neighbor — and philanthropist — 
the character of Trumbull shines as in the relationships just 
described — with calm lustre. No man more than himself de- 
sired the happiness of those around him, or labored more dili- 
gently to promote it. He lived in an atmosphere of good 
will, and his services were ever at the command of modest 
worth.* His intercourse with others was tempered with affa- 
bility and politeness. 

and the monition indicates truly his own guiding principles in educating his off- 
epring — "you will always remember that the business of religion ought to be the 
daily concern of our lives. Virtue ought to be the daily object of all govern- 
ment, and especially that of ourselves." 

*Take the following letter from his hands, April 11th, 1785 — recommending 
Major Roger Alden, the friend and correspondent of Captain Nathan Hale, to an 



1785. CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 689 

Dressing, as he did, in the costume of the early part of the 
eighteenth century — which he retained down to the close of 
his life — his personal appearance, in his single-breasted, 
broad-flapped coat of richest cloth — his low, silk-embroidered 
vest — and wristbands ruffled with fastidious care, and studded 
with sleeve buttons of costly gold — was dignified and impos- 
ing — while his discourse, serious or cheerful as the occasion 
demanded, but always mild, was set off by manners, which, 
as has been justly remarked,* "won the admiration and re- 
gard of those who were familiar with courts and courtiers, 
as well as of his own unsophisticated countrymen." He 
never in conversation plunged into controversies for the sake 
either of victory or excitement. Sarcasm had no place in 
his bosom, save for the enemies of his country — seldom rail- 
lery, however good-humored. He was above envy, and nei- 
ther injured others by malice, or himself by folly. 

On the other hand, he had that complaisance — the result 
of good sense and good breeding — which in society " smoothes 
distinctions, sweetens conversation, encourages the timorous, 
soothes the turbulent, and makes every one pleased with 
himself." His house was the stranger's home, and the favor- 
ite resort of friendship. To all, the welcome of his hospital- 
ity was most cordial. 

He zealously promoted neighborhood harmony, both by 

office under Congress — as a specimen both of h.is zeal for others, and of his man- 
ner when aiming to conciliate interest in their favor. 

"Being informed," he writes, addressing Dr. W. S. Johnson — " that the office 
of Deputy Secretary to Congress is about to be filled up upon a new arrangement 
of that Department — and that Congress is casting about to find some suitable 
person for the appointment — I take the liberty to mention to you Major Koger 
Alden as a person well qualified to sustain the duties of such an office. Born in 
my neighborhood, and educated in a manner under my eye, I have had opportu- 
nity of knowing him from his youth to the present time, and can therefore say 
that I look upon him as a young gentleman possessed of natural good abilities, 
enlarged by a liberal education, and improved by several years' knowledge of 
mankind in the public service of his country, in which he acquitted himself with 
honor and reputation. I esteem him also possessed of integrity and attention to 
business, two very necessary requisites in the discharge of the office in question. 
Should Congress be pleased to appoint Major Alden, I shall find myself exceed- 
ingly mistaken in my opinion if he does not sustain the office with propriety and 
reputation, and discharge the duties of it to their acceptance and good satisfac- 
tion. I am, &c." 

* In the National Portrait Gallery. 
58* 



690 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785- 

his own example, and by his counsel and professional aid. 
Was there a controversy in reference to property or business 
which arbitrament could settle? To Trumbull, especially, 
appeal was made. Were there wounds of feeling to be 
healed ? Trumbull was the physician there. Confidence in 
his personal character was universal and unlimited. The 
plant of friendship, both for the sake of his own happiness 
and that of others, he cultivated with care — seeking ever to 
engraft it on the stock of merit, and to keep it green and 
budding. In reproof gentle, in commendation discreet — dis- 
countenancing and condemning all anger and uncharitable- 
ness — never listening to the recitals of prejudice, or to the 
whispers of detraction — he treated the infirmities of others 
with parental solicitude, allured to gentleness, and led to 
peace. 

His own too, peculiarly, was that spirit of genuine benev- 
olence which is not only alive to all human sufiering, but 
which — springing from the simple love of doing good, and 
not from the motive of ostentation — was never therefore 
squandered in loose prodigalities, and was always consistent 
in its display. 

None could be sick in his neighborhood that he did not 
visit and relieve. His attention in this respect was proverb- 
ial.* Numerous medicines, and other appliances for relief in 
illness — some of them quite costly, and which in his day it 
was difl&cult to procure — he kept for use whenever wanted. f 
Like another illustrious Governor of Connecticut in the olden 
time — John Winthrop — though not like him a professed phy- 
sician — Trumbull too possessed much knowledge in the heal- 
ing art, and went about with it reading often the true diag- 
nosis of disease, and administering healing prescriptions. 
And whether bestowing alms within the humble cottage, or 
the poor-house — on the widow, the orphan, or the wayside 
mendicant — whether contriving for the comfortable subsist- 

* He habitually, as we have had occasion heretofore to suggest, carried a piece 
of myrrh in the pocket of his waistcoat, both as a guard for himself against the 
miasm of the sick room, and for the benefit of invalids. 

t A costly silver spout-cnp, for example, and a warming-pan of shining brass — 
in his time rarities — were m request wherever almost, around him, the bed of a 
sufferer could be found. 



1785. CHAP. LVI.— TRUMBULL. 691 

ence of the soldier in the field, or upon his return weary, 
wounded, and pennyless to his home — whether sending gen- 
erous presents from the produce of his farm to the teachers 
of his sons, or golden guineas " in token of his affection " to 
the needy among his relatives — whether subscribing liberally 
to the church, the school, to public charities, to private asso- 
ciations for the relief of want, or to some material improve- 
ment in his own town, county, or State — in all the forms in 
which the benevolent spirit can display itself, he labored to 
chase sad shadows off from the face of life, and to extend, in 
every direction, the sphere of human enjoyment. 

As a Christian, Governor Trumbull led a life of singular 
godliness. The religious spirit in him, as the Reader of this 
Memoir must have repeatedly remarked, was uncommonly 
fervid. Profoundly impressed with the truths of the Bible — ■ 
believing them to be the basis both of civil society, and of 
the society of the blest in heaven — ^feeling in his inmost heart 
that they formed that connecting link between man and his 
Creator which binds humanity to the Eternal Throne, and 
which, once sundered, man " floats away a worthless atom in 
the universe, out of his proper being, out of the circle of all 
his duties, out of the circle of all his happiness " — he there- 
fore clung to their investigation with tireless devotion — 
labored to exemplify them in all his conduct — and toiled and 
thirsted for their extension. 

Spiritual meditation, prayer, and praise, were his daily 
food — not as forms of godliness alone, but as " the power " — 
both that he might sublimate his own thoughts and affec- 
tions for heaven, and strengthen them for the duties of earth. 
There was no occasion hardly, it is worthy of remark, on 
which he did not recognize the superintending Providence of 
God, and speak of it in terms of awe. Many of lighter relig- 
ious sense than himself might think that he carried this rec- 
ognition too far, at times, into the common affairs of life, and 
too constantly indulged in phrases of devotional formality — 
that a bulletin, for example, announcing the hand of man in 
battle need not, so often as it did, have given him occasion to 
note the hand of God — that small circumstantial changes in 
the course of events ought not, so much as they did in his 



692 CHAP. LYI. — TRUMBULL. 1185. 

mind, to have instigated the idea of divine guidance — nor 
occasions of public proclamations or correspondence on civil 
affairs have provoked so frequently from his pen strains of 
pious reflection. 

But to the profoundly religious mind, that sees God in 
everything — that feels that He has numbered the hairs of our 
heads, and that not a sparrow can fall to the ground without 
his notice — this seeming excess of spiritual zeal will appear 
but as the natural effusion of a soul whose conception of the 
Supreme Disposer of all events was such — so pervaded with 
" pious awe and trembling solicitude " — that everywhere in 
the world of nature and of man it sought with eagerness to 
trace the manifestations of his power. Certain it is that his 
zeal never degenerated into fanaticism — for he entertained no 
crude or extravagant notions concerning religion, unless the 
best doctrines of Calvin can be so regarded. Nor did he ex- 
hibit any wild enthusiasm in maintaining them. Nor, on the 
other hand, did he ever so mix material philosophy with re- 
ligious sentiment as to translate the teachings of the Bible 
either into any wayward doctrines of Transcendentalism, or 
into any cold or fashionable system of Formalism. But calm 
in his reasonings upon points of doctrine — free from all en- 
venomed sectarian taint — he adopted his creed with consider- 
ateness — and then allowed his soul to warm over it with such 
mingled gravity and cheerfulness — so wisely and so well — as 
to commend his Christian virtues signally to the respect and 
attachment of all his cotemporaries. He was emphatically a 
model of Christian charity, forbearance, and well doing. His 
name, during his lifetime, is " spread all over the records of 
the Church " in his native town, as its chief pillar, counsellor, 
and friend. 

As a scholar, his life was distinguished for addiction to 
study whenever the cares of business allowed him the oppor- 
tunity. In his youth — and during much of his career down 
to the Eevolution — and for a little while after the Peace — he 
enjoyed this opportunity quite abundantly. And he im- 
proved it with that devotion which showed a radical desire 
for self-culture, and which prizes knowledge, not only for 
its own intrinsic worth, but for the beneficial power also 



1785. CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 693 

with which it arms its possessor over the happiness of 
mankind. 

Characteristically, he sought instruction for solid use — for 
practical adaptation — seldom for ornament merely, and never 
for parade. So strong indeed in him was the preference of fact 
to fancy — of the useful to the merely pleasant or ornamental — 
that, were it not for the sensibility he ultimately exhibited 
to his 3'oungest son's success as a painter, we should doubt 
whether the fine arts, for example, would have ever received 
from his understanding any homage. Were it not, again, 
that we perceive in public documents, and other compositions 
from his pen, great simplicity and neatness — a style often 
highly refined — words aptly chosen — and sentences happily 
collocated— we should hardly believe that the graces of com- 
position, as such, had ever in study commanded his attention. 

As the case with him in fact was, he loved the heroes of Ther- 
mopylae and Marathon, in classic reading, much more than the 
heroes of Homer. The Hill of Mars, where Demosthenes thun- 
dered, aftd roused his countrymen to glorious deeds of arms, at- 
tracted him far more than the top of Hymettus, where the bees 
distilled honey either for paeans to Apollo, or dythyrambics to 
Bacchus. The groves of the Academy, and the banks of the 
Hyssus — where Plato taught wisdom to the youth of Athens, 
and Socrates drew down philosophy from heaven — were infi- 
nitely more grateful to his contemplation than the fountains 
of Helicon or Pindus, where Terpsichore held her seven- 
stringed lyre, and Thalia her comic staff, and the mild Mel- 
pomene her tragic mask. 

But dearer far to the ear of his scholarship than all the 
narratives, philosophy, eloquence, or song of classic Greece 
and Rome, was God's own great anthem of revelation in Holy 
Writ. With a satisfaction such as his mind experienced 
from no other source, he read in the sublime Hebrew the in- 
genuous recitals of Moses, the sparkling aphorisms of the 
Proverbs, the "sententious and roj^al " wisdom of Solomon, and 
the loft}^ strains of Isaiah, The dew of Hermon on his brow — 
Bozrah's red wine upon his lips — he sat down at Siloah's 
fount, fast by the oracles of God — there b}'' turns, with relish 
that was unsurpassed, to melt over the dirges of Jeremiah — 



694 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785. 

imbibe "the tender freshness of pastoral bymns" — or glow 
with " the purple tumult " of David's triumphal Psalms. 

Together with a knowledge of Greek and Latin, and of 
Hebrew, with its cognate dialects to some extent — of which 
last language, as we have noticed, he compiled a Grammar — 
history, chronology, and jurisprudence also, as we have seen, 
were favorite studies with Trumbull. And they were all 
pursued by him with reference, constantly, to their practical 
application — and with such good success as to establish for 
himself a literary and civil fame, which won for him honor- 
ary degrees, of the highest grade, from the Universities of 
Yale in America, and of Edinborough in Scotland. 

But though his scholarship took chiefly the directions now 
mentioned, jet he was by no means inattentive to acquisi- 
tions in other departments of learning. The sterling Eng- 
lish Classics were familiar to him. He had a good acquaint- 
ance with astronomy — as the frequent notings upon the pages 
of his almanacs clearly show. He knew much of mathemat- 
ics, natural philosophy, and the laws of mechanics. To the 
exact sciences generally, he attached high value — not only 
on account of their own peculiar results, but because espe- 
cially of the training which they afford — particularly in the art 
of reasoning — for the higher ethical, religious, jural, and polit- 
ical speculations. One might almost, in this respect, have 
written over the door of his mind the inscription which Plato 
placed over the door of his Philosophical School at Athens — • 
" Let no one unacquainted with geometry enter here ! " He 
was not unfamiliar with natural history, and the Materia 
Medica. He had more than ordinary information upon agri- 
culture as a science as well as a practical art. In short, 
Trumbull had carefully stored away from the stock of human 
knowledge such treasures as became a gentleman of accom- 
plished education in his day — and used them with happy in- 
dustry, and flattering success. 

Eminent again among his characteristics, and shining 
through every part of his life, was that leader among the vir- 
tues, as Plato entitles it — Prudence. He deliberated with 
caution upon the means suited to effect the ends he had in 
view, and with singular natural sagacity detected and select- 



1785. CHAP. LVI. — ^TRUMBULL. 695 

ed from among them all those which, under the circum- 
stances, were the best. Nor was his prudence confined with- 
in this the ordinary sphere which moralists assign to this vir- 
tue. It took with him a far higher range. It not only in- 
volved the exercise of a sound judgment in selecting means, 
but itself struck out important and laudable ends to which 
these means should be applied — was itself, in fact, not only a 
culler and chooser among plans, like a wise inspector among 
goods, but was also often their originator. Here then, in 
this double combination, was prudence in its most exalted 
sense — that of wisdom applied to practice — that of knowl- 
edge brought with judicious skill to bear both on the creation 
and on the accomplishment of measures for good. This was 
the prudence contemplated by the philosophic Plato when he 
called it, as we have stated, the "Leader among the vir- 
tues " — and this was the peculiar alchemy in Trumbull which 
turned his guidance of affairs into gold. 

We stop not to contemplate it in its exhibitions in his pri- 
vate life — but as regards its development in his public career, 
what Header of this Memoir will not at once, in this connec- 
tion, recall the facts, that during the emergencies of the old 
French War, Trumbull was repeatedly selected by Connecti- 
cut to sit in Council with the Chief Executives and leading 
minds of other States — and with British commanders-in-chief, 
and other officers of distinguished rank — for the purpose of 
devising measures to carry on the great struggle against 
French power in the New World — and that twice also, at 
about this period, he was chosen by his native Colony to 
represent her at the imperial Court of Great Britain ! Here 
were striking compliments to his prudence in his earlier years. 

As time advanced, and he reached the highest executive 
post in Connecticut, we find him in times of peace charged — 
often ahne — with the management of civil affairs of vital in- 
terest to the State — often with controversies, as those respect- 
ing the Mohegan and Susquehannah lands, of transcendent 
importance to Connecticut, and most delicate and difficult in 
the guidance they required. Here are other proofs of the 
public confidence in his prudence. 

But more than all, we have seen him during a war of seven 



696 CHAP. LVI. — TEUMBULL. 1185. 

years, that not only " tried men's souls " on the field of battle, 
but tasked to the utmost their wisdom in counsel — that in 
fact called imperiously for all the foresight, and all the cir- 
cumspection of which human nature is capable — we have 
seen him under these circumstances, not only kept steadily at 
the helm of Connecticut, but guiding her Ship of State — him- 
self often the only pilot — with a success so admirable as not 
only to keep her off from the breakers which maddened for 
her destruction, but to preserve her staunch and sound, and 
take her at last, in beauty and in triumph, into the port of 
peace. Here again was demonstration the most signal of the 
confidence in Trumbull's prudence. 

But this confidence was not confined to the bosoms of his 
own immediate constituents. It extended over the Union. 
It was specially manifested by Congress, whose consultations 
with him, in one form and another — either as a Body, or 
through correspondence by Members — was almost habitual. 
It was manifested by Executive Magistrates, and Councils, 
and Committees of surrounding States, that sought steadily 
Ms advice. But more than all, it was shown by the Father 
of his Country — the immortal Washington — who never 
failed — it may almost with exactness be said — upon every 
occasion of emergency during the entire War of the Eevolu- 
tion, to lean for counsel upon jCrambull's sagacious mind as 
strongly as he leaned for material co-operation upon Trum- 
bull's stalwart arm. 

So frequently did the Commander-in-chief appeal to the 
latter for his deliberation and judgment, that — not only when 
any conjuncture of difficulty or peril arose, but even often 
when matters not involving peril, but simply facts and cir- 
cumstances hard of solution, were under his consideration — 
he was in the habit of remarking — " We must consult Brother 
Jonathan " — a phrase which his intimate relations of friend- 
ship with the Governor of Connecticut fully warranted, as 
well as the fact — probably well known to Washington — that 
'''■Brother Jonathan " was the title of familiar but respectful 
endearment by which Trumbull was often designated in his 
own neighborhood and home, among a large circle of rela- 
tives, friends, and acquaintances generally. 



1785. CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 697 

From the marquee and council-rooms of the Commander- 
in-chief, the phrase "t(;e must consult BrolJier Jonathan'''' 
passed out to the soldiery. And gradually spreading from 
mouth to mouth, as occasions of doubt and perplexity, and 
finally even of slight embarrassments, arose — soon became a 
popular and universal phrase in the whole American army — 
in use to unravel the threads of almost every entanglement — 
solve every scruple — unriddle every enigma — settle every 
confusion — smooth every anxiety — and untie even — as a kind 
of pis-alkr, as a catch-phrase of wand-like power — every little 
Gordian knot of social converse. 

From the camp the expression passed to adjacent neighbor- 
hoods — from adjacent neighborhoods to States — and both in 
this way, and through the medium of returning soldiery, be- 
came propagated through the country at large — until finally, 
syncopated in part, it was universally appropriated, through 
its two emphatic closing words "Brother Jokathan," as a 
sobriquet, current to the present day — and which, will con- 
tinue current, probably, through ages yet to come — for that 
mightiest of all Republics that ever flung its standard to the 
breezes of heaven — the United States of America ! 

So it happens, that a Governor of Connecticut — and this 
the one we commemorate — ^by force of an exalted virtue, sig- 
nally developed in himself, has enstamped his own name 
upon half the Continent of the New World ! In his name a 
colossal nation has been baptized.* The Kingdoms of the 

* " Brother Jonathan. — The origin of this term as applied to the United States, is 
given in a recent number of the Norwich Courier. The editor says it was com- 
municated by one of the most intelligent gentlemen and sterling Whigs in Con- 
necticut, now upwards of eighty years of age, who was an active participator in 
the scenes of the Revolution. The story is as follows : — 

" When General Washington, after being appointed commander of the army of 
the Revolutionary War, came to Massachusetts to organize it, and make prepara- 
tions for the defence of the country, he found a great destitution of ammunition 
and other means necessary to meet the powerful foe he had to contend with ; and 
great difficulty to obtain them. If attacked in such condition, the cause at once 
might be hopeless. On one occasion, at that anxious period, a consultation of the 
officers and others was had, when it seemed no way could be devised to make 
such preparation as was necessary. His Excellency, Jonathan TnunbuU the 
elder, was then Governor of the State of Connecticut, on whose judgment and 
aid the General placed the greatest reliance, and remarked, " We must consult 
' Brother Jonathan' on the subject." The General did so, and the Governor was 
successful in supplying many of the wants of the army. When difficulties after- 
69 



698 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785- 

■world — Principalities and Powers — now consult Brother 
Jonathan ! 

The virtue of which we have now spoken is peculiarly the 
product of a well-balanced mind — of intellectual and moral 
powers, and sensitive faculties, that act in unison — and 
which — free from vehemence, contortion, or wildness — blend- 
ing in harmony like colors that form the enriching light — 
operate with regularity, and with noiseless, etherial force 
upon the great fabric of human society. 

Such, characteristically, was the mind of Trumbull, viewed 
as a whole. In him there was no disordered saliency of one 
power or fliculty above another — no disproportioned predom- 
inance of the reason, the will, or the imagination — no such 
distinctive structure of intellect, no such idiosyncracy of tem- 
perament, as constitutes genius in its peculiar sense. He 
made no bold and daring flights into the region of invention. 
He had no fancies to indulge whose force, meteoric and elec- 
tric, burst from a central spirit like lava from a volcano. 
There was no overruling aptitude in his nature for any spe- 
cial sphere of mental effort, within which, and within which 
alone, his soul — conscious of a power which no precepts 
could control, and no industry could acquire — felt irresist- 
ably compelled to expend its energies, and to create excellen- 
cies beyond the reach of the ordinary rules of art and bounds 
of human knowledge. 

On the other hand, his mind — naturally quick, as we have 
seen, in its perceptive power, and highly retentive — gathered 
its materials from observation, rather than originated them 
from reflection — from the world, from mankind, from books, 
from all the various repositories of knowledge which fell under 
its eye, sought and appropriated the stores which fed its opera- 
tions. It put everything in place. It did not mistake ad- 
juncts for essentials. It was restrained by no conventional- 
isms that shut out inquiry. It was deluded neither by forms 

wards arose, and the army was spread over the country, it became a by-word, 
" We must consult Brotlier JonatJian.''^ The terra Yankee is still applied to a por- 
tion, but ^^ Brother JonatJian^' has now become a designation of the whole 
country, as John Bull has for England." — Supplement to tifie Courant, Hartford, 
December 12, 1846-^a//e 199. 



1785. CHAP. LVI. — TEUMBULL. 699 

nor phrases. Making "a naked circle" around the subjects 
it examined, that it might have a lucid view of them, and 
reach their core — rendering its arguments " as guarded and 
complete, as if its only hope lay in diligence and logic" — it 
in this manner — aided by a temperament whose natural calm- 
ness was deepened by the habit of deliberation — worked out 
the results to which it arrived — practical eminently so, as we 
have found them — ^beautiful in their variety — and bountiful, 
many of them boundless, in their utility. 

This, in our view, is the true aspect of Trumbull's mind. 
It produced by ratiocination rather than by intuition. The 
fabrics it wove were of materials gathered almost entirely 
from without^ but were the result of skillful intertexture, and 
were ever tissued with the gold and silver of common sense. 
Like Washington, he had talent rather than genius — the gift 
of a sound understanding more than the gift of imagination — 
a dowry of solid, durable good sense, in union with superior 
natural sagacity, a deep-seated love for truth, and a regard 
for justice that was ardent, pure, invincible, and exhaustless. 

Such in his life, public and private — in the characteristics 
of his mind and temper — in himself, and in his relations to 
society, the world, and to God — such, so far as the materials 
in our hands have enabled us to view him, was Jonathan 
Trumbull, the Eevolutionary Governor of Connecticut. 

If strong intellect, and extensive knowledge, fixed indus- 
try, the conception of great ends, and perseverance and suc- 
cess in their execution — if an exalted sense of honor, incor- 
ruptible integrity, energy of purpose, consummate prudence, 
impregnable fortitude, a broad, generous, and quenchless 
patriotism, charities ever active, wise, and fervent — if all 
these qualities — in union with a most amiable temper, and 
the gentlest manners — and in affiliation too with all the no- 
ble graces of the Christian faith — if these constitute a great 
and a good man, that man was Trumbull. In the noblest 
sense in which noble results fling radiance back upon their 
author — the radiance of love, gratitude, and admiration, for 
suffering alleviated — for happiness conferred — for liberty 
rendered a blessing, religion a stay and staff, and civilization, 
in all its aspects, a rich diffusive boon — under all this felici 



700 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785. 

tous and sumptuous significance given to the phrase, it may 
be said of Trumbull emphatically — his works do folbw him I 
Connecticut contained his hearth-stone — America was the 
campaigning-ground of his patriotism — the whole world of 
humanity his field of benevolence — God his unfailing hope — 
and Heaven his final home. 



^99 








, ^ ' « * '^-^ ' " ' ' " - 
















8 I ^ 



A-^ 






1 V 1 « 








.^^' ^' 



.\0 ^:. 







LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




011 711 851 4 



